Chapter
12 Gender,
Sex, and Sexuality
Gender, Sex,
and Sexuality
12
FIGURE 12.1 New opportunities, laws, and attitudes have opened the door for people to take on roles that are not
traditionally associated with their gender. But despite this progress, many people are misunderstood or mistreated
based on gender.
CHAPTER OUTLINE
12.1 Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality
12.3 Sexuality
INTRODUCTION Imagine that there’s a fire in a building nearby. As you watch the flames and smoke pour out
of windows, you also watch firefighters run inside. Minutes go by and more people arrive–crowds, news trucks,
ambulances. Firefighters working the hoses start pointing to a top-floor window, where a lone member of their
crew emerges half-pulling, half-carrying a victim of the fire. Behind them, through the window, you can see the
fire in the background, flames that the firefighter must have pushed through to get to the victim. Eventually,
others reach them with large ladders, and they bring the nearly unconscious victim down to the street.
Close up, you can see the heroic firefighter is covered in dirt and soot. A large gash is visible in their suit, and
they’re immediately given medical attention. As the EMTs pull off the firefighters’ helmet, you’re surprised to
see features you identify as a woman’s. You had just assumed the person was a man, but you were incorrect.
You wouldn’t be alone. For centuries, nearly all firefighters had been men. As a child, saying fireman and
firemen may have been perfectly appropriate, because all the people you met in the profession were, in fact,
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men. But as with many professions that were formerly almost exclusively gender-specific, firefighting has
become more integrated.
What does that mean for the people in those professions? They must endure physical challenges, overcome
stereotypes about any physical limitations, and likely deal with a culture built over a long time to appeal to and
serve the needs of men. As they train, firefighters may be yelled at and undergo levels of punishment for not
achieving the necessary standards. Does the dynamic of those interactions change when a man in a superior
position is for the first time giving orders and issuing reprimands to people of another gender? Should they be
able to treat women the same way they treated men? What would be equal in that situation?
Consider another profession. What would you think about if you witnessed a young woman by a man? Is she
fulfilling the role society may assume for her? Does it matter that the person spraying her is a man, and that he
has a degree of control over her?
Military police and security personnel are required to be pepper sprayed at least once during their training.
The logic goes: They may have to utilize this deterrent against other people, and so they should have
experienced it. While there are no guarantees that the future enforcement officer will use the substances
judiciously, having experienced the painful effects of pepper spray is deemed more likely to produce a level of
empathy and restraint.
But is this what she signed up for? Assuming that these military personnel have undergone some level of
training prior to this event—they’ve invested their lives and others have invested in them—could she turn
back? How would her peers react? How would her family and others react?
Saving someone from a burning building takes a degree of courage and ability that is very rare, regardless of
gender. Voluntary pepper spraying is an extreme situation, again regardless of gender. But gender plays a role
in how we see the people involved in both situations. Gender and sexuality are among the most powerful and
impactful elements of people’s identities, and drive the way they see the world and the way the world sees
them. People of different genders go through difficult circumstances and events based partly on their role in
society—a role that they do not often define for themselves. And when people express, identify, or outwardly
display signs that they do not fit in a societies, established categories, they may face exclusion and
discrimination.
12.1 Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
By the end of this section, you should be able to:
• Define and differentiate between sex and gender
• Define and discuss what is meant by gender identity
• Distinguish the meanings of different sexual orientations, gender identities, and gender expressions
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12.1 • Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
FIGURE 12.2 While the biological differences between males and females are fairly straightforward, the social and
cultural aspects of being a man or woman can be complicated. (Credit: Mapbox Uncharted ERG /flickr)
When filling out a document such as a job application or school registration form, you are often asked to
provide your name, address, phone number, birth date, and sex or gender. But have you ever been asked to
provide your sex and your gender? Like most people, you may not have realized that sex and gender are not the
same. However, sociologists and most other social scientists view them as conceptually distinct. Sex refers to
physical or physiological differences between males and females, including both primary sex characteristics
(the reproductive system) and secondary characteristics such as height and muscularity. Gender refers to
behaviors, personal traits, and social positions that society attributes to being female or male.
A person’s sex, as determined by their biology, does not always correspond with their gender. Therefore, the
terms sex and gender are not interchangeable. A baby who is born with male genitalia will most likely be
identified as male. As a child or adult, however, they may identify with the feminine aspects of culture. Since
the term sex refers to biological or physical distinctions, characteristics of sex will not vary significantly
between different human societies. Generally, persons of the female sex, regardless of culture, will eventually
menstruate and develop breasts that can lactate. Characteristics of gender, on the other hand, may vary greatly
between different societies. For example, in U.S. culture, it is considered feminine (or a trait of the female
gender) to wear a dress or skirt. However, in many Middle Eastern, Asian, and African cultures, sarongs, robes,
or gowns are considered masculine. The kilt worn by a Scottish man does not make him appear feminine in
that culture.
The dichotomous or binary view of gender (the notion that someone is either male or female) is specific to
certain cultures and is not universal. In some cultures gender is viewed as fluid. In the past, some
anthropologists used the term berdache to refer to individuals who occasionally or permanently dressed and
lived as a different gender. The practice has been noted among certain Native American tribes (Jacobs,
Thomas, and Lang 1997). Samoan culture accepts what Samoans refer to as a “third gender.” Fa’afafine, which
translates as “the way of the woman,” is a term used to describe individuals who are born biologically male but
embody both masculine and feminine traits. Fa’afafines are considered an important part of Samoan culture.
Individuals from other cultures may mislabel their sexuality because fa’afafines have a varied sexual life that
may include men and women (Poasa 1992).
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SOCIAL POLICY AND DEBATE
The Legalese of Sex and Gender
The terms sex and gender have not always been differentiated in the English language. It was not until the 1950s
that U.S. and British psychologists and other professionals formally began distinguishing between sex and gender.
Since then, professionals have increasingly used the term gender (Moi 2005). By the end of the twenty-first century,
expanding the proper usage of the term gender to everyday language became more challenging—particularly where
legal language is concerned. In an effort to clarify usage of the terms sex and gender, U.S. Supreme Court Justice
Antonin Scalia wrote in a 1994 briefing, “The word gender has acquired the new and useful connotation of cultural
or attitudinal characteristics (as opposed to physical characteristics) distinctive to the sexes. That is to say, gender is
to sex as feminine is to female and masculine is to male” (J.E.B. v. Alabama, 144 S. Ct. 1436 [1994]). Supreme Court
Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg had a different take, however. She freely swapped them in her briefings so as to avoid
having the word “sex” pop up too often. Ginsburg decided on this approach earlier in her career while she was
arguing before the Supreme court; her Columbia Law School secretary suggested it to Ginsburg, saying that when
“those nine men” (the Supreme Court justices), “hear that word and their first association is not the way you want
them to be thinking” (Block 2020).
More recently, the word “sex” was a key element of the landmark Supreme Court case affirming that the Civil Rights
Act’s workplace protections applied to LGBTQ people. Throughout the case documents and discussions, the term
and its meanings are discussed extensively. In his decision statement, Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote, “It is impossible
to discriminate against a person for being homosexual or transgender without discriminating … based on sex”
(Supreme Court 2020). Dissenting justices and commentators felt that Gorsuch and the other justices in the
majority were recalibrating the original usage of the term. The arguments about the language itself, which occupy
much of the Court’s writings on the matter, are further evidence of the evolving nature of the words, as well as their
significance.
Sexuality and Sexual Orientation
A person’s sexuality is their capacity to experience sexual feelings and attraction. Studying sexual attitudes
and practices is a particularly interesting field of sociology because sexual behavior and attitudes about sexual
behavior have cultural and societal influences and impacts. As you will see in the Relationships, Marriage, and
Family chapter, each society interprets sexuality and sexual activity in different ways, with different attitudes
about premarital sex, the age of sexual consent, homosexuality, masturbation, and other sexual behaviors
(Widmer 1998).
A person’s sexual orientation is their physical, mental, emotional, and sexual attraction to a particular sex
(male and/or female). Sexual orientation is typically divided into several categories: heterosexuality, the
attraction to individuals of the other sex; homosexuality, the attraction to individuals of the same sex;
bisexuality, the attraction to individuals of either sex; asexuality, a lack of sexual attraction or desire for sexual
contact; pansexuality, an attraction to people regardless of sex, gender, gender identity, or gender expression;
omnisexuality, an attraction to people of all sexes, genders, gender identities, and gender expressions that
considers the person’s gender, and queer, an umbrella term used to describe sexual orientation, gender
identity or gender expression. Other categories may not refer to a sexual attraction, but rather a romantic one.
For example, an aromantic person does not experience romantic attraction; this is different from asexuality,
which refers to a lack of sexual attraction. And some sexual orientations do not refer to gender in their
description, though those who identify as having that orientation may feel attraction to a certain gender. For
example, demisexual refers to someone who feels a sexual attraction to someone only after they form an
emotional bond; the term itself doesn’t distinguish among gender identities, but the person may feel attraction
based on gender (PFLAG 2021). It is important to acknowledge and understand that many of these orientations
exist on on a spectrum, and there may be no specific term to describe how an individual feels. Some terms
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12.1 • Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
have been developed to address this—such as graysexual or grayromantic—but their usage is a personal choice
(Asexual Visibility and Education Network 2021).
People who are attracted to others of a different gender are typically referred to as “straight,” and people
attracted to others of the same gender are typically referred to as “gay” for men and “lesbian” for women. As
discussed, above, however, there are many more sexual and romantic orientations, so the term “gay,” for
example, should not be used to describe all of them. Proper terminology includes the acronyms LGBT and
LGBTQ, which stands for “Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender” (and “Queer” or “Questioning” when the Q is
added). In other cases, people and organizations may add “I” to represent Intersex people (described below),
and “A” for Asexual or Aromantic people (or sometimes for “Allies”), as well as one “P” to describe Pansexual
people and sometimes another “P” to describe Polysexual people. Finally, some people and organizations add a
plus sign (+) to represent other possible identities or orientations. Sexuality and gender terminology are
constantly changing, and may mean different things to different people; they are not universal, and each
individual define them for themselves (UC Davis LGBTQIA Resource Center 2020). Finally, a person who does
not fully understand all of these terms can still be supportive of people who have those orientations or others;
in fact, advocacy and support organizations indicate it is much better to admit you don’t know something than
to make assumptions or apply an incorrect label to someone (GLAAD 2021).
While the descriptions above are evidence of a vast degree of diversity, the United States and many other
countries are heteronormative societies, meaning many people assume heterosexual orientation is
biologically determined and is the default or normal type of orientation. While awareness and acceptance of
different sexual orientations and identities seems to be increasing, the influence of a heteronormative society
can lead LGBTQ people to be treated like “others,” even by people who do not deliberately seek to cause them
harm. This can lead to significant distress (Boyer 2020). Causes of these heteronormative behaviors and
expectations are tied to implicit biases; they can be especially harmful for children and young adults
(Tompkins 2017).
There is not a wealth of research describing exactly when people become aware of their sexual orientation.
According to current scientific understanding, individuals are usually aware of their sexual orientation
between middle childhood and early adolescence (American Psychological Association 2008). They do not
have to participate in sexual activity to be aware of these emotional, romantic, and physical attractions; people
can be celibate and still recognize their sexual orientation, and may have very different experiences of
discovering and accepting their sexual orientation. Some studies have shown that a percentage of people may
start to have feelings related to attraction or orientation at ages nine or ten, even if these feelings are not sexual
(Calzo 2018). At the point of puberty, some may be able to announce their sexual orientation, while others may
be unready or unwilling to make their sexual orientation or identity known since it goes against society’s
historical norms (APA 2008). And finally, some people recognize their true sexual orientation later in life—in
their 30s, 40s, and beyond.
There is no scientific consensus regarding the exact reasons why an individual holds a specific sexual
orientation. Research has been conducted to study the possible genetic, hormonal, developmental, social, and
cultural influences on sexual orientation, but there has been no evidence that links sexual orientation to one
factor (APA 2008). Alfred Kinsey was among the first to conceptualize sexuality as a continuum rather than a
strict dichotomy of gay or straight. He created a six-point rating scale that ranges from exclusively
heterosexual to exclusively homosexual. See the figure below. In his 1948 work Sexual Behavior in the Human
Male, Kinsey writes, “Males do not represent two discrete populations, heterosexual and homosexual. The
world is not to be divided into sheep and goats … The living world is a continuum in each and every one of its
aspects” (Kinsey 1948). Many of Kinsey’s specific research findings have been criticized or discredited, but his
influence on future research is widely accepted.
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FIGURE 12.3 The Kinsey scale indicates that sexuality can be measured by more than just heterosexuality and
homosexuality.
Later scholarship by Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick expanded on Kinsey’s notions. She coined the term “homosocial”
to oppose “homosexual,” describing nonsexual same-sex relations. Sedgwick recognized that in U.S. culture,
males are subject to a clear divide between the two sides of this continuum, whereas females enjoy more
fluidity. This can be illustrated by the way women in the United States can express homosocial feelings
(nonsexual regard for people of the same sex) through hugging, handholding, and physical closeness. In
contrast, U.S. males refrain from these expressions since they violate the heteronormative expectation that
male sexual attraction should be exclusively for females. Research suggests that it is easier for women violate
these norms than men, because men are subject to more social disapproval for being physically close to other
men (Sedgwick 1985).
Because of the deeply personal nature of sexual orientation, as well as the societal biases against certain
orientations, many people may question their sexual orientation before fully accepting it themselves. In a
similar way, parents may question their children’s sexual orientation based on certain behaviors. Simply
viewing the many web pages and discussion forums dedicated to people expressing their questions makes it
very clear that sexual orientation is not always clear. Feelings of guilt, responsibility, rejection, and simple
uncertainty can make the process and growth very challenging. For example, a woman married to a man who
recognizes that she is asexual, or a man married to a woman who recognizes that he is attracted to men, may
both have extreme difficulty coming to terms with their sexuality, as well as disclosing it to others. At younger
ages, similarly challenging barriers and difficulties exist. For example, adolescence can be a difficult and
uncertain time overall, and feelings of different or changing orientation or nonconformity can only add to the
challenges (Mills-Koonce 2018).
Gender Roles
As we grow, we learn how to behave from those around us. In this socialization process, children are
introduced to certain roles that are typically linked to their biological sex. The term gender role refers to
society’s concept of how men and women are expected to look and how they should behave. These roles are
based on norms, or standards, created by society. In U.S. culture, masculine roles are usually associated with
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12.1 • Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
strength, aggression, and dominance, while feminine roles are usually associated with passivity, nurturing,
and subordination. Role learning starts with socialization at birth. Even today, our society is quick to outfit
male infants in blue and girls in pink, even applying these color-coded gender labels while a baby is in the
womb.
One way children learn gender roles is through play. Parents typically supply boys with trucks, toy guns, and
superhero paraphernalia, which are active toys that promote motor skills, aggression, and solitary play.
Daughters are often given dolls and dress-up apparel that foster nurturing, social proximity, and role play.
Studies have shown that children will most likely choose to play with “gender appropriate” toys (or samegender toys) even when cross-gender toys are available because parents give children positive feedback (in the
form of praise, involvement, and physical closeness) for gender normative behavior (Caldera, Huston, and
O’Brien 1998). As discussed in the Socialization chapter, some parents and experts become concerned about
young people becoming too attached to these stereotypical gender roles.
FIGURE 12.4 Childhood activities and instruction, like this father-daughter duck-hunting trip, can influence people’s
lifelong views on gender roles. (Credit: Tim Miller, USFWS Midwest Region/flickr)
The drive to adhere to masculine and feminine gender roles continues later in life, in a tendency sometimes
referred to as “occupational sorting” (Gerdeman 2019). Men tend to outnumber women in professions such as
law enforcement, the military, and politics. Women tend to outnumber men in care-related occupations such
as childcare, healthcare (even though the term “doctor” still conjures the image of a man), and social work.
These occupational roles are examples of typical U.S. male and female behavior, derived from our culture’s
traditions. Adherence to these roles demonstrates fulfillment of social expectations but not necessarily
personal preference (Diamond 2002); sometimes, people work in a profession because of societal pressure
and/or the opportunities afforded to them based on their gender.
Historically, women have had difficulty shedding the expectation that they cannot be a “good mother” and a
“good worker” at the same time, which results in fewer opportunities and lower levels of pay (Ogden 2019).
Generally, men do not share this difficulty: Since the assumed role of a men as a fathers does not seem to
conflict with their perceived work role, men who are fathers (or who are expected to become fathers) do not
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face the same barriers to employment or promotion (González 2019). This is sometimes referred to as the
“motherhood penalty” versus the “fatherhood premium,” and is prevalent in many higher income countries
(Bygren 2017). These concepts and their financial and societal implications will be revisited later in the
chapter.
Gender Identity
U.S. society allows for some level of flexibility when it comes to acting out gender roles. To a certain extent,
men can assume some feminine roles and women can assume some masculine roles without interfering with
their gender identity. Gender identity is a person’s deeply held internal perception of one’s gender.
Transgender people’s sex assigned at birth and their gender identity are not necessarily the same. A
transgender woman is a person who was assigned male at birth but who identifies and/or lives as a woman; a
transgender man was assigned female at birth but lives as a man. While determining the size of the
transgender population is difficult, it is estimated that 1.4 million adults (Herman 2016) and 2 percent of high
school students in the U.S. identify as transgender (Johns 2019). The term “transgender” does not indicate
sexual orientation or a particular gender expression, and we should avoid making assumptions about people’s
sexual orientation based on knowledge about their gender identity (GLAAD 2021).
FIGURE 12.5 Actress Laverne Cox is the first openly transgender person to play a transgender character on a major
show. She won a producing Emmy and was nominated four times for the Best Actress Emmy. She is also an
advocate for LGBTQ issues outside of her career, such as in this “Ain’t I a Woman?” speaking tour. (Credit:
modification of work by “KOMUnews_Flickr”/Flickr)
Some transgender individuals may undertake a process of transition, in which they move from living in a way
that is more aligned with the sex assigned at birth to living in a way that is aligned with their gender identity.
Transitioning may take the form of social, legal or medical aspects of someone’s life, but not everyone
undertakes any or all types of transition. Social transition may involve the person’s presentation, name,
pronouns, and relationships. Legal transition can include changing their gender on government or other
official documents, changing their legal name, and so on. Some people may undergo a physical or medical
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12.1 • Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
transition, in which they change their outward, physical, or sexual characteristics in order for their physical
being to better align with their gender identity (UCSF Transgender Care 2019). They may also be known as
male-to-female (MTF) or female-to-male (FTM). Not all transgender individuals choose to alter their bodies:
many will maintain their original anatomy but may present themselves to society as another gender. This is
typically done by adopting the dress, hairstyle, mannerisms, or other characteristic typically assigned to
another gender. It is important to note that people who cross-dress, or wear clothing that is traditionally
assigned to a gender different from their biological sex, are not necessarily transgender. Cross-dressing is
typically a form of self-expression or personal style, and it does not indicate a person’s gender identity or that
they are transgender (TSER 2021).
FIGURE 12.6 The most widely known transgender pride flag was designed by transgender woman and U.S. Navy
veteran Monica Helms. Other designers have different interpretation of the transgender flag, and other groups
within the LGBTQ community have their own flags and symbols. Interestingly, Gilbert Baker, the designer of the first
widely adopted pride flag, made a point to avoid trademark or other limits on the flag, so that it could be
reinterpreted and reused by others. (Credit: crudmucosa/flickr)
There is no single, conclusive explanation for why people are transgender. Transgender expressions and
experiences are so diverse that it is difficult to identify their origin. Some hypotheses suggest biological factors
such as genetics or prenatal hormone levels as well as social and cultural factors such as childhood and
adulthood experiences. Most experts believe that all of these factors contribute to a person’s gender identity
(APA 2008).
Intersex is a general term used to describe people whose sex traits, reproductive anatomy, hormones, or
chromosomes are different from the usual two ways human bodies develop. Some intersex traits are
recognized at birth, while others are not recognizable until puberty or later in life (interACT 2021). While some
intersex people have physically recognizable features that are described by specific medical terms, intersex
people and newborns are healthy. Most in the medical and intersex community reject unnecessary surgeries
intended to make a baby conform to a specific gender assignment; medical ethicists indicate that any surgery
to alter intersex characteristics or traits—if desired—should be delayed until an individual can decide for
themselves (Behrens 2021). If a physical trait or medical condition prohibits a baby from urinating or
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performing another bodily function (which is very rare), then a medical procedure such as surgery will be
needed; in other cases, hormonal issues related to intersex characteristics may require medical intervention.
Intersex and transgender are not interchangeable terms; many transgender people have no intersex traits, and
many intersex people do not consider themselves transgender. Some intersex people believe that intersex
people should be included within the LGBTQ community, while others do not (Koyama n.d.).
Those who identify with the sex they were assigned at birth are often referred to as cisgender, utilizing the
Latin prefix “cis,” which means “on the same side.” (The prefix “trans” means “across.”) Because they are in the
majority and do not have a potential component to transition, many cisgender people do not self-identify as
such. As with transgender people, the term or usage of cisgender does not indicate a person’s sexual
orientation, gender, or gender expression (TSER 2021). And as many societies are heteronormative, they are
also cisnormative, which is the assumption or expectation that everyone is cisgender, and that anything other
than cisgender is not normal.
The language of sexuality, sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression is continually changing
and evolving. In order to get an overview of some of the most commonly used terms, explore the Trans Student
Educational Resources Online Glossary: http://openstax.org/r/tsero
When individuals do not feel comfortable identifying with the gender associated with their biological sex, then
they may experience gender dysphoria. Gender dysphoria is a diagnostic category in the fifth edition of the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) that describes individuals who do not identify
as the gender that most people would assume they are. This dysphoria must persist for at least six months and
result in significant distress or dysfunction to meet DSM-5 diagnostic criteria. In order for children to be
assigned this diagnostic category, they must verbalize their desire to become the other gender. It is important
to note that not all transgender people experience gender dysphoria, and that its diagnostic categorization is
not universally accepted. For example, in 2019, the World Health Organization reclassified “gender identity
disorder” as “gender incongruence,” and categorized it under sexual health rather than a mental disorder.
However, health and mental health professionals indicate that the presence of the diagnostic category does
assist in supporting those who need treatment or help.
People become aware that they may be transgender at different ages. Even if someone does not have a full (or
even partial) understanding of gender terminology and its implications, they can still develop an awareness
that their gender assigned at birth does not align with their gender identity. Society, particularly in the United
States, has been reluctant to accept transgender identities at any age, but we have particular difficulty
accepting those identities in children. Many people feel that children are too young to understand their
feelings, and that they may “grow out of it.” And it is true that some children who verbalize their identification
or desire to live as another gender may ultimately decide to live in alignment with their assigned gender. But if
a child consistently describes themselves as a gender (or as both genders) and/or expresses themselves as that
gender over a long period of time, their feelings cannot be attributed to going through a “phase” (Mayo Clinic
2021).
Some children, like many transgender people, may feel pressure to conform to social norms, which may lead
them to suppress or hide their identity. Experts find evidence of gender dysphoria—the long-term distress
associated with gender identification—in children as young as seven (Zaliznyak 2020). Again, most children
have a limited understanding of the social and societal impacts of being transgender, but they can feel strongly
that they are not aligned with their assigned sex. And considering that many transgender people do not come
out or begin to transition until much later in life—well into their twenties—they may live for a long time under
that distress.
Discrimination Against LGBTQ people
Recall from the chapter on Crime and Deviance that the FBI’s hate crime data indicates that crimes against
LGBTQ people have been increasing, and that those crimes account for nearly one in five hate crimes
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12.1 • Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
committed in the United States (FBI 2020). While the disbanding of anti-LGBTQ laws in the United States has
reduced government or law enforcement oppression or abuse, it has not eliminated it. In other countries,
however, LGBTQ people can face even more danger. Reports from the United Nations, Human Rights Watch,
and the International Lesbian, Gay, Trans, and Intersex Association (ILGA) indicate that many countries
impose penalties for same-sex relationships, gender noncomformity, and other acts deemed opposed to the
cultural or religious observances of the nation. As of 2020, six United Nations members imposed the death
penalty for consensual same-sex acts, and another 61 countries penalized same sex acts, through jail time,
corporal punishment (such as lashing), or other measures. These countries include prominent United States
allies such as the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia (both of which can legally impose the death penalty
for same-sex acts). Some nearby nations criminalize same-sex relations: Barbados can impose lifetime
imprisonment for same-sex acts, and Jamaica, St. Kitts and Nevis, and Saint Lucia have lesser penalties,
though Saint Lucia’s government indicates it does not enforce those laws (ILGA 2020). Even when the
government criminal code does not formalize anti-LGBTQ penalties, local ordinances or government agents
may have wide discretion. For example, many people fleeing Central American countries do so as a result of
anti-LGBTQ violence, sometimes at the hands of police (Human Rights Watch 2020).
Such severe treatment at the hands of the government is no longer the case in the United States. But until the
1960s and 1970s, every state in the country criminalized same-sex acts, which allowed the military to
dishonorably discharge gay veterans (stripping them of all benefits) and law enforcement agencies to
investigate and detain people suspected of same-sex acts. Police regularly raided bars and clubs simply for
allowing gay and lesbian people to dance together. Public decency laws allowed police to arrest people if they
did not wear clothing aligning with the typical dress for their biological sex. Criminalization of same-sex acts
began to unravel at the state level in the 1960’s and 1970s, and was fully invalidated in a 2003 Supreme Court
decision.
Hate crimes and anti-LGBTQ legislation are overt types of discrimination, but LGBTQ people are also treated
differently from straight and cisgender people in schools, housing, and in healthcare. This can have effects on
mental health, employment and financial opportunities, and relationships. For example, more than half of
LGBTQ adults and 70 percent of those who are transgender or gender nonconforming report experiencing
discrimination from a health care professional; this leads to delays or reluctance in seeking care or
preventative visits, which has negative health outcomes (American Heart Association 2020). Similarly, elderly
LGBTQ people are far less likely to come out to healthcare professionals than are straight or cisgender people,
which may also lead to healthcare issues at an age that is typically highly reliant on medical care (Foglia 2014).
Much of this discrimination is based on stereotypes and misinformation. Some is based on heterosexism,
which Herek (1990) suggests is both an ideology and a set of institutional practices that privilege heterosexuals
and heterosexuality over other sexual orientations. Much like racism and sexism, heterosexism is a systematic
disadvantage embedded in our social institutions, offering power to those who conform to heterosexual
orientation while simultaneously disadvantaging those who do not. Homophobia, an extreme or irrational
aversion to LGB people or people thought to be LGB people, accounts for further stereotyping and
discrimination. Transphobia is a fear, hatred, or dislike of transgender people, and/or prejudice and
discrimination against them by individuals or institutions.
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Fighting discrimination and being an ally
FIGURE 12.7 Hashtags, pride parades, and other activism are important elements of supporting LGBTQ people, but
most experts and advocates agree that some of the most important steps are ones taken internally to better
educate ourselves, and on interpersonal levels with friends, coworkers, and family members. (Credit: Lars Verket/
flickr)
Major policies to prevent discrimination based on sexual orientation have not come into effect until recent
years. In 2011, President Obama overturned “don’t ask, don’t tell,” a controversial policy that required gay and
lesbian people in the US military to keep their sexuality undisclosed. In 2015, the Supreme Court ruled in the
case of Obgerfell vs. Hodges that the right to civil marriage was guaranteed to same-sex couples. And, as
discussed above, in the landmark 2020 Supreme Court decision added sexual orientation and gender identity
as categories protected from employment discrimination by the Civil Rights Act. At the same time, laws passed
in several states permit some level of discrimination against same-sex couples and other LGBTQ people based
on a person’s individual religious beliefs or prejudices.
Supporting LGTBQ people requires effort to better understand them without making assumptions. Understand
people by listening, respecting them, and by remembering that every person—LGBTQ or otherwise— is
different. Being gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, or asexual is not a choice, but the way a
person expresses or reveals that reality is their choice. Your experience or knowledge of other LGBTQ people
(even your own experience if you are LGBTQ) cannot dictate how another person feels or acts. Finally, as
discussed in the Race and Ethnicity chapter, intersectionality means that people are defined by more than
their gender identity and sexual orientation. People from different age groups, races, abilities, and experiences
within the LGTBQ community have different perspectives and needs.
While each individual has their own perspective, respecting their feelings and protecting their equality and
wellbeing does have some common elements. These include referring to a person as they would like to be
referred to, including the avoidance of abbreviations or slang terms unless you are sure they accept them. For
example, many people and organizations (including those referenced in this chapter) use the abbreviation
“trans” to represent transgender people, but a non-transgender person should not use that abbreviation unless
they know the person or subject is comfortable with it. Respect also includes people’s right to privacy: One
person should never out a person to someone else or assume that someone is publicly out. LGBTQ allies can
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12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality
support everyone’s rights to be equal and empowered members of society, including within organizations,
institutions, and even individual classrooms.
Supporting others may require a change in mindset and practice. For example, if a transgender person wants
to be referred to by a different name, or use different pronouns, it might take some getting used to, especially if
you have spent years referring to the person by another name or by other pronouns. However, making the
change is worthwhile and not overly onerous.
You can learn more about being an ally through campus, government, and organizational resources like the
Human Rights Campaign’s guide https://www.hrc.org/resources/being-an-lgbtq-ally
Language is an important part of culture, and it has been evolving to better include and describe people who
are not gender-binary. In many languages, including English, pronouns are gendered. That is, pronouns are
intended to identify the gender of the individual being referenced. English has traditionally been binary,
providing only “he/him/his,” for male subjects and “she/her/hers,” for female subjects.
This binary system excludes those who identify as neither male nor female. The word “they,” which was used
for hundreds of years as a singular pronoun, is more inclusive. As a result, in fact, Merriam Webster selected
this use of “they” as Word of the Year for 2019. “They” and other pronouns are now used to reference those
who do not identify as male or female on the spectrum of gender identities.
Gender inclusive language has impacts beyond personal references. In biology, anatomy, and healthcare, for
example, people commonly refer to organs or processes with gender associations. However, more accurate and
inclusive language avoids such associations. For example, women do not produce eggs; ovaries produce eggs.
Men are not more likely to be color-blind; those with XY chromosomes are more likely to be color blind
(Gender Inclusive Biology 2019).
Beyond the language of gender, the language of society and culture itself can be either a barrier or an opening
to inclusivity. Societal norms are important sociological concepts, and behaviors outside of those norms can
lead to exclusion. By disassociating gender identity, gender expression, and sexual orientation from the
concept of norms, we can begin to eliminate the implicit and explicit biases regarding those realities. In
everyday terms, this can take the form of avoiding references to what is normal or not normal in regard to
sexuality or gender (Canadian Public Health Association 2019).
12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
By the end of this section, you should be able to:
• Explain the influence of socialization on gender roles in the United States
• Explain the stratification of gender in major American institutions
• Provide examples of gender inequality in the United States
• Desribe the rise of feiminism in the United States
• Describe gender from the view of each sociological perspective
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FIGURE 12.8 Traditional images of U.S. gender roles reinforce the idea that women should be subordinate to men.
(Credit: Sport Suburban/flickr)
Gender and Socialization
The phrase “boys will be boys” is often used to justify behavior such as pushing, shoving, or other forms of
aggression from young boys. The phrase implies that such behavior is unchangeable and something that is
part of a boy’s nature. Aggressive behavior, when it does not inflict significant harm, is often accepted from
boys and men because it is congruent with the cultural script for masculinity. The “script” written by society is
in some ways similar to a script written by a playwright. Just as a playwright expects actors to adhere to a
prescribed script, society expects women and men to behave according to the expectations of their respective
gender roles. Scripts are generally learned through a process known as socialization, which teaches people to
behave according to social norms.
Socialization
Children learn at a young age that there are distinct expectations for boys and girls. Cross-cultural studies
reveal that children are aware of gender roles by age two or three. At four or five, most children are firmly
entrenched in culturally appropriate gender roles (Kane 1996). Children acquire these roles through
socialization, a process in which people learn to behave in a particular way as dictated by societal values,
beliefs, and attitudes. For example, society often views riding a motorcycle as a masculine activity and,
therefore, considers it to be part of the male gender role. Attitudes such as this are typically based on
stereotypes, oversimplified notions about members of a group. Gender stereotyping involves overgeneralizing
about the attitudes, traits, or behavior patterns of women or men. For example, women may be thought of as
too timid or weak to ride a motorcycle.
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12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality
FIGURE 12.9 Although our society may have a stereotype that associates motorcycles with men, women make up a
sizable portion of the biker community. (Credit: Robert Couse-Baker/flickr)
Gender stereotypes form the basis of sexism. Sexism refers to prejudiced beliefs that value one sex over
another. It varies in its level of severity. In parts of the world where women are strongly undervalued, young
girls may not be given the same access to nutrition, healthcare, and education as boys. Further, they will grow
up believing they deserve to be treated differently from boys (UNICEF 2011; Thorne 1993). While it is illegal in
the United States when practiced as discrimination, unequal treatment of women continues to pervade social
life. It should be noted that discrimination based on sex occurs at both the micro- and macro-levels. Many
sociologists focus on discrimination that is built into the social structure; this type of discrimination is known
as institutional discrimination (Pincus 2008).
Gender socialization occurs through four major agents of socialization: family, education, peer groups, and
mass media. Each agent reinforces gender roles by creating and maintaining normative expectations for
gender-specific behavior. Exposure also occurs through secondary agents such as religion and the workplace.
Repeated exposure to these agents over time leads men and women into a false sense that they are acting
naturally rather than following a socially constructed role.
Family is the first agent of socialization. There is considerable evidence that parents socialize sons and
daughters differently. Generally speaking, girls are given more latitude to step outside of their prescribed
gender role (Coltrane and Adams 2004; Kimmel 2000; Raffaelli and Ontai 2004). However, differential
socialization typically results in greater privileges afforded to sons. For instance, boys are allowed more
autonomy and independence at an earlier age than daughters. They may be given fewer restrictions on
appropriate clothing, dating habits, or curfew. Sons are also often free from performing domestic duties such
as cleaning or cooking and other household tasks that are considered feminine. Daughters are limited by their
expectation to be passive and nurturing, generally obedient, and to assume many of the domestic
responsibilities.
Even when parents set gender equality as a goal, there may be underlying indications of inequality. For
example, boys may be asked to take out the garbage or perform other tasks that require strength or toughness,
while girls may be asked to fold laundry or perform duties that require neatness and care. It has been found
that fathers are firmer in their expectations for gender conformity than are mothers, and their expectations
are stronger for sons than they are for daughters (Kimmel 2000). This is true in many types of activities,
including preference for toys, play styles, discipline, chores, and personal achievements. As a result, boys tend
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to be particularly attuned to their father’s disapproval when engaging in an activity that might be considered
feminine, like dancing or singing (Coltraine and Adams 2008). Parental socialization and normative
expectations also vary along lines of social class, race, and ethnicity. African American families, for instance,
are more likely than Caucasians to model an egalitarian role structure for their children (Staples and Boulin
Johnson 2004).
The reinforcement of gender roles and stereotypes continues once a child reaches school age. Until very
recently, schools were rather explicit in their efforts to stratify boys and girls. The first step toward
stratification was segregation. Girls were encouraged to take home economics or humanities courses and boys
to take math and science.
Studies suggest that gender socialization still occurs in schools today, perhaps in less obvious forms (Lips
2004). Teachers may not even realize they are acting in ways that reproduce gender differentiated behavior
patterns. Yet any time they ask students to arrange their seats or line up according to gender, teachers may be
asserting that boys and girls should be treated differently (Thorne 1993).
Even in levels as low as kindergarten, schools subtly convey messages to girls indicating that they are less
intelligent or less important than boys. For example, in a study of teacher responses to male and female
students, data indicated that teachers praised male students far more than female students. Teachers
interrupted girls more often and gave boys more opportunities to expand on their ideas (Sadker and Sadker
1994). Further, in social as well as academic situations, teachers have traditionally treated boys and girls in
opposite ways, reinforcing a sense of competition rather than collaboration (Thorne 1993). Boys are also
permitted a greater degree of freedom to break rules or commit minor acts of deviance, whereas girls are
expected to follow rules carefully and adopt an obedient role (Ready 2001).
Mimicking the actions of significant others is the first step in the development of a separate sense of self (Mead
1934). Like adults, children become agents who actively facilitate and apply normative gender expectations to
those around them. When children do not conform to the appropriate gender role, they may face negative
sanctions such as being criticized or marginalized by their peers. Though many of these sanctions are
informal, they can be quite severe. For example, a girl who wishes to take karate class instead of dance lessons
may be called a “tomboy” and face difficulty gaining acceptance from both male and female peer groups
(Ready 2001). Boys, especially, are subject to intense ridicule for gender nonconformity (Coltrane and Adams
2004; Kimmel 2000).
Mass media serves as another significant agent of gender socialization. In television and movies, women tend
to have less significant roles and are often portrayed as wives or mothers. When women are given a lead role, it
often falls into one of two extremes: a wholesome, saint-like figure or a malevolent, hypersexual figure (Etaugh
and Bridges 2003). This same inequality is pervasive in children’s movies (Smith 2008). Research indicates
that in the ten top-grossing G-rated movies released between 1991 and 2013, nine out of ten characters were
male (Smith 2008).
Television commercials and other forms of advertising also reinforce inequality and gender-based
stereotypes. Women are almost exclusively present in ads promoting cooking, cleaning, or childcare-related
products (Davis 1993). Think about the last time you saw a man star in a dishwasher or laundry detergent
commercial. In general, women are underrepresented in roles that involve leadership, intelligence, or a
balanced psyche. Of particular concern is the depiction of women in ways that are dehumanizing, especially in
music videos. Even in mainstream advertising, however, themes intermingling violence and sexuality are quite
common (Kilbourne 2000).
Social Stratification and Inequality
Stratification refers to a system in which groups of people experience unequal access to basic, yet highly
valuable, social resources. There is a long history of gender stratification in the United States. When looking to
the past, it would appear that society has made great strides in terms of abolishing some of the most blatant
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12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality
forms of gender inequality (see timeline below) but underlying effects of male dominance still permeate many
aspects of society.
•
•
•
•
•
Before 1809—Women could not execute a will
Before 1840—Women were not allowed to own or control property
Before 1920—Women were not permitted to vote
Before 1963—Employers could legally pay a woman less than a man for the same work
Before 1973—Women did not have the right to a safe and legal abortion (Imbornoni 2009)
The Pay Gap
Despite making up nearly half (49.8 percent) of payroll employment, men vastly outnumber women in
authoritative, powerful, and, therefore, high-earning jobs (U.S. Census Bureau 2010). Even when a woman’s
employment status is equal to a man’s, she will generally make only 81 cents for every dollar made by her male
counterpart (Payscale 2020). Women in the paid labor force also still do the majority of the unpaid work at
home. On an average day, 84 percent of women (compared to 67 percent of men) spend time doing household
management activities (U.S. Census Bureau 2011). This double duty keeps working women in a subordinate
role in the family structure (Hochschild and Machung 1989).
FIGURE 12.10 In 2017 men’s overall median earnings were $52,146 and women’s were $41,977. This means that
women earned 80.1% of what men earned in the United States. (Credit: Women’s Bureau, U.S. Department of Labor)
Gender stratification through the division of labor is not exclusive to the United States. According to George
Murdock’s classic work, Outline of World Cultures (1954), all societies classify work by gender. When a pattern
appears in all societies, it is called a cultural universal. While the phenomenon of assigning work by gender is
universal, its specifics are not. The same task is not assigned to either men or women worldwide. But the way
each task’s associated gender is valued is notable. In Murdock’s examination of the division of labor among
324 societies around the world, he found that in nearly all cases the jobs assigned to men were given greater
prestige (Murdock and White 1968). Even if the job types were very similar and the differences slight, men’s
work was still considered more vital.
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FIGURE 12.11 In some cultures, women do all of the household chores with no help from men, as doing housework
is a sign of weakness, considered by society as a feminine trait. (Credit: Evil Erin/flickr)
Part of the gender pay gap can be attributed to unique barriers faced by women regarding work experience and
promotion opportunities. A mother of young children is more likely to drop out of the labor force for several
years or work on a reduced schedule than is the father. As a result, women in their 30s and 40s are likely, on
average, to have less job experience than men. This effect becomes more evident when considering the pay
rates of two groups of women: those who did not leave the workforce and those who did: In the United States,
childless women with the same education and experience levels as men are typically paid with closer (but not
exact) parity to men. However, women with families and children are paid less: Mothers are recommended a
7.9 percent lower starting salary than non-mothers, which is 8.6 percent lower than men (Correll 2007).
This evidence points to levels of discrimination that go beyond behaviors by individual companies or
organizations. As discussed earlier in the gender roles section, many of these gaps are rooted in America’s
social patterns of discrimination, which involve the roles that different genders play in child-rearing, rather
than individual discrimination by employers in hiring and salary decisions. On the other hand, legal and
ethical practices demand that organizations do their part to promote more equity among all genders.
The Glass Ceiling
The idea that women are unable to reach the executive suite is known as the glass ceiling. It is an invisible
barrier that women encounter when trying to win jobs in the highest level of business. At the beginning of
2021, for example, a record 41 of the world’s largest 500 companies were run by women. While a vast
improvement over the number twenty years earlier – where only two of the companies were run by women –
these 41 chief executives still only represent eight percent of those large companies (Newcomb 2020).
Why do women have a more difficult time reaching the top of a company? One idea is that there is still a
stereotype in the United States that women aren’t aggressive enough to handle the boardroom or that they
tend to seek jobs and work with other women (Reiners 2019). Other issues stem from the gender biases based
on gender roles and motherhood discussed above.
Another idea is that women lack mentors, executives who take an interest and get them into the right meetings
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12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality
and introduce them to the right people to succeed (Murrell & Blake-Beard 2017).
Women in Politics
One of the most important places for women to help other women is in politics. Historically in the United
States, like many other institutions, political representation has been mostly made up of White men. By not
having women in government, their issues are being decided by people who don’t share their perspective. The
number of women elected to serve in Congress has increased over the years, but does not yet accurately reflect
the general population. For example, in 2018, the population of the United States was 49 percent male and 51
percent female, but the population of Congress was 78.8 percent male and 21.2 percent female (Manning
2018). Over the years, the number of women in the federal government has increased, but until it accurately
reflects the population, there will be inequalities in our laws.
FIGURE 12.12 Breakdown of Congressional Membership by Gender. 2021 saw a record number of women in
Congress, with 120 women serving in the House and 24 serving in the Senate. Gender representation has been
steadily increasing over time, but is not close to being equal. (Credit: Based on data from Center for American
Women in Politics, Rutgers University)
Movements for Change: Feminism
One of the underlying issues that continues to plague women in the United States is misogyny. This is the
hatred of or, aversion to, or prejudice against women. Over the years misogyny has evolved as an ideology that
men are superior to women in all aspects of life. There have been multiple movements to try and fight this
prejudice.
In 1963, writer and feminist Betty Friedan published The Feminine Mystique in which she contested the postWorld War II belief that it was women’s sole destiny to marry and bear children. Friedan’s book began to raise
the consciousness of many women who agreed that homemaking in the suburbs sapped them of their
individualism and left them unsatisfied. In 1966, the National Organization for Women (NOW) formed and
proceeded to set an agenda for the feminist movement. Framed by a statement of purpose written by Friedan,
the agenda began by proclaiming NOW’s goal to make possible women’s participation in all aspects of
American life and to gain for them all the rights enjoyed by men.
Feminists engaged in protests and actions designed to bring awareness and change. For example, the New
York Radical Women demonstrated at the 1968 Miss America Pageant in Atlantic City to bring attention to the
contest’s—and society’s—exploitation of women. The protestors tossed instruments of women’s oppression,
including high-heeled shoes, curlers, girdles, and bras, into a “freedom trash can.” News accounts incorrectly
described the protest as a “bra burning,” which at the time was a way to demean and trivialize the issue of
women’s rights (Gay 2018).
Other protests gave women a more significant voice in a male-dominated social, political, and entertainment
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climate. For decades, Ladies Home Journal had been a highly influential women’s magazine, managed and
edited almost entirely by men. Men even wrote the advice columns and beauty articles. In 1970, protesters
held a sit-in at the magazine’s offices, demanding that the company hire a woman editor-in-chief, add women
and non-White writers at fair pay, and expand the publication’s focus.
Feminists were concerned with far more than protests, however. In the 1970s, they opened battered women’s
shelters and successfully fought for protection from employment discrimination for pregnant women, reform
of rape laws (such as the abolition of laws requiring a witness to corroborate a woman’s report of rape),
criminalization of domestic violence, and funding for schools that sought to counter sexist stereotypes of
women. In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade invalidated a number of state laws under which
abortions obtained during the first three months of pregnancy were illegal. This made a nontherapeutic
abortion a legal medical procedure nationwide.
Gloria Steinem had pushed through gender barriers to take on serious journalism subjects, and had emerged
as a prominent advocate for women’s rights. Through her work, Steinem met Dorothy Pittman-Hughes, who
had founded New York City’s first shelter for domestic violence victims as well as the city’s Agency for Child
Development. Together they founded Ms. Magazine, which avoided articles on homemaking and fashion in
favor of pieces on women’s rights and empowerment. Ms. showcased powerful and accomplished women such
as Shirley Chisholm and Sissy Farenthold, and was among the first publications to bring domestic violence,
sexual harassment, and body image issues to the national conversation (Pogrebrin 2011).
Many advances in women’s rights were the result of women’s greater engagement in politics. For example,
Patsy Mink, the first Asian American woman elected to Congress, was the co-author of the Education
Amendments Act of 1972, Title IX of which prohibits sex discrimination in education. Mink had been
interested in fighting discrimination in education since her youth, when she opposed racial segregation in
campus housing while a student at the University of Nebraska. She went to law school after being denied
admission to medical school because of her gender. Like Mink, many other women sought and won political
office, many with the help of the National Women’s Political Caucus (NWPC). In 1971, the NWPC was formed by
Bella Abzug, Gloria Steinem, Shirley Chisholm, and other leading feminists to encourage women’s
participation in political parties, elect women to office, and raise money for their campaign.
FIGURE 12.13 “Unbought and Unbossed”: Shirley Chisholm was the first Black United States Congresswoman, the
co-founder of the Congressional Black Caucus, and a candidate for a major-party Presidential nomination.
Shirley Chisholm personally took up the mantle of women’s involvement in politics. Born of immigrant
parents, she earned degrees from Brooklyn College and Columbia University, and began a career in early
childhood education and advocacy. In the 1950’s she joined various political action groups, worked on election
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12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality
campaigns, and pushed for housing and economic reforms. After leaving one organization over its refusal to
involve women in the decision-making process, she sought to increase gender and racial diversity within
political and activist organizations throughout New York City. In 1968, she became the first Black woman
elected to Congress. Refusing to take the quiet role expected of new Representatives, she immediately began
sponsoring bills and initiatives. She spoke out against the Vietnam War, and fought for programs such as Head
Start and the national school lunch program, which was eventually signed into law after Chisholm led an effort
to override a presidential veto. Chisholm would eventually undertake a groundbreaking presidential run in
1972, and is viewed as paving the way for other women, and especially women of color, achieving political and
social prominence (Emmrich 2019).
Theoretical Perspectives on Gender
Sociological theories help sociologists to develop questions and interpret data. For example, a sociologist
studying why middle-school girls are more likely than their male counterparts to fall behind grade-level
expectations in math and science might use a feminist perspective to frame her research. Another scholar
might proceed from the conflict perspective to investigate why women are underrepresented in political office,
and an interactionist might examine how the symbols of femininity interact with symbols of political authority
to affect how women in Congress are treated by their male counterparts in meetings.
Structural Functionalism
Structural functionalism has provided one of the most important perspectives of sociological research in the
twentieth century and has been a major influence on research in the social sciences, including gender studies.
Viewing the family as the most integral component of society, assumptions about gender roles within marriage
assume a prominent place in this perspective.
Functionalists argue that gender roles were established well before the pre-industrial era when men typically
took care of responsibilities outside of the home, such as hunting, and women typically took care of the
domestic responsibilities in or around the home. These roles were considered functional because women were
often limited by the physical restraints of pregnancy and nursing and unable to leave the home for long
periods of time. Once established, these roles were passed on to subsequent generations since they served as
an effective means of keeping the family system functioning properly.
When changes occurred in the social and economic climate of the United States during World War II, changes
in the family structure also occurred. Many women had to assume the role of breadwinner (or modern huntergatherer) alongside their domestic role in order to stabilize a rapidly changing society. When the men returned
from war and wanted to reclaim their jobs, society fell back into a state of imbalance, as many women did not
want to forfeit their wage-earning positions (Hawke 2007).
Conflict Theory
According to conflict theory, society is a struggle for dominance among social groups (like women versus men)
that compete for scarce resources. When sociologists examine gender from this perspective, we can view men
as the dominant group and women as the subordinate group. According to conflict theory, social problems are
created when dominant groups exploit or oppress subordinate groups. Consider the Women’s Suffrage
Movement or the debate over women’s “right to choose” their reproductive futures. It is difficult for women to
rise above men, as dominant group members create the rules for success and opportunity in society
(Farrington and Chertok 1993).
Friedrich Engels, a German sociologist, studied family structure and gender roles. Engels suggested that the
same owner-worker relationship seen in the labor force is also seen in the household, with women assuming
the role of the proletariat. This is due to women’s dependence on men for the attainment of wages, which is
even worse for women who are entirely dependent upon their spouses for economic support. Contemporary
conflict theorists suggest that when women become wage earners, they can gain power in the family structure
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and create more democratic arrangements in the home, although they may still carry the majority of the
domestic burden, as noted earlier (Rismanand and Johnson-Sumerford 1998).
Feminist Theory
Feminist theory is a type of conflict theory that examines inequalities in gender-related issues. It uses the
conflict approach to examine the maintenance of gender roles and inequalities. Radical feminism, in
particular, considers the role of the family in perpetuating male dominance. In patriarchal societies, men’s
contributions are seen as more valuable than those of women. Patriarchal perspectives and arrangements are
widespread and taken for granted. As a result, women’s viewpoints tend to be silenced or marginalized to the
point of being discredited or considered invalid.
Sanday’s study of the Indonesian Minangkabau (2004) revealed that in societies some consider to be
matriarchies (where women comprise the dominant group), women and men tend to work cooperatively
rather than competitively regardless of whether a job is considered feminine by U.S. standards. The men,
however, do not experience the sense of bifurcated consciousness under this social structure that modern U.S.
females encounter (Sanday 2004).
Symbolic Interactionism
Symbolic interactionism aims to understand human behavior by analyzing the critical role of symbols in
human interaction. This is certainly relevant to the discussion of masculinity and femininity. Imagine that you
walk into a bank hoping to get a small loan for school, a home, or a small business venture. If you meet with a
male loan officer, you may state your case logically by listing all the hard numbers that make you a qualified
applicant as a means of appealing to the analytical characteristics associated with masculinity. If you meet
with a female loan officer, you may make an emotional appeal by stating your good intentions as a means of
appealing to the caring characteristics associated with femininity.
Because the meanings attached to symbols are socially created and not natural, and fluid, not static, we act
and react to symbols based on the current assigned meaning. The word gay, for example, once meant
“cheerful,” but by the 1960s it carried the primary meaning of “homosexual.” In transition, it was even known
to mean “careless” or “bright and showing” (Oxford American Dictionary 2010). Furthermore, the word gay (as
it refers to a person), carried a somewhat negative and unfavorable meaning fifty years ago, but it has since
gained more neutral and even positive connotations. When people perform tasks or possess characteristics
based on the gender role assigned to them, they are said to be doing gender. This notion is based on the work
of West and Zimmerman (1987). Whether we are expressing our masculinity or femininity, West and
Zimmerman argue, we are always “doing gender.” Thus, gender is something we do or perform, not something
we are.
In other words, both gender and sexuality are socially constructed. The social construction of sexuality refers
to the way in which socially created definitions about the cultural appropriateness of sex-linked behavior
shape the way people see and experience sexuality. This is in marked contrast to theories of sex, gender, and
sexuality that link male and female behavior to biological determinism, or the belief that men and women
behave differently due to differences in their biology.
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Being Male, Being Female, and Being Healthy
In 1971, Broverman and Broverman conducted a groundbreaking study on the traits mental health workers
ascribed to males and females. When asked to name the characteristics of a female, the list featured words such
as unaggressive, gentle, emotional, tactful, less logical, not ambitious, dependent, passive, and neat. The list of
male characteristics featured words such as aggressive, rough, unemotional, blunt, logical, direct, active, and
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12.3 • Sexuality
sloppy (Seem and Clark 2006). Later, when asked to describe the characteristics of a healthy person (not gender
specific), the list was nearly identical to that of a male.
This study uncovered the general assumption that being female is associated with being somewhat unhealthy or
not of sound mind. This concept seems extremely dated, but in 2006, Seem and Clark replicated the study and
found similar results. Again, the characteristics associated with a healthy male were very similar to that of a
healthy (genderless) adult. The list of characteristics associated with being female broadened somewhat but did
not show significant change from the original study (Seem and Clark 2006). This interpretation of feminine
characteristic may help us one day better understand gender disparities in certain illnesses, such as why one in
eight women can be expected to develop clinical depression in her lifetime (National Institute of Mental Health
1999). Perhaps these diagnoses are not just a reflection of women’s health, but also a reflection of society’s
labeling of female characteristics, or the result of institutionalized sexism.
12.3 Sexuality
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
By the end of this section, you should be able to:
• Differentiate among attitudes associated with sex and sexuality
• Describe sex education issues in the United States
• Discuss theoretical perspectives on sex and sexuality
FIGURE 12.14 Sexual practices can differ greatly among groups. Recent trends include the finding that married
couples have sex more frequently than do singles and that 27 percent of married couples in their 30s have sex at
least twice a week (NSSHB 2010). (Credit: epSos.de/flickr)
Sexual Attitudes and Practices
In the area of sexuality, sociologists focus their attention on sexual attitudes and practices, not on physiology
or anatomy. As mentioned earlier, sexuality is viewed as a person’s capacity for sexual feelings. Studying
sexual attitudes and practices is a particularly interesting field of sociology because sexual behavior is a
cultural universal. Throughout time and place, the vast majority of human beings have participated in sexual
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12 • Gender, Sex, and Sexuality
relationships (Broude 2003). Each society, however, interprets sexuality and sexual activity in different ways.
Many societies around the world have different attitudes about premarital sex, the age of sexual consent,
homosexuality, masturbation, and other sexual behaviors (Widmer, Treas, and Newcomb 1998). At the same
time, sociologists have learned that certain norms are shared among most societies. The incest taboo is
present in every society, though which relative is deemed unacceptable for sex varies widely from culture to
culture. For example, sometimes the relatives of the father are considered acceptable sexual partners for a
woman while the relatives of the mother are not. Likewise, societies generally have norms that reinforce their
accepted social system of sexuality.
What is considered “normal” in terms of sexual behavior is based on the mores and values of the society.
Societies that value monogamy, for example, would likely oppose extramarital sex. Individuals are socialized to
sexual attitudes by their family, education system, peers, media, and religion. Historically, religion has been
the greatest influence on sexual behavior in most societies, but in more recent years, peers and the media have
emerged as two of the strongest influences, particularly among U.S. teens (Potard, Courtois, and Rusch 2008).
Let us take a closer look at sexual attitudes in the United States and around the world.
Sexuality around the World
Cross-national research on sexual attitudes in industrialized nations reveals that normative standards differ
across the world. For example, several studies have shown that Scandinavian students are more tolerant of
premarital sex than are U.S. students (Grose 2007). A study of 37 countries reported that non-Western
societies—like China, Iran, and India—valued chastity highly in a potential mate, while Western European
countries—such as France, the Netherlands, and Sweden—placed little value on prior sexual experiences (Buss
1989).
Even among Western cultures, attitudes can differ. For example, according to a 33,590-person survey across
24 countries, 89 percent of Swedes responded that there is nothing wrong with premarital sex, while only 42
percent of Irish responded this way. From the same study, 93 percent of Filipinos responded that sex before
age 16 is always wrong or almost always wrong, while only 75 percent of Russians responded this way
(Widmer, Treas, and Newcomb 1998). Sexual attitudes can also vary within a country. For instance, 45 percent
of Spaniards responded that homosexuality is always wrong, while 42 percent responded that it is never
wrong; only 13 percent responded somewhere in the middle (Widmer, Treas, and Newcomb 1998).
Of industrialized nations, several European nations are is thought to be the most liberal when it comes to
attitudes about sex, including sexual practices and sexual openness. Sweden, for example, has very few
regulations on sexual images in the media, and sex education, which starts around age six, is a compulsory
part of Swedish school curricula. Switzerland, Belgium, Iceland, Denmark, and The Netherlands have similar
policies. Their more open approach to sex has helped countries avoid some of the major social problems
associated with sex. For example, rates of teen pregnancy and sexually transmitted disease are among the
world’s lowest in Switzerland and the Netherlands – lower than other European countries and far lower than
the United States (Grose 2007 and Dutch News 2017). It would appear that these approaches are models for
the benefits of sexual freedom and frankness. However, implementing their ideals and policies regarding
sexuality in other, more politically conservative, nations would likely be met with resistance.
Sexuality in the United States
The United States prides itself on being the land of the “free,” but it is rather restrictive when it comes to its
citizens’ general attitudes about sex compared to other industrialized nations. In an international survey, 25
percent of U.S. respondents stated that premarital sex is always wrong, while the average among the 24
countries surveyed was 17 percent, with less than ten percent of respondents from France, Germany, and
Spain saying premarital sex was unacceptable (Chamie 2018). Similar discrepancies were found in questions
about the condemnation of sex before the age of 16, extramarital sex, and homosexuality, with total
disapproval of these acts being 12, 13, and 11 percent higher, respectively, in the United States, than the
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12.3 • Sexuality
study’s average (Widmer, Treas, and Newcomb 1998). U.S. culture is particularly restrictive in its attitudes
about sex when it comes to women and sexuality.
It is widely believed that men are more sexual than are women. In fact, there was a popular notion that men
think about sex every seven seconds. Research, however, suggests that men think about sex an average of 19
times per day, which is closer to once an hour, compared to 10 times per day for women (Fisher, Moore, and
Pittenger 2011).
Belief that men have—or have the right to—more sexual urges than women creates a double standard. Ira Reiss,
a pioneer researcher in the field of sexual studies, defined the double standard as prohibiting premarital
sexual intercourse for women but allowing it for men (Reiss 1960). This standard has evolved into allowing
women to engage in premarital sex only within committed love relationships, but allowing men to engage in
sexual relationships with as many partners as they wish without condition (Milhausen and Herold 1999). Due
to this double standard, a woman is likely to have fewer sexual partners in her life time than a man. According
to a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) survey, the average thirty-five-year-old woman has had
three opposite-sex sexual partners while the average thirty-five-year-old man has had twice as many (Centers
for Disease Control 2011).
The future of a society’s sexual attitudes may be somewhat predicted by the values and beliefs that a country’s
youth expresses about sex and sexuality. Data from the most recent National Survey of Family Growth reveals
that 70 percent of boys and 78 percent of girls ages fifteen to nineteen said they “agree” or “strongly agree”
that “it’s okay for an unmarried female to have a child” (National Survey of Family Growth 2013). In a separate
survey, 65 percent of teens stated that they “strongly agreed” or “somewhat agreed” that although waiting until
marriage for sex is a nice idea, it’s not realistic (NBC News 2005). This does not mean that today’s youth have
given up traditional sexual values such as monogamy. Nearly all college men (98.9 percent) and women (99.2
percent) who participated in a 2002 study on sexual attitudes stated they wished to settle down with one
mutually exclusive sexual partner at some point in their lives, ideally within the next five years (Pedersen et al.
2002).
Sex Education
One of the biggest controversies regarding sexual attitudes is sexual education in U.S. classrooms. Unlike many
other countries, sex education is not required in all public school curricula in the United States. The heart of
the controversy is not about whether sex education should be taught in school (studies have shown that only
seven percent of U.S. adults oppose sex education in schools); it is about the type of sex education that should
be taught.
Much of the debate is over the issue of abstinence as compared to a comprehensive sex education program.
Abstinence-only programs focus on avoiding sex until marriage and/or delaying it as long as possible. So they
do not focus on other types of prevention of unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections. As a
result, according to the Sexuality and Information Council of the United States, only 38 percent of high schools
and 14 percent of middle schools across the country teach all 19 topics identified as critical for sex education
by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (Janfaza 2020).
Research suggests that while government officials may still be debating about the content of sexual education
in public schools, the majority of U.S. adults are not. Two-thirds (67 percent) of Americans say education about
safer sexual practices is more effective than abstinence-only education in terms of reducing unintended
pregnancies. A slightly higher percentage—69 percent—say that emphasizing safer sexual practices and
contraception in sexuality education is a better way to reduce the spread of STIs than is emphasizing
abstinence (Davis 2018).
Even with these clear majorities in favor of comprehensive education, the Federal government offers roughly
$85 million per year to communities that will drive abstinence-only sex education (Columbia Public Health
2017 a). The results, as stated earlier, are relatively clear: the United States has nearly four times the rate of
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12 • Gender, Sex, and Sexuality
teenage pregnancy than a country like Germany, which has a comprehensive sex education program.
In a similar educational issue not necessarily related to sexuality, researchers and public health advocates find
that young girls feel underprepared for puberty. Ages of first menstruation (menarche) and breast
development are continually declining in the United States, but education about these changes typically
doesn’t begin until middle school, which is generally too late. Young people indicate concerns about
misinformation and discomfort during the informaal conversations about the topics with friends, sisters, or
mothers (Columbia Public Health 2017 b)
Sociological Perspectives on Sex and Sexuality
Sociologists representing all three major theoretical perspectives study the role sexuality plays in social life
today. Scholars recognize that sexuality continues to be an important and defining social location and that the
manner in which sexuality is constructed has a significant effect on perceptions, interactions, and outcomes.
Structural Functionalism
When it comes to sexuality, functionalists stress the importance of regulating sexual behavior to ensure
marital cohesion and family stability. Since functionalists identify the family unit as the most integral
component in society, they maintain a strict focus on it at all times and argue in favor of social arrangements
that promote and ensure family preservation.
Functionalists such as Talcott Parsons (1955) have long argued that the regulation of sexual activity is an
important function of the family. Social norms surrounding family life have, traditionally, encouraged sexual
activity within the family unit (marriage) and have discouraged activity outside of it (premarital and
extramarital sex). From a functionalist point of view, the purpose of encouraging sexual activity in the confines
of marriage is to intensify the bond between spouses and to ensure that procreation occurs within a stable,
legally recognized relationship. This structure gives offspring the best possible chance for appropriate
socialization and the provision of basic resources.
From a functionalist standpoint, homosexuality cannot be promoted on a large-scale as an acceptable
substitute for heterosexuality. If this occurred, procreation would eventually cease. Thus, homosexuality, if
occurring predominantly within the population, is dysfunctional to society. This criticism does not take into
account the increasing legal acceptance of same-sex marriage, or the rise in gay and lesbian couples who
choose to bear and raise children through a variety of available resources.
Conflict Theory
From a conflict theory perspective, sexuality is another area in which power differentials are present and
where dominant groups actively work to promote their worldview as well as their economic interests. Recently,
we have seen the debate over the legalization of gay marriage intensify nationwide.
For conflict theorists, there are two key dimensions to the debate over same-sex marriage—one ideological and
the other economic. Dominant groups (in this instance, heterosexuals) wish for their worldview—which
embraces traditional marriage and the nuclear family—to win out over what they see as the intrusion of a
secular, individually driven worldview. On the other hand, many gay and lesbian activists argue that legal
marriage is a fundamental right that cannot be denied based on sexual orientation and that, historically, there
already exists a precedent for changes to marriage laws: the 1960s legalization of formerly forbidden
interracial marriages is one example.
From an economic perspective, activists in favor of same-sex marriage point out that legal marriage brings
with it certain entitlements, many of which are financial in nature, like Social Security benefits and medical
insurance (Solmonese 2008). Denial of these benefits to gay couples is wrong, they argue. Conflict theory
suggests that as long as heterosexuals and homosexuals struggle over these social and financial resources,
there will be some degree of conflict.
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12.3 • Sexuality
Symbolic Interactionism
Interactionists focus on the meanings associated with sexuality and with sexual orientation. Since femininity
is devalued in U.S. society, those who adopt such traits are subject to ridicule; this is especially true for boys or
men. Just as masculinity is the symbolic norm, so too has heterosexuality come to signify normalcy. Prior to
1973, the American Psychological Association (APA) defined homosexuality as an abnormal or deviant
disorder. Interactionist labeling theory recognizes the impact this has made. Before 1973, the APA was
powerful in shaping social attitudes toward homosexuality by defining it as pathological. Today, the APA cites
no association between sexual orientation and psychopathology and sees homosexuality as a normal aspect of
human sexuality (APA 2008).
Recall Cooley’s “looking-glass self,” which suggests that self develops as a result of our interpretation and
evaluation of the responses of others (Cooley 1902). Constant exposure to derogatory labels, jokes, and
pervasive homophobia would lead to a negative self-image, or worse, self-hate. The CDC reports that
homosexual youths (as referred to in the study) who experience high levels of social rejection are six times
more likely to have high levels of depression and eight times more likely to have attempted suicide (CDC 2011).
Queer Theory
Queer Theory is an interdisciplinary approach to sexuality studies that identifies Western society’s rigid
splitting of gender into male and female roles and questions the manner in which we have been taught to think
about sexual orientation. According to Jagose (1996), Queer [Theory] focuses on mismatches between
anatomical sex, gender identity, and sexual orientation, not just division into male/female or homosexual/
hetereosexual. By calling their discipline “queer,” scholars reject the effects of labeling; instead, they embraced
the word “queer” and reclaimed it for their own purposes. The perspective highlights the need for a more
flexible and fluid conceptualization of sexuality—one that allows for change, negotiation, and freedom. This
mirrors other oppressive schemas in our culture, especially those surrounding gender and race (Black versus
White, male versus female).
Queer theorist Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick argued against U.S. society’s monolithic definition of sexuality and its
reduction to a single factor: the sex of someone’s desired partner. Sedgwick identified dozens of other ways in
which people’s sexualities were different, such as:
•
•
•
•
•
Even identical genital acts mean very different things to different people.
Sexuality makes up a large share of the self-perceived identity of some people, a small share of others’.
Some people spend a lot of time thinking about sex, others little.
Some people like to have a lot of sex, others little or none.
Many people have their richest mental/emotional involvement with sexual acts that they don’t do, or don’t
even want to do.
• Some people like spontaneous sexual scenes, others like highly scripted ones, others like spontaneoussounding ones that are nonetheless totally predictable.
• Some people experience their sexuality as deeply embedded in a matrix of gender meanings and gender
differentials. Others do not (Sedgwick 1990).
Thus, theorists utilizing queer theory strive to question the ways society perceives and experiences sex,
gender, and sexuality, opening the door to new scholarly understanding.
Throughout this chapter we have examined the complexities of gender, sex, and sexuality. Differentiating
between sex, gender, and sexual orientation is an important first step to a deeper understanding and critical
analysis of these issues. Understanding the sociology of sex, gender, and sexuality will help to build awareness
of the inequalities experienced by subordinate categories such as women, homosexuals, and transgender
individuals.
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12 • Key Terms
Key Terms
biological determinism the belief that men and women behave differently due to inherent sex differences
related to their biology
doing gender
the performance of tasks based upon the gender assigned to us by society and, in turn,
ourselves
DOMA Defense of Marriage Act, a 1996 U.S. law explicitly limiting the definition of “marriage” to a union
between one man and one woman and allowing each individual state to recognize or deny same-sex
marriages performed in other states
double standard
the concept that prohibits premarital sexual intercourse for women but allows it for men
gender
a term that refers to social or cultural distinctions of behaviors that are considered male or female
gender dysphoria a condition listed in the DSM-5 in which people whose gender at birth is contrary to the
one they identify with. This condition replaces “gender identity disorder”
gender identity
a person’s deeply held internal perception of his or her gender
gender role
society’s concept of how men and women should behave
glass ceiling
an invisible barrier that women encounter when trying to win jobs in the highest level of
business
heterosexism an ideology and a set of institutional practices that privilege heterosexuals and
heterosexuality over other sexual orientations
homophobia
an extreme or irrational aversion to homosexuals
intersex
people born with sex characteristics (including genitals, gonads and chromosome patterns) that do
not fit typical binary notions of male or female bodies.
misogyny
the hatred of or, aversion to, or prejudice against women
pay gap
the difference in earnings between men and women
sex
a term that denotes the presence of physical or physiological differences between males and females
sexism
the prejudiced belief that one sex should be valued over another
sexual orientation
a person’s physical, mental, emotional, and sexual attraction to a particular sex (male or
female)
sexuality
a person’s capacity for sexual feelings
social construction of sexuality socially created definitions about the cultural appropriateness of sexlinked behavior which shape how people see and experience sexuality
transgender an adjective that describes individuals who identify with the behaviors and characteristics that
are other than their biological sex
Section Summary
12.1 Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
The terms “sex” and “gender” refer to two different identifiers. Sex denotes biological characteristics
differentiating males and females, while gender denotes social and cultural characteristics of masculine and
feminine behavior. Sex and gender are not always synchronous. Individuals who strongly identify with the
opposing gender are considered transgender.
12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality
Children become aware of gender roles in their earliest years, and they come to understand and perform these
roles through socialization, which occurs through four major agents: family, education, peer groups, and mass
media. Socialization into narrowly prescribed gender roles results in the stratification of males and females.
The impacts of discrimination and inequality have deep implications for economics, social mobility, and
political power. The feminist movement undertook protests, improvement programs, and political focus in
order to improve equality and the lives of women. Each sociological perspective offers a valuable view for
understanding how and why gender inequality occurs in our society.
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12 • Section Quiz
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12.3 Sexuality
When studying sex and sexuality, sociologists focus their attention on sexual attitudes and practices, not on
physiology or anatomy. Norms regarding gender and sexuality vary across cultures. In general, the United
States tends to be fairly conservative in its sexual attitudes. As a result, programs such as sex education are
often limited or selective in what topics they cover.
Section Quiz
12.1 Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
1. The terms “masculine” and “feminine” refer to a person’s _________.
a. sex
b. gender
c. both sex and gender
d. none of the above
2. The term _______ refers to society’s concept of how men and women are expected to act and how they
should behave.
a. gender role
b. gender bias
c. sexual orientation
d. sexual attitudes
3. Research indicates that individuals are aware of their sexual orientation _______.
a. at infancy
b. in early adolescence
c. in early adulthood
d. in late adulthood
12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality
4. Which of the following is the best example of a gender stereotype?
a. Women are typically shorter than men.
b. Men do not live as long as women.
c. Women tend to be overly emotional, while men tend to be levelheaded.
d. Men hold more high-earning, leadership jobs than women.
5. Which of the following is the best example of the role peers play as an agent of socialization for school-aged
children?
a. Children can act however they wish around their peers because children are unaware of gender roles.
b. Peers serve as a support system for children who wish to act outside of their assigned gender roles.
c. Peers tend to reinforce gender roles by criticizing and marginalizing those who behave outside of their
assigned roles.
d. None of the above
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12 • Section Quiz
6. To which theoretical perspective does the following statement most likely apply: Women continue to
assume the responsibility in the household along with a paid occupation because it keeps the household
running smoothly, i.e., at a state of balance?
a. Conflict theory
b. Functionalism
c. Feminist theory
d. Symbolic interactionism
7. Only women are affected by gender stratification.
a. True
b. False
8. According to the symbolic interactionist perspective, we “do gender”:
a. during half of our activities
b. only when they apply to our biological sex
c. only if we are actively following gender roles
d. all of the time, in everything we do
9.
is:is:
9.Misogyny
Misogyny
a. A certain kind if spa treatment
b. One’s biological sex
c. How we know our gender roles
d. the hatred of or, aversion to, or prejudice against women
10. Which of the following factors can affect the pay gap?
a. having children
b. lower education level
c. being married
d. all of the above
11. The idea that gender inequality comes from the division of labor fits with which Sociological theory?
a. Symbolic Interactionism
b. Functionalism
c. Conflict Theory
d. Feminist Theory
12. Prior to the 19th Amendment being ratified, women were not considered a legal person on their own.
a. True
b. False
13. In the 115th Congress of the United States, what percentage of the elected officials were women?
a. 10.5%
b. 21.2%
c. 30.4%
d. 50%
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12 • Short Answer
359
12.3 Sexuality
14. Of these, which country is thought to be the most liberal in its attitudes toward sex?
a. United States
b. Sweden
c. Mexico
d. Ireland
15. Compared to most Western societies, U.S. sexual attitudes are considered _______.
a. conservative
b. liberal
c. permissive
d. free
16. Sociologists associate sexuality with _______.
a. heterosexuality
b. homosexuality
c. biological factors
d. a person’s capacity for sexual feelings
17. According to national surveys, most U.S. parents support which type of sex education program in school?
a. Abstinence only
b. Abstinence plus sexual safety
c. Sexual safety without promoting abstinence
d. No sex education
18. Which theoretical perspective stresses the importance of regulating sexual behavior to ensure marital
cohesion and family stability?
a. Functionalism
b. Conflict theory
c. Symbolic interactionalism
d. Queer theory
Short Answer
12.1 Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
1. Why do sociologists find it important to differentiate between sex and gender? What importance does the
differentiation have in modern society?
2. How is children’s play influenced by gender roles? Think back to your childhood. How “gendered” were the
toys and activities available to you? Do you remember gender expectations being conveyed through the
approval or disapproval of your playtime choices?
12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality
3. In what way do parents treat sons and daughters differently? How do sons and daughters typically respond
to this treatment?
4. What can be done to lessen the effects of gender stratification in the workplace? How does gender
stratification harm both men and women?
5. Why is it important to have women in political roles?
6. What can be done to narrow the pay gap for women?
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12 • Further Research
12.3 Sexuality
7. Identify three examples of how U.S. society is heteronormative.
8. Consider the types of derogatory labeling that sociologists study and explain how these might apply to
discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.
Further Research
12.1 Sex, Gender, Identity, and Expression
To learn about what organizations are doing to improve diversity and social justice education for young people,
review Learning For Justice’s educational materials (http://openstax.org/r/learning_for_justice) .
For more information on gender identity and advocacy for transgender individuals see the Global Action for
Trans Equality web site (http://openstax.org/l/trans_equality) .
12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality
Learn more about Women’s Rights movements in the United States. (http://openstax.org/r/
womens_rights_movements)
12.3 Sexuality
To learn about different aprpoaches to sex education, visit Advocates for Youth (h…
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