NonverbalbehaviorininterpersonalrelationsbyRichmondVirginiaP.HicksonMarkMcCroskeyJamesCz-lib.org.pdf

1. An extended and contemporary discussion of physical appearance and attractiveness in Chapter 2 provides a broad understanding of what constitutes attractive- ness and tells how to better evaluate and make judgments of others in daily life.

2. Chapter 13 focuses on the unique relationship between teacher and student including a comprehensive sectionon nonverbal immediacy.

3. Extensive new content has been added, including over 100 new references and new information on the biological

aspects of nonverbal behavior, to provide a deeper understanding of how to effectively communicate.

4. A closer focus on nonver-bal communication through a global lens offers a more inclusive look at cultures around the world to help you become an educated participant in the greater global community.

5. New tables and chapter summaries provide content in small, easy-to-remember sections for better retention and understanding throughout the semester.

If you’re wondering why you should buy this new edition of Nonverbal Behavior in Interpersonal Relations, here are 5 good reasons!

Nonverbal Behavior inInterpersonal Relations

Seventh Edition

VIRGINIA PECK RichmondUniversity of Alabama at Birmingham

JAMES C. McCroskeyM & R Training and Consulting

Birmingham, AL

MARK L. Hickson IIIUniversity of Alabama at Birmingham

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Richmond, Virginia P.Nonverbal behavior in interpersonal relations / Virginia Peck Richmond,

James C. McCroskey, and Mark L. Hickson III. — 7th ed.p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN 978-0-205-04230-2

1. Body language. 2. Interpersonal relations. I. McCroskey, James C. II. Hickson, Mark. III. Title.BF637.N66R53 2011153.6�9—dc22 2010047142

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C O N T E N T S

III

Preface xi

CHAPTER 1Communication and Nonverbal Behavior 1

Myths About Nonverbal Communication 2

Nonverbal Versus Verbal Messages 4The Linguistic Distinction 4

The Continuity Distinction 5

The Processing Distinction 5

The Outcome Distinction 6

The Absolute Distinction 6

Intentionality and Nonverbal Communication 6

Culture and Nonverbal Communication 8

Functions of Nonverbal Messages 9Complementing 9

Contradicting 9

Accenting 10

Repeating 11

Regulating 11

Substituting 11

Categories of Nonverbal Messages 12Physical Appearance 12

Gesture and Movement 12

Face and Eye Behavior 13

Vocal Behavior 13

Space 13

Touch 13

Environment 13

Time 14

Glossary of Terminology 14

CHAPTER 2Physical Appearance 15

Attractiveness 16Types of Attractiveness 16

What Is Attractive Today May Be Out Tomorrow 18

Image Fixation 21

Judgments Generated 23

IV Contents

Attractiveness: A Double-Edged Sword? 23

Effects of Attractiveness 24

Personal Body Concept 27

Nonverbal Messages of Body Shape and Size 29Nonverbal Messages of Height, Weight, and Skin Color 33

Nonverbal Messages of Hair 35

Appearance and Dress 37Why Do People Dress the Way They Do? 38

Generalizations About Dress 44

Artifacts and Accessories 46

Glossary of Terminology 47

CHAPTER 3Gesture and Movement 49

A Theoretical Look at Gesture and Movement 52Structural Approach to Kinesics 52

External Variable Approach to Kinesics 54

Types of Gesture and Movement 55Emblems 55

Illustrators 56

Regulators 58

Affect Displays 60

Adaptors 60

Deception Cues 62

Posture 63How Does Posture Communicate? 64

Communicative Potential of Posture 65

Movement and Communicator Style 66The Dramatic Style 66

The Dominant Style 67

The Animated Style 67

The Relaxed Style 67

The Attentive Style 67

The Open Style 68

The Friendly Style 68

The Contentious Style 68

The Impression-Leaving Style 68

General Communicator Styles 69

Effects of Body Movements and Gestures 69Communicator Style 70

Simplifying Encoding and Decoding 70

Contents V

Role of Illustrators in Decoding 70

Positive and Negative Perceptions 71

Research on Immediacy 71

Glossary of Terminology 71

CHAPTER 4Facial Behavior 73

Importance of Facial Expressions 74

Perspectives on Acquisition and Development 74Perspective 1: Evolution and Natural Selection 74

Perspective 2: External Factors 75

Perspective 3: Innate and Learned 76

Facial Management and Expression of Emotion 79Styles of Facial Expressions 82

Primary Affect Displays and Communication 83

Variations of Facial Expressions 87

Glossary of Terminology 90

CHAPTER 5Eye Behavior 91

Properties and Functions of Eye Behavior 92

Types of Eye Behaviors 94

CLEMs 96

Eye Behavior and Individual Differences 99Nature of Relationships 100

Cultural Differences 100

Contextual Differences 101

Personality Differences 101

Gender Differences 101

Glossary of Terminology 103

CHAPTER 6Vocal Behavior 104

Categories of Vocal Behavior 105Voice Set 106

Voice Qualities and Vocalizations 106

Voice Printing 108

Silence and Pauses 108

Uses of Silence in Communication 110

VI Contents

Vocal Behavior and Turn-Interaction Management 110Turn-Maintaining 110

Turn-Yielding 111

Turn-Requesting 111

Turn-Denying 112

Interruptions 112

Accent and Dialect 113

Effects of Vocal Behavior 115Vocal Behavior and Feelings 115

Vocal Behavior and Personality 117

Vocal Behavior and Learning 119

Vocal Behavior and Persuasion 120

Vocal Behavior and Attractiveness 121

Vocal Behavior and Confidence 121

Vocal Characteristics of Good Delivery 122

Glossary of Terminology 124

CHAPTER 7Space and Territoriality 126

Phenomenon of Territoriality 127Categories of Territory 129

Territorial Defense and Encroachment 131

Types of Negative Encroachment 133

Encroachment Reactions 134

Factors Influencing Territorial Defense 137

Personal Space 138Interpersonal Distance 138

Gender Differences 139

Cultural Differences 140

Age Differences 141

Personality Differences 141

Stigmas 142

Psychiatric and Deviant Groups 142

Crowding and Density 142The Impact of High Density 144

Glossary of Terminology 145

CHAPTER 8Environment and Physical Surroundings 147

Perceptual Characteristics of Environment 148Perception of Formality 148

Perception of Warmth 150

Contents VII

Perception of Privacy 150

Perception of Familiarity 151

Perception of Constraint 151

Perception of Distance 152

Architecture and Environment 152

Spatial Arrangement 156The Shapes of Tables 156

Seating Arrangement 157

Arrangement of Office Space 161

Other Environmental Factors 162Environmental Attractiveness 162

Color in the Environment 163

Lighting in the Environment 165

Temperature and the Environment 166

Scent and Smell 167

Importance of Scents 167

Glossary of Terminology 173

CHAPTER 9Touch and Communication 174

Life-Span Development and Touch 176Touch in Animals 176

Human Development 177

Categories of Touch 180Professional-Functional Touch 180

Social-Polite Touch 182

Friendship-Warmth Touch 183

Love-Intimacy Touch 183

Sexual-Arousal Touch 184

Touch Norms and Communication 184Cultural Differences 186

Gender Differences 187

Touch Apprehension 188

What Does Touch Communicate? 190Touch and Emotion 190

Touch and Status 190

Touch and Self-Intimacy 191

Effects of Touch Deprivation 191

Glossary of Terminology 192

VIII Contents

CHAPTER 10Time 193

Time Orientations 194Psychological Time Orientation 194

Biological Time Orientation 196

Cultural Time Orientation 200

Punctuality 202

Monochronic and Polychronic Time 203

Effects of the Use of Time 204

Glossary of Terminology 206

CHAPTER 11Female-Male Nonverbal Communication 208

Definition Issues: Sex and Gender 209

Development of Nonverbal Behavior in Females and Males 209

Distinctive and Similar Characteristics: The Dilemma 211Appearance and Attractiveness 213

Gesture and Movement 214

Face and Eye Behavior 215

Vocal Behavior 219

Space 221

Touch 223

Liking and Courtship of the American Female and Male 225Avoiding Problems 227

Nonverbal Sensitivity 227

Advantages of Immediacy 228

Disadvantages of Immediacy 229

The Androgynous Person 229

Glossary of Terminology 231

CHAPTER 12Supervisor and Employee Relationships 232

Distinctive Characteristics 233

Role of Nonverbal Messages 235Physical Appearance 236

Gesture and Movement 240

Contents IX

Face and Eye Behavior 241

Vocal Behavior 242

Space 243

Touch 243

Environment 244

Time 246

Conclusions About Supervisor-Employee Relationships 247

Immediacy in the Workplace 249Advantages of Immediacy 249

Disadvantages of Immediacy 250

Glossary of Terminology 251

CHAPTER 13Teacher-Student Nonverbal Relationships 252

Teacher Roles 253The Teacher as Speaker 253

The Teacher as Moderator 255

The Teacher as Trainer 257

The Teacher as Manager 258

The Teacher as a Coordinator 259

The Teacher as Controller, Supervisor, and Helper 260

Role of Nonverbal Communication 261

Immediacy 263Verbal Immediacy 264

Nonverbal Immediacy 264

Physical Appearance 264

Instructor Appearance 265

Student Appearance 265

Gesture and Movement 268

Facial Behavior 269

Eye Behavior 270

Vocal Behavior 271

Space 271

Touch 272

Environment 274

Time 279

Outcomes of Teacher Immediacy 280Potential Drawbacks of Teacher Immediacy 283

Glossary of Terminology 283

X Contents

CHAPTER 14Intercultural Relationships 284

Defining Intercultural Communication 286Characteristics of Culture 288

Foundations of Culture 289

Nonverbal Behavior 292Appearance and Attractiveness 292

Gesture and Movement 294

Face and Eye Behavior 300

Vocal Behavior 302

Space 303

Touch 304

Environment 306

Scent 306

Time 307

Goals to Seek 308

Glossary of Terminology 311

References and Selected Readings 312Photo Credits 345Index 346

P R E FA C E

Nonverbal communication generates scholarly investigations in a widevariety of academic disciplines and involves many scholarly models.This book is a unique blend of social scientific and humanistic study

and represents what we believe constitutes the area of nonverbal communica-tion today. We have attempted to integrate the knowledge drawn from thesediverse disciplines and orientations, while avoiding devotion to a specificscholarly approach.

Popular writers in the field often overgeneralize research findings, andsuch generalizations too often find their way into nonverbal communicationclasses. In addition, many nonverbal communication classes were developed asvirtually content-free experiential courses. Such misrepresentations have notbeen conducive to generating respect for this area of study. Despite that, thestudy of nonverbal communication is having a significant impact on other dis-ciplines such as psychology, sociology, social work, family relations, law, lawenforcement, political science, and education. And we are just getting started!

The teaching of nonverbal communication is plagued by a dilemma. Onone hand, we know that all of the categories of nonverbal behavior interact tocreate communicative impact. On the other hand, to understand all of thesebehaviors, it seems necessary to look at the individual categories of behaviorone by one. Thus, most textbooks and course instructors choose between sometype of variables approach and a functional approach. The former leads to anexcellent understanding of the individual behaviors that make up nonverbalcommunication but to little understanding of how they interact. The latter leadsto an excellent understanding of the complexity of nonverbal communicationbut to little understanding of the components of this complex communicationsystem.

In this introductory textbook, we have attempted to resolve that dilem-ma by including chapters devoted to the individual categories of nonverbalbehavior as well as chapters that examine all of those variables in specific con-texts. Through this combined functions–variables–contexts approach, wehope you will develop a full and well-rounded perspective of the role of non-verbal behavior in human communicative relationships.

NEW TO THIS EDITION

In this current edition, we have fourteen chapters. Each chapter has been re-viewed and updated by the authors to streamline information for students, andeach has familiar as well as new content including over 100 new references inaddition to new biological information. An extensive new photo program has

XII Preface

also been designed that includes more vibrant and modern photographs todepict the concepts discussed throughout the textbook. We worked hard toincorporate, throughout each chapter, a closer focus on the world around us—not just the North American culture, but other cultures as well. With our in-creasingly global communities in both the classroom and in the real world, thisshift in cultural focus to a broader view allows us to meet the needs of all stu-dents. With greater diversity in our classrooms, comes the extreme need for usto focus on the entirety of “the world around us.”

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We would like to thank our editors and others who have been generous withtheir expertise. We thank Allyn & Bacon for its continued support andencouragement.

We appreciate the ideas of many teachers and students who have usedand commented upon the first six editions of this book. Specifically, we wouldlike to thank the following instructors who reviewed the previous edition andoffered feedback for this one: Rachel L. DiCioccio, University of Rhode Island;Susan K. Minton, Lindsey Wilson College; Melissa Newman, Dallas BaptistUniversity; Caroline S. Parsons, Clemson University; Candy Pettus, DallasBaptist University; Marshall Prisbell, University of Nebraska at Omaha;Monica C. Rothschild-Boros, Orange Coast College; and Avinash Thombre,University of Arkansas, Little Rock. Many of their suggestions are reflected inmodifications in this edition. We have included more citation references (bothclassic and contemporary) in this edition. We also have included extensive ci-tations of references for each chapter at the end of the book for those whowant to pursue a given topic more fully. We have cited the works of several ofour colleagues who have written books appropriate for advanced study in thisfield. We hope that when you read this introductory book, you will be moti-vated to move on to their excellent works.

Virginia Peck Richmond

James C. McCroskey

Mark L. Hickson III

Interpersonal relationships are a centralfact of our existence as human beings inmodern society. Although there may

have been a time when one person could befully self-sufficient, that time has nowpassed. Our existence is dependent on oth-ers. We must relate to others to survive.Throughout the relationships we encounterduring our life spans, the role of communi-cation is the process that makes us human.

Human communication is the processof one person stimulating meaning in themind of another person (or persons) bymeans of verbal and/or nonverbal mes-sages. Because we have devoted severalother books to explaining the nature of thisprocess in considerable detail, we will notattempt to do so in this text. Our focus inthis book is on the role of nonverbal behav-iors as messages in human communication.

1CHAPTERCommunication and NonverbalBehavior

2 C H A P T E R 1 Communication and Nonverbal Behavior

Our concern, then, is with nonverbal communication—the process of one per-son stimulating meaning in the mind of another person or persons by means ofnonverbal messages (McCroskey, 2001; McCroskey & Richmond, 1996;Richmond & McCroskey, 2001).

MYTHS ABOUT NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION

For much of the history of the study of human communication, the nonverbalcomponent was ignored (Andersen, 1999; Ruesch & Kees, 1971). As increasedattention has been directed toward this aspect of communication, severalmyths have developed that have led to considerable confusion. Let us examinea few of these myths.

1. Nonverbal communication is nonsense. All communication involves lan-guage. Therefore, all communication is verbal. This is the traditional mythheld by many persons who center their attention on language and considerlanguage and communication as virtually interchangeable terms. However,nonverbal behavior with potential for communicative impact is alwayspresent in oral interactions. We cannot even talk on the phone without in-troducing nonverbal elements into our message. The sounds of our voicesare there, and no two people’s voices are exactly alike. Therefore no twopeople, even saying the same words, are sending the same message. Theirvoices cause the messages to differ from each other. In live interaction, ofcourse, many more nonverbal messages are present. Nonverbal communi-cation is not nonsense. Nonverbal behavior affects all oral communicationsituations. We wave, we wink, we hold hands without saying a word.

2. Nonverbal behavior accounts for most of the communication in humaninteraction. This myth is an overreaction to the falsity of the first myth.Early research into nonverbal communication, conducted in both labora-tory and field settings, indicated that a large portion of the variability inmeaning communicated was a function of nonverbal rather than verbalmessages. Although this research conclusively showed the falsity of thetraditional myth, it was overinterpreted by many later scholars. Manyauthors have commonly quoted this early research to conclude that 65 to93 percent of all meaning communicated is attributable to nonverbal ele-ments (Birdwhistell, 1970; Mehrabian & Ferris, 1967; Mehrabian &Weiner, 1967; Philpot, 1983). Indeed, such results were found to be thecase in the studies cited. What is typically ignored, however, is that theseearly studies were specifically designed to prove the first myth incorrect,and the human interaction studied was not typical of all interaction.Therefore, some subsequent generalizations about the impact of all non-verbal behavior are unjustified. Although nonverbal elements dominatecommunication in many circumstances, in others nonverbal elementshave far fewer significant effects. Therefore, both verbal and nonverbalelements are important in most human interaction, and the meaning

Myths About Nonverbal Communication 3

communicated usually depends on the interaction of the two, not oneither element alone.

3. You can read a person like a book. Besides being the title of a popularbook, this myth is held by many individuals who have never studied non-verbal communication. Human behavior is not structured like a language.It is highly variable and idiosyncratic for each individual. Although thereare identifiable patterns, these are not nearly strong enough to tell uswhat a given nonverbal behavior means in all situations. Often nonverbalbehavior cannot be translated into definitions that apply to verbal behav-ior with any degree of confidence. When a baby smiles, it may be that thebaby is happy; it may also be that the baby has gas. When an adult smiles,it may be that the person is pleased; it may also be that the person is con-cealing anger or hatred. Read at your own risk!

4. If a person does not look you in the eye while talking to you, he or she isnot telling you the truth. This myth is a variant of the previous myth andrepresents a whole range of myths about nonverbal behavior that we alllearned as children. Many of our nonverbal behaviors are subject to ourcontrol. Where we direct our gaze is one of those behaviors. Because welearn that people think we are not telling the truth if we don’t look themin the eye, we learn to look at them whether we are telling the truth ornot. Some research shows that liars are more likely to look someone inthe eye than to look away. The best con artists will always look you inthe eye—while they are getting you to give them your money!

5. Although nonverbal behavior differs from person to person, most non-verbal behaviors are natural to all people. This myth is one that noteveryone accepts when it is verbalized but one that almost all of usbehave as if we believe. We assume that how we behave nonverbally isnormal and that any substantial deviation from that pattern is not nor-mal. This tendency is particularly problematic when we encounter peo-ple from another culture. People from different cultures learn differentnonverbal behaviors, and all perceive their own as normal. There arealso meaningful differences between males and females, between olderpeople and younger people, and among people from various ethnicgroups. “Normal” is dependent on one’s cultural surroundings.

6. Nonverbal behavior stimulates the same meanings in different situations.This myth assumes that nonverbal behaviors are meaningful in them-selves. In other words, a handshake or wrinkling one’s nose means thesame thing in different contexts. This is untrue. Meanings are in people’sminds, not nonverbal behaviors. The meaning attributed to nonverbalbehavior by others is always influenced by the context in which the be-havior occurs. We should never attempt to draw inferences based solelyon nonverbal information without considering the entire verbal and non-verbal context. Context must always be considered when attempting toexplain communication based on nonverbal behavior.

4 C H A P T E R 1 Communication and Nonverbal Behavior

NONVERBAL VERSUS VERBAL MESSAGES

Throughout the almost 5,000 years of recorded history relating to the studyof human communication, research and teaching about communication hascentered on verbal messages. Not until the eighteenth century did communi-cation scholars began to extend serious attention to the role of nonverbalbehavior. By the mid-twentieth century, the study of nonverbal behavior andcommunication became the focus of intense interest in many scholarly disci-plines, from anthropology to communication and from architecture to psy-chology. A difficult issue facing scholars of nonverbal communication hasbeen the drawing of meaningful and clear distinctions between what is verbaland what is nonverbal. Such clear distinctions have been elusive. Although wecannot provide an absolute distinction between verbal and nonverbal mes-sages, we can draw several less-than-perfect distinctions that will help you tosee some of their differences.

The Linguistic Distinction

Verbal messages clearly depend on language, but nonverbal messages do notnecessarily depend on the presence of any language. This has led some to sug-gest that nonverbal communication is simply “communication withoutwords.” Of course, much (if not most) nonverbal behavior exists in the

Gestures and Sign Language

Kendon, A. (2008). Some reflections on the

relationship between ‘gesture’ and ‘sign.’

Gesture, 8, 348–366.

Students often ask the question whether thesigning used by deaf speakers is included in the study of nonverbal communication. Inthis article, Adam Kendon provides an his-torical account of the concept of signingversus gesturing. The issue has circulatedaround those who teach linguistics for sometime now. Vico used what he called “mutesigns” as the basis for why he thought lan-guage itself began with gestures. In theUnited States, Thomas Gallaudet startedthe first school for the deaf in Connecticutin 1817. Throughout the first half of thenineteenth century, such schools teachingfrom a French as well as an English modelwere established. In 1872, a book byCharles Darwin, Expression of the Emotionsin Man and Animals, drew some attention.Critics of Gallaudet’s “manualist” approachreferred to it as primitivism. Much of the

concern involved where language camefrom as opposed to how we use language.Ferdinand de Saussure suggested that thetwo should be separated. Others haveindicated that sign language should be con-sidered different from nonverbal communi-cation (gestures) because sign language wasfirst based on a written form of language.Kendon expresses the view of what he calls“alternate sign languages.” Systems usedin monasteries, baseball games, and noisyfactories are examples. Our concern is withnonverbal communication, including ges-tures, and we would note that signers oftengesture with their faces and other parts oftheir bodies aside from their hands.

Nonverbal Versus Verbal Messages 5

presence of spoken words, so this distinction oversimplifies the matter.Nevertheless, the distinction is relevant. Verbal messages depend on language,and language is an arbitrary system of coding meaning so that it may be under-stood by people who share a common language. Most nonverbal behavior isnot part of an arbitrary coding system. Emblems (a type of gesture we considerin Chapter 3) are an exception to this general rule. Similarly, some languagesdepend solely on nonverbal behavior, and these languages are also arbitrarysystems of coding meaning. Some examples are American Sign Language (thegestural language of the hearing-impaired), drum languages in parts of Africa,smoke languages of American Indian tribes, the whistling language of theCanary Islands, semaphore (flag language), and the Morse code for telegraphiccommunication. Currently, there are many books for various cultures (e.g.,Greek, Italian, U.S., and Japanese) that code and classify certain nonverbalbehaviors with definite meanings. These books are useful when traveling todifferent cultures because they tell us what a behavior means to people inanother culture. Although there are many exceptions, it is still useful to realizethat most verbal messages rely on a language, whereas many nonverbal mes-sages do not.

The Continuity Distinction

Verbal messages are discontinuous—that is, we say some words, then we stopsaying words, then we say some more, then we stop, and so on. Nonverbalmessages are continuous. Nonverbal behavior never stops. Even when we areasleep, our bodies continue to send nonverbal messages. The absence of behav-ior sends a message just as much as the presence, if not more so. (Have youever received the silent treatment?) This fact has led us to this grammaticallyimperfect but thought-provoking comment: When you are in the presence ofanother human being, you cannot not communicate.

Although the continuity distinction has fewer exceptions than the linguis-tic distinction, it is also less than perfect. Nonverbal messages may be consideredcontinuous only if we take them as a whole. Individual nonverbal messagesindeed do stop. Gestures begin and end. Eye contact begins and ends. Vocaltones begin and end. Touch begins and ends. Smiles begin and end. However, itis best to think of nonverbal behavior as a package of simultaneous messagesrather than as the discrete messages of gesture, voice, touch, and so on. In thissense, the continuity distinction is an important one.

The Processing Distinction

In recent years, much has been made of how the human brain processesincoming information. Early research in the United States provided strong evi-dence that most people process verbal stimuli on the left side of the brain whileprocessing nonverbal stimuli on the right side of the brain. This suggests thatverbal and nonverbal communication are really two separate and distinct com-munication systems. Subsequent research, however, has cast considerabledoubt on this distinction. Humans are not all alike. Left-handed people do not

6 C H A P T E R 1 Communication and Nonverbal Behavior

consistently follow the pattern of right-handed people. Thus the processingdistinction has not led to the insights researchers had hoped for. It is quite pos-sible that as neurophysiological research advances, we will find important dis-tinctions in the area of processing, but those findings have not yet appeared.

In conclusion, we find ourselves unable to make an absolute distinctionbetween verbal and nonverbal messages. We appreciate the feeling of a mem-ber of the U.S. Supreme Court when he found himself unable to define pornog-raphy. He begged off by saying, “I know it when I see it.” We believe we knowwhat nonverbal messages are when we see them. We hope that by examiningthe various categories of nonverbal behavior in upcoming chapters, you will beable to do so as well—if you cannot already.

The Outcome Distinction

Verbal messages serve primarily a content or cognitive function. Nonverbalmessages serve primarily an affective, relational, or emotional function. Thecontent of what we say is communicated by the verbal message. Both types ofmessages (verbal and nonverbal) are important to the success of the communi-cation between persons. If we expect others to develop positive attitudesabout/toward us, our verbal communication alone may not accomplish this. Ifwe ignore the verbal content of our messages, however, then others may notunderstand what it is we are trying to convey. Both the nonverbal and verbalcomponents of communication are often necessary for a receiver to get theentire message and understand the meaning behind it.

The Absolute Distinction

Verbal messages generally have an explicit intent or meaning. Nonverbal mes-sages convey an implicit or questionable meaning. Increasingly, nonverbalbehaviors have less implicit meaning. This is because of the education takingplace in many cultures about the various meanings that often exist behind anonverbal movement or expression. However, it is unlikely that nonverbalmessages will ever be truly explicit (one meaning for one message). Likewise,verbal messages will most likely remain structured and explicit.

INTENTIONALITY AND NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION

We have used the terms nonverbal behavior and nonverbal communication,but we have not distinguished between them. Nonverbal behavior is any of awide variety of human behaviors that also have the potential for forming com-municative messages. Such nonverbal behavior becomes nonverbal communi-cation if another person interprets the behavior as a message and attributesmeaning to it. We can engage in nonverbal behavior whether we are alone orsomeone else is present. We can engage in nonverbal communication only inthe presence of one or more people who interpret our behavior as messagesand assign meaning to those messages. At a mundane level, we can engage in

Intentionality and Nonverbal Communication 7

the nonverbal behavior of scratching ourselves when we are alone. If we do soin the presence of another person and that person interprets our scratching asa message and as showing that we are nervous, for example, we have engagedin nonverbal communication, even if we are not aware of having done so.

For human communication to exist, whether verbal or nonverbal, asource must send a message and a receiver must receive and interpret that mes-sage. Sometimes we send messages intentionally and sometimes accidentally.Sometimes receivers perceive our verbal and nonverbal behavior as messages,and sometimes they do not. Figure 1.1 illustrates these distinctions.

In Box 1 of Figure 1.1, the source engages in nonverbal behavior with theintention of sending a message to the receiver, and the receiver interprets the behavior as a message. When this occurs, it is nonverbal communication.This does not mean that the receiver has interpreted the message the way thesource intended, but communication has occurred whether or not the intendedmeaning was stimulated. Therefore the source engages in a behavior withintent to send a message; a receiver receives and interprets the behavior as amessage. For example, the source smiles with intent to send a greeting to areceiver; the receiver interprets the smile as a message.

In Box 2 of Figure 1.1, the source has sent an intentional message (thesmile), but the receiver did not interpret it as a message. Therefore no nonverbalcommunication has occurred. This can happen when the receiver simply missesthe message (is looking the other way, for example) or does not recognize thebehavior as a message. The latter may be illustrated by the case of one partner

FIGURE 1.1Nonverbal Behavior and Nonverbal Communication

Receiver

Source

Behaves toSend Message

Behaves with No Intentto Send Message

InterpretsBehavior

as Message

NonverbalCommunication

Does Not InterpretBehavior

as Message

NonverbalBehavior

8 C H A P T E R 1 Communication and Nonverbal Behavior

kicking the other partner under the table to signal that it is time to leave, but theone kicked simply thinks it was accidental behavior and ignores it.

Box 3 of Figure 1.1 represents accidental communication. This is probablythe most common type of nonverbal communication, and it is this that oftencauses a communication crisis. A person behaves by smiling, for instance, andothers attribute meaning to the behavior without the source even being aware ofit. For example, people simply observing the smile might assume that the sourcewas making fun of them, smiling about something funny, smiling because he orshe got away with something, or smiling out of a desire to know them better.Often people behave without considering the behavior’s message potential forothers. For example, a person may arrive a few minutes late for a meeting andthink nothing of it. Other people in the meeting, however, may interpret thisnonverbal behavior as showing lack of respect for them or a lack of interest inthe meeting.

Box 4 of Figure 1.1 represents unintentional behavior that does notresult in communication. The source engages in nonverbal behavior but thereceiver pays no attention to it. Unfortunately, people who have not studiednonverbal communication tend to overestimate the proportion that falls in thiscategory. They often are insensitive to the accidental messages that they aresending and how receivers are responding to them. Much of the informationthat belongs in the Box 3 category is thought to belong in Box 4. It does not.This lack of understanding of the communicative potential of nonverbalbehavior is what this book is designed to reduce.

CULTURE AND NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION

As we note throughout this book, the communicative potential of nonverbalbehavior is heavily influenced by culture. We learn to behave in certain waysthrough our exposure to our culture. Similarly, our culture teaches us how tointerpret the messages generated by other people’s nonverbal behavior. Everyculture has its own unique way of communicating nonverbally. Thus a nonver-bal behavior in one culture may send a strong message in that culture but havelittle or no message potential in another culture. Similarly, the meanings ofnonverbal messages may differ sharply from one culture to another. Sometimesvirtually opposite meanings may be stimulated by the same behavior in twodifferent cultures.

This book is written principally from the vantage point of the general U.S.culture. We do not apologize for this ethnocentric approach. To understand therelationship between nonverbal behavior and nonverbal communication, onemust work within some cultural framework, because little if any nonverbalbehavior has a pan-cultural communicative impact. Once one develops anunderstanding of nonverbal communication in one culture, one can learn aboutnonverbal communication in other cultures. Without an understanding of non-verbal communication in one’s own culture as well as the culture of the personwith whom you are communicating, extensive accidental communication isprobable.

Functions of Nonverbal Messages 9

FUNCTIONS OF NONVERBAL MESSAGES

Nonverbal communication does not occur in a void. In most circumstances,nonverbal communication occurs jointly with verbal communication. Moreover,although single nonverbal behaviors can send independent messages, more typi-cally nonverbal messages are composed of groups of nonverbal behaviors.Receivers may interpret the various messages independently, but usually they areinterpreted together as a message system. Sometimes we draw most of the mean-ing from the verbal messages, sometimes we draw most from the nonverbal mes-sages, and sometimes the meaning we draw comes from the combined impact ofboth verbal and nonverbal messages. Whether verbal or nonverbal messages aredominant depends on the situation. As noted earlier, it is not possible to draw avalid generalization across all situations about the relative importance of verbaland nonverbal messages.

It is useful to examine the six major functions of nonverbal messages inrelation to verbal messages in communication. Such an analysis will demon-strate how verbal and nonverbal messages often are highly interrelated. Thesesix functions are complementing, contradicting, accenting, repeating,regulating, and substituting.

Complementing

Some nonverbal messages are consistent with accompanying verbal mes-sages. A nonverbal message that complements the verbal message adds to,reinforces, clarifies, elaborates, or explains the intended meaning of the ver-bal message. Consider, for example, two people in love. One person says tothe other, “I love you.” These words alone will probably be well received bythe other person. However, if the words are sent in a pleasant voice, accom-panied by a long, warm embrace, the message is even stronger. In anothervein, consider the person who says, “I’ll make your life miserable!” Such aremark might upset us, but it would be much more upsetting if the personwho said it were towering over us, yelling in a loud voice, and shaking a fistat us.

Contradicting

Instead of complementing the verbal message, some nonverbal messages con-tradict, dispute, counter, or are in conflict with the verbal messages. Consider,for example, the employee who has just been reprimanded by a supervisor.The supervisor says, “Tell me you won’t make that mistake again.” Theemployee says the words: “I won’t make that mistake again,” but does so withan extreme pout or sneer or whine while looking down at her or his desk.Would you believe that this employee won’t make the mistake again? Mostpeople would not. People tend overwhelmingly to believe the nonverbal ratherthan the verbal message when the two are contradictory. The exceptions tothis are younger children. By about age twelve, children learn most adult non-verbal norms and accept the nonverbal over the verbal message when the mes-

10 C H A P T E R 1 Communication and Nonverbal Behavior

sages are in conflict. Typically, younger children have not learned this norm. Ifa parent whose child walked onto a clean carpet with muddy feet said, “Thatwas really smart, Billy,” Billy might take his parent at his or her word andengage in the behavior again in the future, believing that it makes him appearsmart.

The latter illustration is an example of sarcasm. People often use sarcasmto make a point. Inherent in the use of sarcasm is the presentation of nonver-bal messages that contradict the verbal messages. One must make sure that thenonverbal message clearly contradicts the verbal message if one wants the sarcasm to be understood. Even mature adults sometimes fail to sense the con-tradiction, and the sarcasm is lost on them. This, of course, is much more com-mon in communication with young children.

Accenting

Nonverbal messages can be used to accent, enhance, emphasize, or highlighta verbal message. Pausing before speaking tends to make what is saidnext appear more important. Speaking louder than usual highlights the verbalmessage. Similarly, touching someone while talking emphasizes what is said.In contrast, we can accent a verbal message negatively by presenting it unen-thusiastically. When messages are presented in such a way, people tendto think of them as unimportant and quickly forget them. You can proba-bly think of an instructor or boss you have had who treated some materialthis way. The likelihood of your remembering the content of these messagesis low.

Nonverbal behavior can speak volumes!

Functions of Nonverbal Messages 11

Repeating

A nonverbal message that serves the function of repeating, reiterating, or restat-ing the verbal is one that could stand alone if the verbal were not present. Suchmessages usually are emblems and are discussed in more detail in Chapter 3. Asan example, however, consider the case in which you are ordering two tacos ata fast-food restaurant. You are likely to say you want two tacos and simultane-ously hold up two fingers. The nonverbal repeats the verbal.

Regulating

Verbal interactions are coordinated through regulation and direction. Such reg-ulation and management are accomplished primarily through nonverbal mes-sages. These regulatory nonverbal messages include looking at or away from theother person, raising a finger while pausing to show that you have not finishedspeaking, raising or lowering the inflection of your voice, and so on. For exam-ple, when we wish to signal that it is the other person’s turn to talk, we finish ourcurrent statement with a lowered inflection, look directly at the other person,and stop gesturing. Such nonverbal behavior regulates or manages the flow ofverbal messages.

Substituting

Substitution occurs when nonverbal messages are sent instead of verbal mes-sages. Waving at or beckoning toward another person is a common example.Glaring at another person may communicate the same thing as saying some-thing negative. Often we let people know that we are angry with them by notsending them any verbal messages. Our nonverbal message of absence fromtheir presence can express the same meaning, and it doesn’t give them a chanceto talk back!

These six functions do not always occur independently. It is quite possiblefor complementing, repeating, and accenting to occur simultaneously. Nonverbalmessages can serve to accomplish a variety of functions. Sometimes these func-tions can be accomplished with a single nonverbal behavior, but more com-monly a group of different behaviors is used to accomplish a given function.Sometimes more than one function is accomplished simultaneously. Sometimesverbal communication is involved, and sometimes it is not. In short, althoughverbal messages can sometimes stand virtually alone, as can individual nonver-bal messages, more commonly there is interaction between nonverbal behaviorand verbal behavior to produce meaning in the minds of others.

For the most part, verbal messages serve primarily a content function,whereas nonverbal messages serve primarily an affective or relational function.The cognitive content of what we are sending to others usually is sent primarilyvia verbal messages. The affective or relational meaning is sent primarily vianonverbal messages. This relational, emotional, or affective meaning often iscalled nonverbal immediacy. When one person is nonverbally immediate withanother person, the other person often has a feeling of physical or psychological

12 C H A P T E R 1 Communication and Nonverbal Behavior

closeness to the immediate person. Although verbal messages can have animpact on immediacy, nonverbal messages usually have a much greater impact.We consider immediacy in greater detail in a later chapter.

CATEGORIES OF NONVERBAL MESSAGES

Individual nonverbal behavior serves as a communicative message only withina context and often in the company of many other nonverbal behaviors as wellas verbal messages. Communication as a whole is a process that involves avariety of messages within a given context. It is a dynamic, ongoing, interac-tive process, not a linear one. If you turn the light switch on, the light comeson. If you step on the brake, the car slows. If you press a key on a computerkeyboard, a function takes place. These are linear processes.

Communication is not like these linear processes. The same verbal ornonverbal behaviors do not always produce the same outcome. Messages areprocessed by receivers within contexts. Therefore it is rare that differentreceivers in different contexts interpret the same messages in the same way.

It is important to keep this in mind in reading this book. We will dividenonverbal behavior into several categories and examine each category in somedetail. Nonverbal messages generated by each category do not exist in isolationbut rather in the company of messages from other categories—verbal messages,contexts, and people functioning as message receivers. Although we discusssome effects of messages in each category, we must remember that these effectsare influenced by more than the message from the given category alone. Wehope that this structure helps you to understand how the parts work together toproduce the total communicative effect.

This structure is outlined in the following text. At this point, we need toconsider the various categories of nonverbal messages that are considered indetail in the following chapters: physical appearance, gesture and movement,face and eye behavior, vocal behavior, space, touch, environment, and time.

Physical Appearance

The first message we send to anyone with whom we come in contact is con-veyed by our physical appearance. If that message is deplored by the other per-son, he or she may not even consider further communication. There are manyaspects of physical appearance that produce potential messages, includingbody size, body shape, facial features, hair, skin color, height, weight, and theclothing and objects we wear. Each of these can have an important impact onour communication with others.

Gesture and Movement

The study of the communicative aspects of gesture and bodily movement isknown as kinesics (Birdwhistell, 1970). This research focuses on the movementsof hands and arms, posture, torso, and bodily movements (such as bending orwalking). Messages generated by this type of behavior have often been called

Categories of Nonverbal Messages 13

body language, but this term is a misnomer. Although the body is sending mes-sages, such messages do not form a linguistic system (the gestural language ofthe hearing-impaired is an important exception) and thus do not represent a lan-guage in any normal sense of that term. Viewing all bodily movements and ges-tures as if they constituted a language may lead a person to believe that he or shecan learn the meaning of the language and thus read people—this is not the case.

Face and Eye Behavior

The study of the communicative aspects of eye behavior is known as oculesics.Because it is virtually impossible to separate the messages sent by the eyes andthose sent by the face (such as raising an eyebrow), we prefer to consider thesetogether. These messages have a major influence on expressing emotions andregulating interactions between people.

Vocal Behavior

The study of the communicative aspects of the voice is known as vocalics orparalanguage. Characteristics of the voice and its use, including the accentwith which we speak and the dialect we use, have a major impact on how ver-bal messages are received. Some researchers argue that more of the meaning ininterpersonal communication is stimulated by vocalic messages than by theverbal messages themselves. While this may not always be true, it certainly istrue much of the time.

Space

The study of the communicative aspects of space is known as proxemics.There are two important areas in this research—territoriality (claiming ormarking space) and use of personal space (interactive space). Each has animportant bearing on the kinds of messages we send as we use space. There isreason to believe that our basic approach to space is at least partly instinctual.Nevertheless, humans differ greatly in their use of space and, as a result, senddifferent nonverbal messages.

Touch

The study of the communicative aspects of touch is known as haptics. Touchhas been called the most potent nonverbal message in communication.Although this may not be universally true, it is generally true in the UnitedStates, where touch is so commonly forbidden. Touch, in this culture at least,sends a potent message, one that can rarely be ignored. Although touching isoften taboo in this culture, it is less so in many other cultures.

Environment

Researchers in many disciplines have examined the impact of environmenton human behavior and on communication behavior specifically. Because

environment is not human behavior per se, it may seem strange to include thiscategory in a book on nonverbal behavior. However, because environment canhave a major influence on communication and we can exert considerable con-trol over our environment through our behavior, we have chosen to include it.In relating environment to communication, we look at such things as architec-ture, interior spatial arrangements, music, lighting, color, temperature, andscent. The limited research involving the study of the communicative aspects ofscent and smell has been called olfactics. If beauty is in the eye of the beholder,then scent is in the nose of the sniffer. People react differently to scents andsmells. Often we send important nonverbal messages through our use of scentsand smells. American society shows its concern with this nonverbal category byspending millions of dollars annually on deodorants and perfumes.

Time

The study of the communicative aspects of time is called chronemics. Few cul-tures are as dependent upon time as is our culture. Our use of time sendsstrong messages about how we feel about ideas and people. For example, ifyou are late for a meeting or class, a negative message is usually attached toyour behavior. Because most people in this culture are so time-bound, they failto realize what their responses to time might communicate to others. It hasbeen said that time talks. “Time shouts” might be a more accurate statement.

14 C H A P T E R 1 Communication and Nonverbal Behavior

Glossary of Terminology

Accidental communication occurswhen people behave and othersattribute meaning to the behaviorwithout the sender intending it.Chronemics is the study of thecommunicative aspects of time.Haptics is the study of the communicative aspects of touch.Human communication is theprocess of one person stimulatingmeaning in the mind of anotherperson (or persons) by means ofverbal and/or nonverbal messages.Kinesics is the study of the com-municative aspects of gestures andbodily movements.Nonverbal behavior is any of a widevariety of human behaviors that alsohave the potential for being inter-preted as a communicative message.

Nonverbal communication is theprocess of one person stimulatingmeaning in the mind of another person (or persons) by means of nonverbal messages.Nonverbal immediacy refers to an individual’s nonverbal behavior that causes another person to have afeeling of physical or psychologicalcloseness to that individual.Oculesics is the study of the com-municative aspects of eye behavior.Olfactics is the study of the communicative aspects of scent andsmell.Proxemics is the study of the communicative aspects of space.Vocalics or paralanguage is thestudy of the communicative aspectsof the voice.

Many of us develop opinions aboutpeople we meet based on how theylook, what they wear, whether we

think they are attractive, and what objectsthey use to adorn their bodies or accessorizetheir clothing. Nonverbal messages basedon physical appearance may be as impor-tant as any nonverbal messages we receivefrom other people. They may even be moreimportant.

■ First, these appearance-based messagesare generally the first received.

■ Second, these appearance messagesinitially have a strong influence on ourwillingness or unwillingness to com-municate with another.

2CHAPTERPhysical Appearance

Students at Ramkhamhaeng University inBangkok, Thailand.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

16 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

■ Third, these appearance messages have a strong influence on how the rela-tionship might develop.

■ Fourth, these appearance messages are often used to make initial judg-ments about another person.

■ Fifth, the initial judgments made about another person may or may notbe representative of the person.

Simply put, if we see someone who looks like us or is appealing to us, wehave a greater likelihood of approaching that person, communicating withhim or her, and beginning a relationship. In this culture, we are less likely toapproach people who look too different from us. In this chapter, we discussthe significance of physical appearance as it influences our perceptions ofattractiveness and our perceptions of others.

ATTRACTIVENESS

When someone says that a person is attractive, what do they really mean? Dopeople possess something called attractiveness? Is it a characteristic of certainindividuals? Is singer Beyoncé attractive? Is Denzel Washington attractive? In ourculture, we think of attractiveness as a perception based on the physical attributesand features of the people we are considering. Attractiveness is something we per-ceive in someone else and they in us. It does not exist on its own. Attractiveness ornonattractiveness is in the eye of the beholder (Berscheid & Walster, 1969, 1971,1972, 1978; Cash & Janda, 1984; Dion, Berscheid & Walster, 1972; Feingold,1992; Lewis & Bierly, 1990; McCroskey & Richmond, 1996; McCroskey,Wrench & Richmond, 2003; Mottet & Richmond, 2002; Richmond, 2002;Richmond & Hickson, 2002; Richmond & McCroskey, 2000; Stone, Singletary,& Richmond, 1999; Walster, Aronson, Abrahams, & Rohmann, 1966).

Types of Attractiveness

Wilson and Nias (1999) state that “most people find beauty more powerfulthan they will admit” (p. 101). They continue by suggesting that most people,when asked what qualities they look for in a friend or lover, include suchthings as intelligence, sense of humor, caring, honesty, and warmth. However,the body of research and evidence about physical attractiveness concludes thatphysical attractiveness may be the single most important factor in determiningwhom we choose as our friends, dates, lovers, and coworkers. Initially, person-ality may not count in the early development of relationships; it is beauty andphysical attractiveness that counts (Bixler & Nix-Rice, 1997; Heilman &Stopeck, 1985; Morris, 1985; Richmond, 1996; Sabatelli & Rubin, 1986;Walster, Aronson, Abrahams, & Rohmann, 1966; Widgery & Ruch, 1981).

Generally, attractiveness is the degree to which we perceive another personas someone with whom we would want to associate. Attraction is a term drawnfrom the field of physics. Some entities are magnetically drawn to each other.While magnetic forces do not draw people together, the analogy is a good one.We even sometimes refer to an individual as having a magnetic personality.

Attractiveness 17

People are, indeed, psychologically drawn to one other (Mehrabian, 1971a,1971b; Richmond, 2002). From this perspective, three different types of attrac-tiveness were identified many years ago by McCroskey and McCain (1974).These three types of interpersonal attractiveness still hold true today.

The first type, the one with which we are primarily concerned here, isphysical attractiveness. This type of attractiveness refers to the degree to whichwe perceive another person as attractive because of her or his physical attrib-utes. While some people may prefer to look at the face first to determineattractiveness, others look at the body first, and still others scrutinize theentire package from head to toe. Although writers on nonverbal communica-tion have had difficulty explaining the forces involved in physical attractive-ness, clearly this type of attractiveness plays a important role in determiningour interactions with others, particularly with strangers (Andersen, 1999;Henley, 1977; Widgery & Ruch, 1981; Morris, Gorham, Cohen, & Huffman,1996). We usually prefer to converse with strangers whom we perceive to begood-looking, pretty, or handsome. People often attempt to avoid contact withthose they find physically unattractive.

The second type of attractiveness is social attractiveness. Social attrac-tiveness is the degree to which we perceive another person as someone withwhom we would like to play, fraternize, associate, or socialize.

The final type of attractiveness is task attractiveness. This is the degree towhich we perceive another person as someone with whom we would like towork, conduct business, or have as a coworker or teammate.

Although perceptions of physical attractiveness are distinct from percep-tions of social and task attractiveness, this does not mean these are totally unre-lated perceptions. Often, particularly during initial encounters, we perceiveanother person as physically appealing and then see him or her as socially or taskattractive as well. On the other hand, we tend to judge physically unattractivepersons as undesirable to socialize or work with. Although these are initialimpressions, they often affect future interactions with new acquaintances aswell as decisions regarding future communication. Perceptions of social andtask attractiveness may change over time. These changes may occur despite thephysical attraction. However, in a newly formed relationship, physical attrac-tiveness may determine one’s level of task or social attraction for another.Furthermore, we may find some people less than attractive, but as we begin tosocialize or work with them, they take on a better appearance in our eyes. Inconclusion:

■ Initially, physical attractiveness may determine whether a person willapproach another person.

■ Initially, physical attractiveness may affect whether communication withanother person takes place.

■ Initially, physical attractiveness may affect what type of communicationoccurs.

■ Generally, we like physically attractive people more than physically unat-tractive people.

18 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

■ As social and task attractiveness begin to emerge as important types ofattractiveness, the impact of the physical appearance of another personmay dissipate.

■ As social or task attractiveness begins to become a part of the relation-ship, the person may actually seem more or less physically attractiveto us.

However, in this culture, we should remember that often our baser instinctsrule whom we approach and whom we do not approach. When we need direc-tions to the mall, are we going to approach the average good-looking personon the street or the sweaty, smelly, red-faced, homely person? Nine times outof ten we will approach the more attractive of the two.

What Is Attractive Today May Be Out Tomorrow

What features we consider attractive are highly dependent on cultural and his-torical influences, as well as current trends (Gudykunst & Kim, 1992; Hall,1984). In North American culture, recent trends for women suggest that thewell-toned, athletic, superthin, almost emaciated look is in, whereas earliergenerations found the ample, buxom, plump look more appealing. Recenttrends for men suggest that the well-toned, tall, masculine look is in, whereasthe well-fed look was more attractive in the past (Feingold & Mazzella, 1998;Henig, 1996; Johnston, 1994; Jourard & Secord, 1955; Kalick, Zebrowitz,Langlois & Johnson, 1998; Kaltenbach, 1991; Reyes, 1993; Singh, 1964;Stark, 1986; Walker, 1963).

Americans spend more money on cosmetic surgery than any other groupin the world. Americans seem to spend much of their time worrying aboutappearance and impressing others. This keeps people such as Joya Paterson inbusiness. Paterson holds seminars on guidelines for purchasing the correct bra.She suggests that 85 percent of women wear the wrong bra. Her seminars

Redefining Hijab

Droogsma, R. A. (2007). Redefining hijab:

American Muslim women’s standpoints on veiling.

Journal of Applied Communication Research,

35, 294–319.

According to Droogsma, some Americanwomen object to Muslim women wearing aveil or headscarf in the United States. Thehijab serves as a means of identifying thewomen with Muslim culture. The womenwho wear the hijab are viewed by others aswearing the veil as a sign of weakness andsubmission to their husbands. However, thewearers perceive the hijab as loyalty totheir culture. In a sense, it makes themappear more authentic and not for their

appearance of “womanhood.” Becausethey do not adapt to American fashion,they feel that they are freer. Understandinga culture depends in part on understandingtheir dress.

Attractiveness 19

focus on figuring out each woman’s body size and cup size, trying on the bra,and studying it. American women want comfort in their bras as well as a fitthat enhances their appearance. Although leaders of the clothing industry mayfear that the American public will sooner or later stop spending small fortuneson clothing and accessories, it has not happened.

Hairstyles for men and women change constantly and, we suspect, willcontinue to change as people’s ideas of physical attractiveness evolve. Fair skinwas once not only a mark of beauty but also a significant sign of social status.Only wealthy women and men could afford to stay inside. Now, tanned skinhas become a sign that one has leisure time to sunbathe and travel to warmplaces. Recently, among health-conscious individuals, fair skin has becomeattractive again. The concern about skin cancer caused by exposure to the sunhas influenced the culture’s perception of what is attractive.

During the 1920s, American women went to great lengths to make theirchests appear flat and their hips small. In more recent times, padded bras andbreast implants have been used to enhance the breasts. By the 1990s, Americanmen were receiving hair transplants, including on their chests, so that theywould appear more masculine. Men and women are having liposuction toremove fat. Teenagers are begging parents for a new nose instead of a bicyclefor Christmas.

Physical attractiveness depends on culture as well. In one culture, menappreciate women whose necks have been stretched to twelve inches and whosenoses or lips are pierced with wooden jewelry. Many Afghan and Pakistaniwomen are expected to cover their beauty, only showing eyes and eyebrows.The Chinese once believed that a woman’s small feet were a sign of fertility.Therefore, from infancy, Chinese females would have their feet tightly boundto thwart growth. Although such binding is no longer common in most areasof China, small-footed women are still seen as attractive by many Chinese. Ina few African cultures, people bind their heads to flatten them, stretch their lipswith wooden plates, and scar their bodies in various places to make them moreappealing. Many cultures consider body piercing and tattooing attractive.

In the United States, such appearances have been considered to be “lowclass” and ugly until recently. In the 1950s, for example, operators of tattooparlors often refused a woman’s request for service unless she was over 21 yearsold, married, and accompanied by her husband (Vevea, 2008). Today the vari-ety and sophistication of tattoos is phenomenal. From prison tattoos, whichprisoners use to show their rebellion against the uniformity of clothing, towomen’s preferences for tattoos with personal meanings to entire bodies usedas canvases, today’s younger population is much more accepting of tattoos. Inevery culture at different times, the need to be attractive has driven people toget their bodies shaped, sucked, pulled, twisted, nipped, tucked, or pushed intomultiple shapes for the sake of appearance, group identification, status, like-ableness, and popularity. Although it would be easy to laugh at these behaviorsin other cultures and to muse about the lack of sophistication of such people, wemust take care, for the last laugh may be on us. Such manipulation of the bodyis common in the United States. Breast implants, breast reductions, face-lifts,

20 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

Body piercing is becomingcommon in the American culture.

hair implants, liposuction, and other forms of plastic surgery; high-heeledpumps, body enhancers, padded bras, and skin-tight clothing; shaved legs,faces, and underarms; pierced lips, eyebrows, noses, and tongues are all exam-ples of ways Americans have penalized their bodies and endured unnecessarypain to make themselves more appealing, well-liked, popular, and acceptable.Our phobia of unshaven underarms on women causes howls of laughter frompeople in most other parts of the world. Our culture is also addicted to diets,diets, and more diets, or the “healthy lifestyle” as it is commonly knowntoday. If the diets and healthy life changes do not work, there’s always liposuc-tion! During the last decade in the United States, liposuction has become themost popular plastic surgery for both men and women. At one time, most ofthese self-mutilations were almost exclusively engaged in by women. Todaythey are just as likely to be engaged in by men. We can hardly make fun ofother cultures and the things they do to their bodies to be more attractive.Maybe we should be laughing at each other—or just ourselves.

Why, then, is attractiveness so important? Why do we go to such extremelengths to be perceived as attractive? The answer lies in the nonverbal messagesour appearance communicates to others. Others use our appearance as an

Attractiveness 21

important source of information about us. They attribute to us certain charac-teristics, predict our social behavior, and make judgments about our success,competence, and character in our professional and personal lives. Think for amoment about your own reactions. When you see someone who is physicallyattractive, do you automatically make certain judgments about that person? Ina class focusing on nonverbal communication, one young man respondedanonymously to this question in this way:

I tend to judge a book by its cover and a person by his or her looks.When I see somebody who is unattractive I tend to lose interest inwanting to meet them. Sometimes I even try to avoid them. In brief,it seems like these men and women don’t care much about whatother people think about them. Unattractive people also tend to besloppy. I wonder sometimes how they think they are going to get byin this world. I know they can’t help the way they look, but theycould at least stay at home.

A female student in the same class, in response to the same question made thefollowing observations:

The way a person looks says a lot about them. I find myself beingmore interested in people (especially men) I think are attractive. Theyseem more sure of themselves and confident. They don’t get as nerv-ous around other people because they don’t have to be self-consciousabout their looks. Since they have more experience around lots ofother people, they probably know more about how to act at parties.

Although these are responses selected to represent extreme views, they repre-sent the views of many people.

Image Fixation

Image fixation (IF) is a long-term view a person has about her or his image orbody. IF is an often painful preoccupation with one’s physical appearance andattributes (body shape, size, height, weight, and so on). This syndrome can beginto become more important than other issues in a person’s life. The person withhigh IF is constantly comparing her or his appearance to that of others. You canalmost hear that person saying, “If only I could be prettier or taller, then. . . .”Please complete the questionnaire in Figure 2.1 (Richmond, 2000). Computeyour score to determine how much you focus on your own appearance.

The concepts of image fixation and appearance obsession are similar.Both are associated with excessive attention to our own appearance. Our self-perceived physical attractiveness is related to our self-esteem. Our opinion ofourselves is strongly affected by how we look. Trying to measure up to unrea-sonable standards determined by others (media, significant others, etc.) maymake us insecure, self-conscious, and depressed, and perhaps may even lead tophysical health problems (Johnston, 1994).

22 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

Directions: This instrument is composed of twenty statements concerning feelings aboutyour perception of your physical image. Please indicate the degree to which each statementapplies to you by marking whether you (5) Strongly agree; (4) Agree; (3) are Undecided;(2) Disagree; or (l) Strongly disagree. Work quickly; record your first impression.

_____ 1. I think my life would improve if my body were better looking._____ 2. I am not sensitive to other people’s comments about my weight.*_____ 3. I would like to have cosmetic surgery._____ 4. I starve or do not eat at least one day a week._____ 5. I am comfortable around attractive persons of my age/sex.*_____ 6. I am constantly comparing my body and face to my peers._____ 7. I am not sensitive to other people’s comments about my general

appearance.*

_____ 8. Several times each week, I feel I look fat._____ 9. I berate myself about my general physical appearance._____10. Most of the time, I think I look good in my clothes.*_____11. I change clothes constantly in order to get the “right” look._____12. I often buy new clothes for comfort more than appearance.*_____13. I feel good about my overall appearance.*_____14. I am not sensitive to other people’s comments about my height.*_____15. I will avoid social situations if I feel I do not have the right body or

clothing.

_____16. I wear big clothes to hide my appearance defects._____17. When I look in the mirror, I like how I look.*_____18. I would not trade bodies with any one of my friends.*_____19. Comments from peers about what is the “right” look make me want to

change my appearance.

_____20. I find myself focusing more on who I am than how I look.*

IF Scoring: Step 1: Add items without an asterisk (items 1, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 15, 16, 19)Step 2: Add items with an asterisk (items 2, 5, 7,10, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 20)Step 3: 60 + (Score from Step 1) – (Score from Step 2)

Your final score can range from 20 to 100.

Interpretation: High scores = higher levels of dissatisfaction with image or high imagefixation.

FIGURE 2.1Image Fixation Questionnaire

Attractiveness 23

IT’S A FACT. Physical attractiveness is prized in the North American cultureand other cultures. There is nothing wrong with wanting to look good, butwhen we become obsessed with our appearance or develop image fixation,then our focus is on how we look and not on what we have to offer others.

IMPACT OF AN APPEARANCE OBSESSION. More women than men have IF syn-drome; however, men are catching up. Often people preoccupied with theirimages can experience a variety of negative feelings, including frustration,depression, embarrassment, shame, helplessness, and insecurity as well asmood swings. They are easily wounded by others when hurtful or demeaningcomments are made about their bodies or general appearance, and they oftenfeel unattractive even when they are widely considered attractive.

A PROFILE OF THE “IF” PERSON. Image fixators (IFs) have some common behav-iors that set them apart from people who have a normal IF. High IFs are those whoengage in some of the following behaviors: chronic dieting, “yo-yo” dieting, exces-sive exercise, excessive shopping, excessive appearance-checking, constant self-improvement, plastic surgery, weighing themselves once or several times a day,avoidance of social events that emphasize looks or bodies, and reliance on fashionto soothe. While there is some support for the idea that if you look good, you willfeel good, the IF person places the emphasis on looking good to feel good.

Judgments Generated

Most of us regularly judge people by their appearance. Research in this areaalso suggests that we make relational decisions based upon a person’s physicalattractiveness. People who are rated as more attractive are often judged to bemore socially desirable in many ways. Attractive people are perceived to bemore successful in their careers, more sexually active, happier about their lifesituations, more responsive, sensitive, interesting, competent, and even betterat persuading others. Sometimes we go so far as to perceive attractive personsas holding more prestigious jobs, having more friends, and having better mar-riages. In education, attractive students are viewed by teachers as more outgo-ing, educationally prepared, intelligent, and social, and as having parents whoare more interested in their education. In business, attractive persons are morelikely to be hired, evaluated positively, promoted, and socially accepted andless likely to be fired. In health care, attractive patients may receive moreattention, care, and communication from physicians and nurses than unattrac-tive patients. In summary, attractive persons generally fare better in our cul-ture than unattractive persons (Dion, Berscheid, & Walster, 1972; Feiman &Gill, 1978; Moore, Hickson, & Stacks, 2010; Mehrabian, 1971a; Raiscot,1983, 1986; Schlenker, 1980; Shriver, 2002; Tanke, 1982).

Attractiveness: A Double-Edged Sword?

Many of us assume that attractive women are frequently being asked for datesand attractive men seldom have trouble finding women to accompany them to

24 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

movies, parties, and other social functions. Although these perceptions areoften true, sometimes they are not. Studies of extremely attractive males andfemales show that they are often lonely and rejected by members of the oppo-site sex. They are seen as too attractive, or, as one person put it, too good to betrue. We may see them as “out of our league.” Clearly, many of our percep-tions of others based on their physical attractiveness may prove to be correct.However, we sometimes completely misperceive the situation. Examples of thedrawbacks of great attractiveness include stories told by Miss America candi-dates who report missing their senior proms because no one asked them, or byprominent athletes with classic good looks who describe being consistentlyturned down for dates in high school.

Perceptions of physical attractiveness are associated with many personal-ity characteristics. One study asked subjects to rate attractive and unattractivepersons on a variety of personality variables. The attractive people were judgedas warmer, more genuine, sincere, mentally stable, sociable, and affable. Mostof these perceptions are positive and desirable. Thus, one would expect thatgreat attractiveness should produce only positive outcomes. However, to thehighly attractive person, life is not always a bed of roses. Many report having toovercome the negative judgments of others. For example, highly attractive per-sons could be viewed as incompetent, non-social, or stuffy. Whether attractiveor unattractive, we sometimes find ourselves stereotyped in ways that signifi-cantly influence our interactions with others.

Another major issue related to attractiveness involves interaction behav-ior itself. We have seen from the preceding discussion how attractivenessaffects perceptions. Now let’s consider the effects of attractiveness on interac-tion in different contexts.

Effects of Attractiveness

EDUCATIONAL SETTING. In the educational environment, scholars have foundsome interesting relationships between physical attractiveness and student-teacher interaction. Attractive students receive higher grades than their lessattractive counterparts. Observations in classrooms show that teachers engage infewer interactions with unattractive students and initiate more communicationand respond to their more attractive students more readily. Not only do we seesuch behavior from teachers, but classmates are also less likely to communicatewith the less attractive classmates. In early grades, the physically unattractive stu-dent begins to experience the value our culture places on good looks. Others havereported that even misbehavior in the classroom is interpreted differently depend-ing on a child’s attractiveness. Teachers generally perceive the unattractive childas a chronic behavior problem, whereas the attractive child is more likely to bejudged to have a temporary problem. We should stress here that teachers usuallydo not engage in such behavior maliciously. They, like others, are not immuneto the stereotypes and expectations many persons have of others’ physicalappearance. This does not, however, negate the significance of the impact thatteachers’ actions and reactions have upon their students’ successes or failures

Attractiveness 25

(Aiken, 1963; Dion, Berscheid, & Walster, 1972; Richmond, 1996; Singh, 1964;Wilson & Nias, 1999). In addition, Richmond (2002) has reported that teachersportray different images depending on how they are dressed. Those who dressmore formally are viewed as competent, organized, prepared, and knowledge-able. Teachers who dress casually or informally (but not sloppy) are seen asfriendly, outgoing, receptive, fair, and flexible (see also Frymier & Wanzer, 2006).

PERSUASIVE SETTING. We stated earlier that physically attractive peopleoften are perceived as more persuasive. Attractive people have greater successat getting others to do what they want them to do. Attractive women, in par-ticular, are better at changing the attitudes of males. Important work hasshown that attractiveness even pays off in the American court system. Notonly are attractive persons more likely to be found innocent of chargesbrought against them, but when they are found guilty, their chances of receiv-ing lighter sentences are better. With these kinds of results, it is no mysterywhy most actors in television commercials are physically appealing people.Their job is to get us to buy their products. Sales-training consultants placegreat stress on an attractive physical appearance. They realize the impact thatfirst impressions have on a potential customer’s decision to purchase a prod-uct. For example, many major pharmaceutical companies make sure their salesrepresentatives are not only task and socially attractive but also physicallyattractive. These companies know that the physically attractive person has abetter chance of getting her or his foot in the door of an office or hospital thanan unattractive person (Berscheid & Walster, 1978; Efran, 1974; Hewitt &German, 1987; Mills & Aronson, 1965; Walster, Aronson, Abrahams, &Rohmann, 1966; Widgery & Ruch, 1981).

The results of an interview with a manager of a regional office of a lifeinsurance company and one of her employees in a large city in California illus-trate the impact of attractiveness in that setting. At a luncheon engagementone day, this manager introduced a young man the manager claimed was herbest salesperson. The young sales agent had a striking appearance: blond,tanned, tall, and lean, with a most charming smile. His resemblance to ayounger Robert Redford was remarkable. Because the young man had been alife insurance salesman for only a short time, the interviewer was curiousabout the salesman’s quick success with a product that is usually quite difficultto sell. The agent’s response was not surprising.

I sell only to women. When marketing individual policies, I eitheridentify households run by single women or make sure the wife ispresent when I give my sales pitch to her husband. When sellinggroup policies, I try to find companies that have women in chargeof such decisions. After that, my job is easy.

This young sales agent was not arrogant or self-centered, but he did real-ize that his best asset at guaranteeing success was his physical attractiveness towomen.

26 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

Before jumping to the conclusion that only women are susceptible tosuch influences, be assured that males are equally susceptible. How else can weexplain the effectiveness of advertisements for male-oriented products thatprominently display female models? Many, many alcohol and cigarette adsfeature attractive and appealing women (Myers & Biocca, 1999).

INTERVIEW SETTING. Physically attractive people seem to have an edge onother people when it comes to interviewing for a job. Many researchers havesuggested various types of people who they claim have the big advantage dur-ing job interviews. According to Molloy (1975, 1978, 1983, 1988), the firsttype is the beautiful person. He suggests that people who are good-lookinghave a three-to-four-times-greater chance of being hired for almost any posi-tion, whether it is keyboarding, computer repair, sales, or management. Looksalone do not guarantee you a job, but when all else is considered, they gener-ally help. Whether in business or social contexts, we seem to want to be sur-rounded by the beautiful people. Some nonverbal scholars have even suggestedthat one important consideration for executives when choosing a secretary isthe candidate’s potential to decorate the office environment with her or hisappearance (Henley, 1977; Keenan, 1976; Keenan & Wedderburn, 1975;Richmond, 1996; Sterrett, 1978; Webster, 1964; Young & Beier, 1977).

DATING AND MARRIAGE. Our perceptions of physical attractiveness have animportant influence on dating and marriage decisions as well. When people areasked by researchers whether they would marry a person they would rank lowon physical attributes, the results are interesting. The results show that menwould more likely reject women who are not good-looking, but women do notseem quite as concerned about the physical appearance of potential marriagepartners. In contemporary culture, however, it is much more acceptable forwomen to talk about the physical attractiveness of men than it was fifty yearsago. Another interesting finding in the research literature is that men arereported to want partners who are more attractive than they perceive themselvesto be; whereas, women would marry men who are similar to them in attractive-ness (Walster, Aronson, Abrahams, & Rohmann, 1966; Wilson & Nias, 1999).

Because such general preferences could lead to constant conflicts if every-one shared the same standards of judgment for physical attractiveness, we areleft to speculate about the importance of self-esteem in such decisions. Weshould stress that in hiring, dating, and marriage decisions, physical attractive-ness is not always the number-one priority. However, sometimes it is. Studieshave shown that, within the context of a blind date between college students,physical attractiveness was the primary predictor of whether those involvedsaid they liked their date. Subsequent research revealed that perceptions of adate’s attractiveness also predicted whether the partner would want to ask theperson out again. As the relationship develops, attractiveness gradually takes abackseat to other considerations. Of course, if the perception of attractivenessis not there in the first place, the relationship may not continue long enoughfor those other considerations to come into play (Berscheid & Walster, 1978).

Personal Body Concept 27

Skin color need not hinder positivecommunication.

THE MATCHING HYPOTHESIS. The matching hypothesis suggests that, eventhough men and women might be attracted to people more attractive thanthemselves, most people select to date or choose partners considered to be inthe same attractiveness category as they are. Often you see couples who looklike they belong together or who are the perfect match. Why, then, do peopleseem mismatched at times? Remember, attractiveness is in the eye of thebeholder; therefore, Heather or Jon may perceive themselves as more attrac-tive than others do. Thus, in relational development stages, Heather and Jonare not daunted by persons who are more attractive; rather, they seek them outand date them. Some attractive persons do not view themselves to be as attrac-tive as others do and therefore often date less attractive persons. What then isthe perfect match? No one knows. However, in our culture, people often com-ment when others seem mismatched. For example, if Jennifer Aniston hadmarried Willie Nelson, what would people have said?

Physical attractiveness has a substantial impact on our communicationwith other persons. These powerful nonverbal messages influence our deci-sions about approaching or avoiding others, dating or not dating, marrying ornot marrying, hiring or not hiring; they also influence our expectations aboutthe future success of others. Let’s now turn to a discussion of the particularaspects of physical appearance.

PERSONAL BODY CONCEPT

Ask yourself these questions:

■ What parts of others’ bodies do I think are the most important?■ Are they the same as the ones I focus on in myself, in terms of my satisfac-

tion with my own body?■ Is there any relationship between the two categories?

28 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

It should not surprise you that the body parts you find most important injudging attractiveness in others may also be the ones you are either extremelysatisfied with or dissatisfied with in yourself.

How you feel about your body has an impact on your self-concept as awhole. Your personal body concept is the perception you have of how attractiveyour body is, and what you perceive to be the particular attributes of your body.The importance of the personal body concept to our discussion of nonverbalcommunication is twofold: First, the concept is developed through of our com-munication with others; second, it influences our communication with others.Let’s look at these factors more closely.

The thoughts and feelings we have about our own bodies did not simplymaterialize in our minds at some magic age. Personal body concept, whetherpositive or negative, develops gradually. The influencing factors involve ourinteractions with other people, particularly if those people are important to us.Significant others provide us with many verbal and nonverbal messages thatcommunicate the feelings and attitudes they have about our bodies. We even-tually incorporate their judgments into our judgments of ourselves.

Research indicates the significant impact that peer and parental judgmentshave on children’s personal body concepts. One study has shown that childrenwith predominantly negative concepts about their own attractiveness and abili-ties received negative messages from their parents. Let us consider an illustra-tion. Ten-year-old Scottie was not an attractive child. He was quite plump, hisnose was too large, and he had greasy, limp hair. Scottie’s parents were often self-conscious about his appearance while they were with friends and acquaintances.One day, Scottie overheard his parents lamenting to a neighbor, “We are afraidScottie will never be very popular, given the way he looks. He’s not at all athletic-looking, you know. We constantly worry that the other kids at school will teasehim about his weight. On top of that, his grandfather makes us so angry whenhe refers to Scottie as having the biggest cheeks on the block.”

Feelings of inadequacy are influenced by our communication, and theyalso affect future interactions. Scottie’s feelings about his body will eventuallyaffect his communication behavior. He may choose to withdraw from or avoidassociations with peers at school for fear that they will ridicule him. His feel-ings may influence his decisions about sports, leisure activities, friends, dating,and even his career choice.

Satisfaction with our bodies is important to both our self-esteem and ourinterpersonal relationships. One does not have to be movie-star attractive tobe satisfied with the appearance and attributes of one’s body. One rule doestend to hold true, however: The more satisfied people are with their bodies(regardless of their actual appearance) the better their chances of being happyabout themselves. This satisfaction, in turn, probably contributes to healthierinteractions with others (Berscheid, Walster, & Bohrnstedt, 1973; Cortes &Gatti, 1965; Gashin & Simmons, 2002; Haseltine, 2002; Henig, 1996;Johnston, 1994; Jourard & Secord, 1955; Korda, 1975; McCroskey, Larson, &Knapp, 1971; Knapp & Vangelisti, 2000; Richmond, 1996; Sheldon, 1940,1942, 1954; Walker, 1963; Wells & Siegel, 1961).

NONVERBAL MESSAGES OF BODY SHAPE AND SIZE

Whether you realize it or not, the general shape and size of your body commu-nicate nonverbal messages. Figure 2.2 is a self-description survey about yourbody. Follow the instructions and work your way through the survey.

Many writers have shown that a person’s body shape and general tempera-ment are closely related. Sheldon (1940, 1942, 1954) is usually credited withoriginating this idea. Sheldon believed that there are three classifications of bodytypes, and worked to develop a method called somatotyping to categorize indi-viduals into one of three major types. There has been considerable criticism ofsome of Sheldon’s experimental methods, his original conceptualization of tem-perament, and some of his mathematical calculations, but others have takenSheldon’s work and improved on it, and many writers on nonverbal communi-cation now think there is merit to his work.

The first general body type is called the endomorph. Persons who areendomorphs have rounded, oval-shaped bodies, are usually heavy (though notnecessarily obese), and are often described as pear-shaped. The second type isthe mesomorph. Mesomorphs are characterized by a triangular body shapethat is broad at the shoulders and tapers to the hips. Their shape is firm andmuscular in appearance, with all the curves and angles in the right places, atleast for U.S. culture. They are frequently described as athletic in appearance.The third type is the ectomorph. Ectomorphs are characterized as bony, thin,and tall. They have a fragile-looking physique, flat chest, and underdevelopedmuscular tone. (See Figure 2.3.)

Can you think of anyone you know who fits into one of the three cate-gories? What about yourself? Oprah Winfrey, the title characters in Mike &Molly, and Santa Claus have endomorphic characteristics. Clement C. Moore(1823) in his famous poem, “A Visit from Saint Nicholas,” illustrated clearlywhat an endomorphic body shape is: “a broad face and a little round belly thatshook when he laughed like a bowl full of jelly.”

Clint Eastwood, Denzel Washington, Harrison Ford, Sylvester Stallone,Mel Gibson, Michael Jordan, and Candice Bergen are appropriate examples ofthe mesomorph. Calista Flockhart, Paris Hilton, Tobey Maguire, and UmaThurman have ectomorphic features.

Return to the body type survey in Figure 2.3. This inquiry has been usedin several studies investigating the relationship between body type and tem-perament. Cortes and Gatti (1965) developed this instrument and found thatthe subjects chose adjectives to describe themselves that were highly associatedwith their body types. In Figure 2.4, you will find three columns listing theadjectives found on the body type survey. Place a check mark beside eachadjective you chose earlier. After checking the adjectives, count the number ofchecks for each column and write the totals underneath. You should havethree numbers. These numbers should add up to 21.

From these three numbers, you can now determine your general tem-perament or psychological type. Let us take you through a couple of examples.Michelle checked 3 adjectives in the first column, 14 adjectives in the second

Nonverbal Messages of Body Shape and Size 29

FIGURE 2.2Body Type Survey

Purpose: To demonstrate how body type affects behavior and communication.

Directions: Fill in each blank with a word from the suggested list following each state-ment. For any blank, three in each statement, you may select any word from the list oftwelve immediately below. An exact word to fit you may not be in the list, but selectwords that seem to fit most closely the way you are.

1. I feel most of the time __________, __________, and __________.calm relaxed complacentanxious confident reticentcheerful tense energeticcontented impetuous self-conscious

2. When I study or work, I seem to be __________, __________, and __________.efficient sluggish preciseenthusiastic competitive determinedreflective leisurely thoughtfulplacid meticulous cooperative

3. Socially, I am __________, __________, and __________.outgoing considerate argumentativeaffable awkward shytolerant affected talkativegentle-tempered soft-tempered hot-tempered

4. I am rather __________, __________, and __________.active forgiving sympatheticwarm courageous seriousdomineering suspicious soft-heartedintrospective cool enterprising

5. Other people consider me rather __________, __________, and __________.generous optimistic sensitiveadventurous affectionate kindwithdrawn reckless cautiousdominant detached dependent

6. Underline one word out of three in each of the following lines that most closelydescribes the way you are:(a) assertive, relaxed, tense(b) hot-tempered, cool, warm(c) withdrawn, sociable, active(d) confident, tactful, kind(e) dependent, dominant, detached(f) enterprising, affable, anxious

Source: Cortes, J. B., and Gatti, F. M. (1965). “Physique and Self-Description of Temperament,” Journal ofConsulting Psychology, 29, 432–439. Copyright © 1965 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.

Nonverbal Messages of Body Shape and Size 31

BODY TYPE PSYCHOLOGICAL TYPE

Endomorph (oval-shaped body; heavy, Viscerotonic (slow, sociable, emotional, large abdomen) forgiving, relaxed)

Mesomorph (triangular body shape; Somatotonic (confident, energetic, muscular, hard, firm, upright dominant, enterprising, hot-body quality) tempered)

Ectomorph (fragile physique; flatness of Cerebrotonic (tense, awkward, chest; poorly muscled limbs) meticulous, tactful, detached)

FIGURE 2.3Sheldon’s System and Body Types

column, and 4 in the third. Her overall temperament score is 3/14/4. Mikechecked 11 adjectives in the first column, 5 in the second, and 5 in the third.His overall temperament score is 11/5/5.

According to Sheldon’s theory, endomorphs have a corresponding psy-chological type called viscerotonic. The viscerotonic psychological type ischaracterized by the self-descriptors in column 1 of Figure 2.4. In other words,endomorphs tend to characterize themselves as slow, sociable, submissive, for-giving, relaxed, and so on. Mesomorphs have a corresponding psychologicaltype called somatotonic. The somatotonic type is described as dominant, con-fident, energetic, competitive, assertive, hot-tempered, enthusiastic, and opti-

Endomorph Mesomorph Ectomorph

32 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

1 2 3

ENDOMORPHIC MESOMORPHIC ECTOMORPHIC

dependent dominant detachedcalm cheerful tenserelaxed confident anxiouscomplacent energetic reticentcontented impetuous self-conscioussluggish efficient meticulousplacid enthusiastic reflectiveleisurely competitive precisecooperative determined thoughtfulaffable outgoing consideratetolerant argumentative shyaffected talkative awkwardwarm active coolforgiving domineering suspicioussympathetic courageous introspectivesoft-hearted enterprising seriousgenerous adventurous cautiousaffectionate reckless tactfulkind assertive sensitivesociable optimistic withdrawnsoft-tempered hot-tempered gentle-tempered

DISCUSSION

1. Discuss how your body type affects your behavior.2. Discuss how you communicate with others based on their body types.

Source: Cortes, J. B., and Gatti, F. M. (1965). “Physique and Self-Description of Temperament,” Journalof Consulting Psychology, 29, 432–439. Copyright © 1965 by the American Psychological Association.Reprinted with permission.

FIGURE 2.4

Body Type Self-Descriptors

mistic. The ectomorphic type is associated with the cerebrotonic psychologicaltype represented by adjectives such as tense, self-conscious, meticulous, pre-cise, sensitive, awkward, and withdrawn.

Michelle, having a temperament score of 3/14/4, would have a somato-tonic psychological type and more than likely have mesomorphic physicalfeatures. By contrast, Miles’s score of 11/5/5 would indicate that he has a vis-cerotonic psychological type and an endomorphic body.

Nonverbal Messages of Body Shape and Size 33

Individuals’ body shapes correspond with one’s own psychological selfdescriptions. A major question is this: Do others perceive certain psychologicalcharacteristics in persons who are endomorphs, mesomorphs, and ectomorphs?According to the results of one well-designed study using silhouette drawing,we make psychological judgments of others based on body shape. We describethem similarly as they describe themselves. In this study, the researchers showed120 adults the silhouettes of the three body types and asked them to rate thedrawings on several adjectives. The results showed that the endomorph wasrated as older, shorter, more warm-hearted, more talkative, weaker, lazier, andmore old-fashioned. The mesomorph was perceived as taller, younger, stronger,more adventurous, more masculine, better looking, more mature, and moreself-reliant. Finally, the ectomorph was seen as more tense and nervous, moreambitious, thinner, younger, quieter, more inclined to be difficult, more suspi-cious of others, less masculine, and more stubborn (Wells & Siegel, 1961).

Our culture values the mesomorphic body more than the other twotypes, although recent trends would show that ectomorphs are beginning togain ground in positive social judgments. The mesomorph has many physicalfeatures we rate as physically attractive. As such, we often assume they aresocially and task attractive as well. That is, we perceive them during initialencounters as more likely to be sociable and desirable as coworkers. Althoughwe tend to perceive endomorphs as socially attractive at the outset, we rarelyindicate that they are physically attractive or task attractive. Ectomorphs aremore likely to be seen as task attractive, particularly because we consider themmeticulous, precise, and considerate. However, they are not typically perceivedas socially attractive during initial interactions because we characterize themas detached and more inclined to be difficult.

Our discussion about the correspondence between body shape and tem-perament has important implications for our communication with others. Therelationship between the two is not airtight. Nonetheless, social impressionsbased on body type do exist, and these impressions are at least somewhataccurate. Moreover, the fact that any correspondence exists at all is more thanlikely a function of our interactions with others. We stereotype people by thesizes and shapes of their bodies. We develop expectations about the personali-ties and behaviors of endomorphs, mesomorphs, and ectomorphs and theninteract with them as if they possessed the qualities we expect. As suggestedearlier, people develop their self-concepts partly by how others respond tothem. If we expect oval-shaped endomorphs to be lazy and submissive, thenwe may communicate with them consistent with those expectations. We con-tribute to their self-concepts, and they often submit to the roles we force onthem. They may accept others’ evaluations of them as their own evaluations.

Nonverbal Messages of Height, Weight, and Skin Color

HEIGHT. Taller is preferred, particularly where males are concerned. Our culturevalues height in men, and height is only slightly less valued in women. The mili-tary and law enforcement agencies have only recently begun to relax the heightstandards for their recruits. Surveys reveal that the overwhelming majority of

34 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

male executives in the Fortune 500 companies are more than six feet tall. Womenwant tall, dark, and handsome men. We tell our children to stand tall. The tallerof the two presidential candidates has won almost every election since 1900.

Height is often associated with power and dominance. People with aheight advantage can tower over others and may appear to be overpoweringand dominating the other individual during conversations. It is not difficult toimagine the power and authority a tall supervisor communicates while repri-manding a short subordinate. Shorter men have reported that one major rea-son they refuse to date tall women is their fear that the women may dominatethe relationship. Taller individuals may have a general advantage in persuad-ing others and influencing their behavior.

In a study investigating the interpersonal impact of height, one personwas introduced to different groups of students. With each introduction, theperson introduced was ascribed a different status (student, lecturer, doctor,professor). The results revealed that the students distorted the height of theperson introduced depending upon that individual’s ascribed role. In short, thehigher the ascribed status, the higher the students’ judgments of height(Guerrero, DeVito, & Hecht, 1999; Feingold & Mazzella, 1998).

WEIGHT. At any one time, approximately 75 to 80 percent of women in theUnited States feel unhappy about their weight and want to be thinner. In addi-tion, most of these women either are on some type of diet or have dieted in thepast. The heavy, overweight woman is the most maligned individual in our cul-ture. Heavy women are perceived to be slow, unattractive, and perhaps evenlazy. Often they are not even viewed as jolly, as overweight men often are.Furthermore, the range between the ideal weight and the weight perceived tobe overweight is much smaller for women than for men. Therefore mostwomen in the United States spend a lifetime attempting to stay slim. It is nowonder that anorexia nervosa and bulimia are so common today. Generally, inthis culture, when a woman’s weight increases, her self-esteem decreases, andthe pressure is strong for that woman to lose weight (Guerrero, DeVito, &Hecht, 1999; Feingold & Mazzella, 1998).

This is not to suggest that men do not also suffer from weight conscious-ness. They do. More than ever, men are enrolling in diet courses and workoutprograms to stay slim, virile, and young-looking. In this culture, slim and trim(despite gender) are associated with success, good self-concept, physical well-being, and acceptability. Overweight is associated with apathy, sluggishness,physical slowness, unattractiveness, and perhaps even mental slowness (Guerrero,DeVito, & Hecht, 1999; Feingold & Mazzella, 1998).

SKIN COLOR. Another body dimension that has the potential to communicateis skin color. Much attention has been given to racial and ethnic issues in thelast century. Prejudices and stereotypes are perpetuated and individuals cate-gorized solely on the color of their skin. The 1960s saw our culture take stridesagainst the negative images that have so long burdened African Americans.The cry came forth that “Black is beautiful,” and the rally revolved around the

Nonverbal Messages of Body Shape and Size 35

color of skin. Civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr. painted a powerfulpicture for the vast crowd in Washington, D.C., in 1963, when he spoke thesewords: “I have a dream that one day my little children will not be judged bythe color of their skin, but by the content of their character.” Unfortunately,that dream is yet to be fully realized. To decide just how far we have yet to go,respond quickly to the following questions: What color skin do people havewho are good at math? Good at basketball? Good at dancing? Good at lead-ing others? Good at surgery? Good at football? Good at computers? Howmany of your friends do you think would give the same answers you did?

Recently the prejudice has been even greater toward individuals from theMiddle East. Because of the tragedy of 9/11, many Americans discriminateagainst anyone with skin of a medium-brown color, whether they are from theMiddle East or even India or Pakistan. In many ways, the prejudice is similarto that portrayed during World War II against Japanese Americans, who wereblamed for the actions of their ancestral homeland.

Nonverbal Messages of Hair

If anything changes with the times, it is how people wear their hair. In the past,the fashion for males was the crewcut or flattop; at another time it was wearinghair very long and stringy. For many years, females stiffened their hair withsticky sprays, wore it up, and had “big hair.” At another time, most of themwore their hair very long and in a ponytail. Students today might be heard say-ing, “I wouldn’t be caught dead looking like that.” Their children and/orgrandchildren will look back to the styles of today and make the same state-ment their parents are making now.

Hairstyles have much to do with our perceptions of attractiveness andsocial competence. Hairstyles give us cues about social norms. Nonverbalmessages of hair result from hair color, hair length, facial hair, and hairmanipulation.

HAIR COLOR. With little effort you can probably address several stereotypesassociated with hair color. Sally is a blonde woman. Does she really have morefun? Mark has coal-black hair. Is he really more mysterious? Do redheads havehot tempers? Maybe not, but that does not mean we don’t think so. It seemsmost of us perceive red hair as tempestuous, brown hair as wholesome, andblack hair as sultry; but, the blondes still have all the fun. A survey completedyears ago showed that most men prefer to have blondes for their mistresses butwould rather marry a brown-haired woman. Another survey showed thatmost women would prefer their men to have hair (color was not an issue), buta significant minority preferred bald men.

HAIR LENGTH. Length of hair has been associated with perceptions of credi-bility. One study asked subjects in two different classrooms to assess aspeaker’s credibility. The speaker was the same man for each of the two classesof students. For one class, the speaker’s hair was arranged to make it appear

36 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

long; in the other, his hair was arranged to appear short. On the credibilitydimensions of competence and dynamism, the speaker was rated significantlyhigher with short hair. Some writers have suggested that this study may indi-cate that men are perceived as less serious and less mature when wearinglonger hair. Think of all the U.S. presidents who had long hair! Obviously, per-ceptions based on hair length vary with the times.

Career and job placement personnel have suggested that long hair onmen is detrimental to their chances of being hired, contending that the longerthe hair, the fewer the job opportunities. Women, as well, may influence theirchances for jobs by the length of their hair. Contrary to some popular notions,women who enhance their sex appeal for the office may create feelings ofresentment from their female coworkers and perpetuate perceptions of incom-petence and low intelligence among the men. In short, one popular writer mayhave been right when he warned that long hair on women may work wondersin the bedroom but is a real killer in the boardroom. For this reason, manywomen who have long hair wear their hair up for work and down after work.

FACIAL HAIR. People’s perceptions of facial hair on men has led to many interest-ing conclusions. The more hair a man has on his face, the more likely he is to beevaluated as mature, masculine, good-looking, dominant, courageous, industri-ous, self-confident, and liberal. Studies have shown that both men and womendescribe clean-shaven men as youthful. By women only, bearded men are per-ceived as mature, sophisticated, masculine, and more sexually appealing. Men,however, suggest that they feel less tense with clean-shaven men than with beardedmen. It seems that perceptions of facial hair differ depending on the sex of the per-ceiver. Women may find beards a more positive characteristic, whereas men mayperceive them as cues that stimulate withdrawal and avoidance, possibly the resultof apprehension or fear. However, men with beards in this culture sometimes areperceived as hiding something (Kalick, Zebrowitz, Langlois, & Johnson, 1998).

HAIR MANIPULATION. Hair manipulation may also create strong social impres-sions. Consider Yolanda for a moment. She sits in a dimly lit lounge. She soonspots Sid across the room at another table. Sid has been watching her for sometime, seemingly waiting for an opportunity to get acquainted. Finding him to herliking, Yolanda runs her fingers through her hair, intermittently curling the endsaround a finger. What do you think will happen?

Such hair manipulations are called “preening behavior” and, accordingto some experts, this behavior is usually engaged in while in the presence ofmembers of the opposite sex. Preening behavior is a nonverbal cue to potentialcourtship partners, informing them that it is all right to approach and possiblyengage in more intimate interaction. It is, of course, quite possible that individ-uals perform this behavior out of habit or as adaptive behavior while anxiousor nervous. In such cases, hair manipulations may be misinterpreted asapproach messages or perhaps even invitations for sexual interaction. Otherexamples of hair manipulation include beard stroking, chewing on one’s hair,pulling of the arm hair, and brushing hair away from the eyes.

Appearance and Dress 37

APPEARANCE AND DRESS

How we dress communicates a great deal of information about us. The fabrics,colors, textures, and styles adorning our bodies send messages about what wethink, who we are, our relationship to others, our values, attitudes, preferences,goals, and aspirations. Think about the money, time, and effort you spent choos-ing clothing. You probably had specific reasons for buying a particular pair ofshoes, suit, or sweater. Often we communicate highly intentional messages withour clothes. Prostitutes, for example, know the signals they send; they dress thepart so that potential clients can easily identify them (check out the movie PrettyWoman). These signals eliminate what may be a waste of time for both clientand prostitute (Molloy, 1988; Fischer-Mirkin, 1995; Sybers & Roach, 1962).

We intentionally clothe our law enforcement officers and military personnelin readily identifiable uniforms. Law enforcement and the military go to greatpains to publish and enforce their rules for tailoring for success for both men andwomen. Personnel in these positions who do not tailor for success are not likely tobe promoted or recommended for promotion (Bickman, 1974; Gundersen, 1987,1990; Rosencranz, 1962; Singer & Singer, 1985; Tenzel & Cizanckas, 1973).

Those of us who are not assigned a dress code still attempt to dress forsuccess. For example, we take great pains and fuss over details before job inter-views. The youthful high school English teacher wears a jacket and tie to offsethis baby face. After all, he is only a few years older than his senior students, andhe wants to give the impression of status and competence.

These are obvious examples of how people intentionally encode specificmeaning into their dress. However, the vast majority of our messages of dressare not nearly as deliberate as these examples suggest. Many of our dress cuesare transmitted without our awareness. Similarly, we receive many messagesfrom others without realizing that their clothing stimulated the meaning.During the 1960 presidential election, Richard Nixon and John Kennedy helda series of presidential debates. In one of those debates, millions of televisionviewers saw Nixon in a gray suit that, on the black-and-white TV sets of thosedays, provided little contrast to the drab gray background. Kennedy, on theother hand, contrasted quite well in his dark suit, so well that several commen-tators have attributed much of his success in that debate to the fact that hisclothing allowed him to stand out, creating a favorable impression with theviewers. Those who work for candidates pay quite a bit of attention to dress.In 2004, George W. Bush wore a light-blue tie in the first debate. Many news-papers reported that he had lost the debate. A few weeks later, Bush hadchanged to the type of red (power) tie that his opponent, John Kerry, had wornin the first debate.

Consider for a moment society’s preoccupation with designer clothingduring the past three decades. By being clothing-conscious, people have madethe following popular at one time in our clothing history: Izod and Polo shirts,designer jeans, Gucci loafers, Tommy Hilfiger clothes, Christian Dior ties, TheGap clothing, and the list could go on and on. Surely we are aware of the accept-ance and the perceptions of social competence that resulted from adorning our

38 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

bodies with this fashionable wear. Are we always conscious, however, of theperceptions we may be creating in others? An anonymous source once com-plained, “My, my, ye all in equal attire! Do you not think in unison as well?”Is conformity what we are trying to communicate?

Why Do People Dress the Way They Do?

According to Morris (1985), one reason we dress the way we do is for comfortand protection. This hardly needs a lengthy explanation. The act of protectingour bodies from the elements evolved when human beings began to moveabout the world, traveling into areas where climatic conditions required moreprotection than their bodies alone could supply.

Concealment is a second function of dress. Morris notes that the loin-cloth is culturally the most widespread of all garments. Comfort, protection,and concealment probably satisfy the basic human motivations, the drive forsurvival and shelter, and the psychological comfort of modesty. Recent think-ing, however, leads us to conclude that protection and concealment may not bethe primary reasons we wear clothing. Many cultures, for example, do notconceal their bodies to satisfy standards of modesty. People in some culturesdo not clothe their bodies even though they live in taxing weather conditions.This would indicate that other motivations influence the wearing of clothing.

Morris claims that the third function of clothing is cultural display. Hesuggests it is impossible to wear clothing without transmitting social signals.When our dress serves this function, our clothes become important sources ofinformation about us. Articles of clothing are essentially sociocultural badgescommunicating our social and economic status, morality, educational back-ground, trustworthiness, level of sophistication, level of success, and socialbackground. Researchers Sybers and Roach (1962) summarized the sociocul-tural messages of dress as follows: “Clothing serves as a symbol of our status;if we fail to dress as expected, we tend to believe that our occupational mobil-ity is negatively affected; we feel that we have to dress according to our job toimpress other people; and we feel that others associate our clothing choiceswith our socioeconomic status, goals, and satisfaction.”

CLOTHING CHARACTERISTICS AND PERSONALITY. Is it possible that our cloth-ing reveals messages about our characteristics and personality? Does our useof dress give any clues about what characteristics are a part of our social andpsychological orientations? According to many writers, it does (Aiken, 1963;Bixler, & Nix-Rice, 1997; Compton, 1962; Fischer-Mirkin, 1995; Henley,1977; Hewitt & German, 1987; Knapp & Hall, 1992; Korda, 1975; Molloy,1988; Rosencranz, 1962; Rosenfeld & Plax, 1977; Taylor & Compton, 1968;Thourlby, 1980). Let’s review several studies that have investigated the relation-ships between the characteristics of wearers and the actual clothing they wear.

Compton (1962) was interested in establishing an association between thecharacteristics of individuals and their preferences for particular clothing designsand colors. Her research showed that people who preferred saturated colors and

Appearance and Dress 39

deep shades tended to be outgoing, forward, and sociable. Individuals who pre-ferred small fabric designs, on the other hand, were more interested in making agood impression. Compton concluded that people choose colors, fabrics, anddesigns consistent with the ideal image they hold of themselves. Our clothingchoices, then, allow us to conform to that perfect picture. Thourlby (1980) sug-gests that there are ten decisions we might make about another person basedsolely on clothing choice. These are:

1. Economic level2. Educational level3. Trustworthiness4. Social position5. Level of sophistication6. Economic background7. Social background8. Educational background

9. Level of success

10. Moral character

Rosencranz (1962) studied the clothing attitudes of married women. Theresults showed that women who were high in dress awareness usuallybelonged to many organizations, were in the upper social classes, had betterverbal skills, were more educated, and married white-collar men with higher-than-average incomes. According to Rosencranz, the upper classes of societyprobably place a great deal of emphasis on the physical appearance of theirmembers, thus making clothing awareness a high priority. It would also seemthat women in upper socioeconomic brackets have the time and financialresources to focus more attention on their dress.

Fortenberry, McLean, Morris, and O’Connell (1978) as well as Gorden,Tengler, and Infante (1990); Gross (1990); Henley (1977); and Kaiser (1999),and others have studied the influence of formal attire versus casual attire onperception. It seems that formal attire commands more respect, attention, andcooperation. Formal attire often results in our being perceived as more credi-ble by others. However, casual attire may lead to perceptions of approach-ability despite perhaps indicating lower respect, attention, and compliance.Perhaps designating casual Fridays is not always the best move for someorganizations.

Casual versus formal attire may not send the best message from a noviceemployee to customers. Kiddie (2009) found that the number of companiesallowing casual dress decreased from 53 percent in 2002 to 38 percent in 2006(p. 352). Peluchette and Karl (2007) found that employees felt business attireindicated that one was authoritative, competent, and trustworthy. Previouslysome researchers indicated that casual clothing increased productivity, withApple, Inc. as the prototypical case. Regardless of higher productivity, though,trends in the past few years have been toward moving back to business attire,

40 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

probably to increase credibility with clients. Such is especially the case formarketing professionals (Esterling, Leslie, & Jones, 1992). Perhaps, then,work clothing is different depending on whether one’s primary job is workingin the office or communicating with customers.

One of the more famous and extensive studies relating clothing to wearercharacteristics is that of Aiken (1963). This researcher was interested inwhether clothing selections were associated with personality traits. Aiken’sclassic survey questionnaire was developed to identify five dimensions ofclothing selection. In brief, people select their articles of clothing because:

1. They have an interest in dress.

2. They are concerned about economy in dress.

3. They use their clothing for decoration.

4. They dress for conformity.

5. They dress for comfort.

Essentially, the Aiken study attempted to determine what personalitytraits best predicted how individuals select their clothing.

Using only females in the investigation, Aiken found that women with aninterest in dress were conventional, conscientious, compliant before authority,persistent, suspicious, insecure, tense, and stereotyped in thinking. Womenwho were concerned about economy in their clothing selection scored as moreresponsible, alert, efficient, precise, intelligent, conscientious, and controlled.Those who used their dress for decoration were conscientious, conventional,stereotyped, nonintellectual, sympathetic, sociable, and submissive. Womenwho dressed for conformity were characterized as more socially conscientious,moral, traditional, and submissive, and exercised restraint. These women alsoemphasized economic, social, and religious values and tended to de-emphasizeaesthetic values. Finally, Aiken found that women who chose their clothing forthe sake of comfort were self-controlled, socially cooperative, sociable, thor-ough, and deferent to authority.

Follow-up investigations appear to confirm Aiken’s original findings.Notable among these studies is that of Rosenfeld and Plax (1977). A majorimprovement here is that the researchers used both female and male respon-dents in exploring the relationships between four clothing orientations andpersonality characteristics. The first clothing orientation was clothing con-sciousness. People who have a high clothing consciousness would, for exam-ple, feel that it is important for others to always notice what they wear.

The second dimension or orientation toward clothing was exhibitionism.Those scoring high in exhibitionism would, for instance, approve of skimpybathing suits and actually prefer and enjoy wearing them. This group mightwear inappropriately revealing clothing to the formal work setting.

The third dimension identified by Rosenfeld and Plax was practicality.Subjects who responded very agreeably to such statements as, “When buyingclothes, I am more interested in practicality than beauty” would score high onthis dimension.

The fourth dimension, designer, referred to the degree to which subjectswould love to be a clothing designer. In Table 2.1, we have provided theresults of the Rosenfeld and Plax study. Listed are the personality characteris-tics for both females and males who were either high or low on the four cloth-ing orientations.

POPULARITY, LIKING, AND HOMOPHILY. Some people dress as they do toenhance their popularity or because they feel that others will like them better.Can our clothing affect others’ feelings about us? Creating homophily withothers can be quite beneficial to our interpersonal relationships. Homophily isperceived similarity in appearance, background, attitudes, and values. Someexperts suggest that similarity in appearance (in the clothing we wear) mayease perceptions of similarity in other ways as well. One thing seems to holdtrue: We tend to like people more whom we perceive to be similar to us, andthis includes similarity in dress.

Conforming to the dress of others is related to our desire to be liked andaccepted. Additionally, people do like us and accept us more based on how wedress. Popularity and liking are related to clothing. Research shows that forwomen, wearing the right clothing is more important than either personality orlooks when aspiring to become popular. The women studied also consideredclothing the most important factor in describing the attributes of popular women.

RANK AND STATUS. We suggested earlier that clothing serves as a symbol ofour status. Dressing formally rather than casually increases perceptions of sta-tus. In many situations, we can enhance or minimize our status with others bythe clothes we wear. Some writers report that dress is the most important con-sideration during initial business encounters. If our dress suggests we are of ahigher status than our customers, then we may not be approached. If our dressis below the standard of our customers, then we might be perceived as notworthy of the job or position (Bixler & Nix-Rice, 1997; Fischer-Mirkin, 1995;Hewitt & German, 1987; Molloy, 1988; Nix-Rice, 1996; Richmond, 1996;Rosencranz, 1962; Rosenfeld & Plax, 1977; Sybers & Roach, 1962; Taylor &Compton, 1968).

The young and inexperienced classroom teacher finds that if he wears atie and coat, or if she wears a dress suit or blazer with a skirt, students willbehave differently toward him or her. Think about your own college instructorsfor a moment. If you attend a large university, chances are good that some ofyour teachers have been graduate teaching assistants—you remember them.They are more than likely the most formally dressed or the most informallydressed instructors you will ever have. Why? Many of them are only two orthree years older than you and have been well coached by their own professorsabout the importance of creating a perceived status differential in your minds.They are told, and rightly so, that higher-status clothing often engenders morerespect. Others are of the opinion that dressing more informally makes themappear to be one of the group, and they think they will create more homophilywith their students.

Appearance and Dress 41

42 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

Some experts suggest that clothing is important in the business worldwhen it comes to giving messages of rank and status. The expensive-lookingtailored suit, we are told, denotes upper-level management. However, in busi-ness, it is often recommended that a person should dress like the people oneposition above the one they hold. This is thought to make others perceive youas a more likely candidate for your next promotion.

POWER AND SUCCESS. Closely related to rank and status are the nonverbalmessages of power and success. In the world of high finance and big business,corporate men and women struggle daily to achieve the rewards that come withthe successful climb up the ladder. Popular writers have stressed the importanceof the symbols of power and success that are necessary in our places of busi-ness. According to various sources, the man’s business suit is designed to sendpowerful messages of authority and credibility. Writers suggest that darker suitscreate perceptions of more authority. However, solid black, navy, or gray tai-lored business suits may communicate too much power. And although darkblue and gray pinstripes are acceptable, solid colors are strongly recommended.

Other writers have stressed the importance of the navy-blue, charcoal, orblack skirted suit for career women. Businesswomen, however, need to avoidimitating the dress of their male counterparts. This could be seen as a threat

Clothing serves as asymbol of rank, power,or status.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

Appearance and Dress 43

CLOTHING CONSCIOUSNESSHigh Females: inhibited, anxious, compliant before authority, kind, sympathetic,

loyal to friends

High Males: deliberate, guarded, deferential to authority, custom, and traditionLow Females: forceful, independent, dominant, clear thinking, low motivation for

heterosexual relationships, low motivation to manipulate others

Low Males: aggressive, independent, did not believe people are easily manipulated

EXHIBITIONISMHigh Females: radical, detached from interpersonal relationships, high opinion of

self-worth

High Males: aggressive, confident, outgoing, unsympathetic, unaffectionate,moody, impulsive, low self-concept regarding familial interactions

Low Females: timid, sincere, accepting of others, patient, feelings of inferiority,low motivation for heterosexual relationships

Low Males: believe people are easily manipulated, guarded against revealingthemselves, low self-concept regarding familial interactions

PRACTICALITYHigh Females: enthusiastic, outgoing, clever, confident, guarded against revealing

themselves, feelings of superiority, no desire to lead

High Males: dissatisfied, cautious, rebellious, inhibited, also had little motivationfor sustaining relationships, gaining recognition from authority figures, or making friends

Low Females: detached, self-centered, independentLow Males: analytical, serious, forceful, success oriented, mature

DESIGNERHigh Females: stereotyped in thinking, irrational, uncritical, expressive, ebullient,

quick

High Males: conforming, demanding, irritable, cooperative, sympathetic, warm,helpful, sought encouragement, worried about their behavior

Low Females: persistent, resourceful, clear thinking, efficient, when under pressure became easily disorganized, pessimistic about future in career

Low Males: egotistical, dissatisfied, adventurous, anxious, feelings of superiority, little motivation to make friends

FIGURE 2.5Personality and Clothing Orientation

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and eventually reduce the women’s power and authority in the corporateoffice. Women are encouraged to model the highest level of female businessattire. Additionally, a businesswoman may want to avoid wearing a sweaterinstead of a jacket. A sweater without a jacket may project the image of lowerstatus. What one wears away from the work environment, of course, isanother matter. Thus, although some clothing may make a woman moreattractive, it may not enhance her value in the company. Some well-controlledresearch shows that attractiveness (at least after initial hiring) is not an asset towomen employed above the clerical rank. Physical attractiveness was found tobe negatively related to performance evaluations (Henley, 1977; Korda, 1975;Molloy, 1988; Fischer-Mirkin, 1995).

GROUP IDENTIFICATION. Closely associated with popularity and liking, groupidentification is another reason people dress as they do. We are often told thatif you want to belong to the group, you have to do what the group does. Inother words, when in Rome, do as the Romans do (paraphrase of a quote bySt. Ambrose).

Singer and Singer (1985) found that when police officers were in uni-form, they were perceived to be more competent, reliable, and intelligent thanwhen dressed casually. Hewitt and German (1987) found that a male MarineCorps sergeant and a male Navy lieutenant were perceived as more attractiveand intelligent when in uniform than when dressed casually. It is clear that ourdress illustrates who we are, the groups we belong to, and our attitudes. Forexample, when a group of antischool students wear T-shirts that say, “I don’tdo school,” this says a lot about the group—not only to teachers but to otherpersons who observe this group-identification form of dress.

Try this small test: Go to a bank where you are not known, dress infor-mally and somewhat sloppily, then attempt to cash a check. Watch the teller’sreaction. Later, go back to the same bank dressed in a suit or formal attire andwatch the reaction.

People have always sought to belong, to be identified with a certain groupof individuals. The young man begs his parents to buy him a sports shirt with hisfavorite football team’s colors or his favorite baseball player’s jersey number.Young women imitate the fashions of famous actresses and models. On collegecampuses, men and women aspiring to become members of fraternities, sorori-ties, and other groups attempt to prove themselves worthy by identifying withthe clothing and actions of their potential brothers, sisters, and group peers. Anolder man once boasted that he could tell a Republican from a Democrat by thevery clothing the person wore. Whether we know it or not, we wear the uni-forms of the groups with which we associate (or aspire to associate). The cloth-ing we wear communicates a great deal about our social and political attitudes.

Generalizations About Dress

We have discussed several important functions of clothing, including the factthat we use the dress of others to perceive and stereotype them in many ways.

Before we move on, it is necessary to outline important generalizations aboutjudgments we make based on dress.

GENERALIZATION 1. The accuracy of our judgments about others based on dressvaries as a function of what type of judgment we make. Researchers suggestgreater accuracy is found in judging sex, age, nationality, socioeconomic status,identification of group, occupational status, and official status. In other words,we are generally much better at judging demographic characteristics based ondress. Less accuracy is found in judging personality, moods, values, and attitudes.That is, we are usually not as good at using the dress of others to evaluate psycho-logical characteristics.

GENERALIZATION 2. Whether the dress of others influences our perceptions ofthem is in part a function of whether they are strangers or acquaintances.Basically, impressions based on dress tend to be most important during the ini-tial and early stages of interaction. Two studies conducted by Hoult (1954)seem to support this rule. He asked subjects in the first study to rate male mod-els on several social dimensions. The models receiving the lowest ratings werethen instructed to dress up; those with the highest ratings were told to dressdown. The models were then rated a second time, but Hoult found no changein the ratings. The clothing had no influence on social judgments. Upon realiz-ing that his research might be confounded because the subjects were closelyacquainted with the models, he conducted another study using models whowere complete strangers to the subjects. The results of the second studyshowed that clothing did influence the ratings. The models who dressed upincreased in social ranking, and those who dressed down lost ground in theirranking. This conclusion still holds true today.

GENERALIZATION 3. The perception we have of others is initially influenced bytheir dress. We judge others based on their dress. Often we decide whether toinitiate interaction based on a person’s dress and general physical appearance.

GENERALIZATION 4. If someone dresses similarly to us, we are more likely toapproach her or him and initiate interaction. Again, the principle ofhomophily emerges. The more two people perceive themselves to be similar(based on dress), the more likely they are to communicate with one another.

GENERALIZATION 5. If a person wants to be recognized or identified as part ofa group, he or she should wear clothing that denotes the group. If you want tobe perceived as a serious businessperson, wear the standard, serious, businessclothing.

GENERALIZATION 6. Clothing can denote our credibility level. When we areselecting clothing, we should always consider the level of credibility we wantto achieve with others. How we dress may not predict how we act, but it canpredict whether someone will interact with us. Suits for both men and womengenerally give an impression of higher credibility.

Appearance and Dress 45

In short, when we know someone, her or his clothing has little influence onour perceptions. We see the real person even if the clothing is not consistent withthat perception. With strangers, however, clothing takes on an extremely impor-tant role in our judgments. As with other physical appearance factors, the clothesof strangers are a rich source of information about them when no other sourceexists. If we don’t know the real person, what we see is what we assume is real.

ARTIFACTS AND ACCESSORIES

Look at your body and dress. Search well. Do you find anything adorning, dec-orating, or identifying you other than your clothing? The accessories used toadorn our bodies and clothes are called personal artifacts and can tell as muchabout us as our dress. Jewelry, glasses, hats, purses, backpacks, briefcases, writ-ing pens, and even smoking artifacts communicate to others the personalityunderneath it all. Amsbary, Vogel, Hickson, and Oakes (1994) found that stu-dents rated a person much higher in similarity to them, in credibility and ininterpersonal attraction, when they were perceived as nonsmoking.

Many individuals are so closely identified with their personal artifactsthat it is virtually impossible to divorce them. During World War II, GeneralGeorge S. Patton was as famous for his ivory-handled pistol and swagger stickas he was for his successful military campaigns. It is quite difficult to imagineGeneral Douglas MacArthur without his aviator sunglasses and corncob pipe.Johnny Cash was associated with black clothing for many years. The characterAlly McBeal was associated with her very short skirts. Many music stars areassociated with certain pieces of adornment such as rings, glasses, and so on.Lisa Loeb is rarely seen without her trademark black-framed eyeglasses.

Professional image consultants do not hesitate to give guidelines for arti-fact choice. Molloy (1975) used an image IQ test in which he asked, “Forwhich professions are bow ties acceptable?” The answer was waiters, clowns,college professors, and commentators. Almost all professions have personal-ized artifacts. For example, many groups have lapel pins, brooches, tie tacks,watches, and other badge-like artifacts that identify their status.

Quite common among the artifacts we use are our articles of jewelry. Thetype of watch you wear may say much more than you realize. A Timex may com-municate a very different image than a Rolex. Both can transmit a strong signalabout your socioeconomic status. Many image consultants have suggested thatthe amount and type of jewelry the businessperson wears can make or break heror his business image. The recommendation for the businessman is simple: no ear-rings, but do have a simple (preferably thin) gold watch and, if married, a weddingband. Any more is overdoing it. Although things may change in the future, fornow, even one of those simple gold-post earrings is too many for the businessman!

As for businesswomen, adding more than simple earrings to the watch andwedding ring is going too far. The rule for women in business is usually fouraccessories: a watch, a wedding ring, and earrings (each counts as one accessory).Overdoing jewelry is a mistake many businesswomen make. Too much jewelrycan be distracting during conversation (and may even make noises) and may sug-

46 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

gest that you are of higher status than you actually are or that you are somewhatinsecure with your status. In business, less is more when it comes to accessories(Fischer-Mirkin, 1995; Kaiser, 1999; Guerrero, DeVito, & Hecht, 1999).

The most prominent and probably the most researched artifacts of all areeyeglasses (Harris, 1991; Lyon, Rainey, & Bullock, 2002; Terry & Brady, 1976;Terry & Hall, 1989; Terry & Krantz, 1993; and Terry & Stockton, 1993). Sincetheir invention, eyeglasses have been associated with particular personalitycharacteristics. Studies have concluded that people who wear glasses are thoughtto be more intelligent, industrious, and honest. One study found that womenwho wear glasses are seen as more religious, conventional, and unimaginative.At least for women, general perceptions related to eyeglasses are somewhat neg-ative. This may explain why a large percentage of all contact lens wearers arewomen and why more women than men elect eye surgery to correct their vision.Since the early 1980s, however, manufacturers of eyeglass frames have becomehighly imaginative with their products. Designer frames and other innovations,as well as the changing perceptions and uses of eyeglasses, allow wearers toexpress themselves in ways that were impossible only a few years ago.

Eyeglasses can also communicate messages by the way we manipulatethem. People who wear glasses can send a variety of signals about their self-images and emotional states. Chewing on the temple tips, for example, is usu-ally a sign of nervousness, tension, or stress. Deep concentration can be com-municated when wearers touch the temple tips together. Boredom may beshown by the individual who continually folds and unfolds her or his glasses.Gesturing with one’s eyeglasses while speaking can definitely emphasize apoint. A person who pushes his or her glasses up on the forehead to look atanother person directly may demonstrate honesty and willingness to be open.Resting glasses on the tip of the nose and looking over the top of the framesmay send a message of control, power, or disbelief.

We have discussed just a few of the many artifacts that contribute to thesocial and cultural cues you transmit every day. Little things they may be.However, you should never dismiss the smallest lapel pin, the simplest neck-lace, or the plainest earrings in taking an inventory of the potential nonverbalmessages you send others through your physical appearance. Others judge youby your artifacts as well as your clothing. Your artifacts communicate yourself-image, your affiliations, and your social and political attitudes.

Artifacts and Accessories 47

Glossary of Terminology

Appearance obsession refers to thetendency to focus on one’s appear-ance to an excessive level.Artifacts are accessories used toadorn our bodies and clothing.Attractiveness is the degree towhich we perceive another person

as someone with whom we wouldwant to associate.Cerebrotonic psychological type istense, awkward, meticulous, tactful,and detached.Ectomorphs (ectos) are bony, thin, tall people with a fragile-

looking physique, flat chest, andunderdeveloped muscle tone.Endomorphs (endos) are peoplewith rounded, oval-shaped bodieswho are somewhat heavy (not necessarily obese) and are oftendescribed as pear-shaped.Homophily refers to similaritybetween people.Image fixation (IF) is a long-term,fixated view that a person has abouther or his image or body.

Mesomorphs (mesos) are peoplewith a triangular body shape that is broad at the shoulders and tapersto the hips. Their shape is firm andmuscular in appearance with all thecurves and angles in the right places,at least for U.S. culture.

Personal body concept is the perception you have of how attrac-tive your body is and what you perceive to be the attributes of your body.

Physical attractiveness is the degreeto which we perceive another personas attractive because of her or hisphysical attributes.

Social attractiveness is the degree to which we perceive another personas someone with whom we wouldlike to socialize.Somatotonic psychological typeis confident, energetic, dominant,enterprising, and hot-tempered.Somatotyping is a method used to categorize individuals into one of three major body types: endomorphic, mesomorphic, andectomorphic.Task attractiveness is the degree towhich we perceive another person assomeone with whom we would like to work or conduct business or haveas a coworker or teammate.Viscerotonic psychological type isslow, sociable, emotional, forgiving,and relaxed.

48 C H A P T E R 2 Physical Appearance

People in business learn to interpretquickly the many different gesturesand body movements of others. Only

the unsuccessful business people neglect theimportance of gestures and body as theytalk with potential clients. When we talkwith our gestures and movements, manymeanings can be generated. In introductorysituations, a person must know the appro-priate greeting for the context. To nod,bow, kiss, shake hands, smile, wave, touchcheeks, or rub noses are common greetingsused throughout the world. Use an inappro-priate gesture for greeting and the door maynever open to you.

3CHAPTERGesture and Movement

50 C H A P T E R 3 Gesture and Movement

Answer the following questions and compare your answers with those ofanother person:

1. In this culture, what is the gesture for greeting?

2. What is the gesture for goodbye?

3. What is the gesture for “good job” or “well done”?

4. What is the gesture for agreement?

5. What is the gesture for disagreement?

6. What is the gesture for “I’m hungry”?

7. What is the gesture for “what time is it”?

8. What is the gesture for “I’m thirsty”?

9. What is the gesture for “come here”?

10. What is the gesture for “go away”?

11. What is the gesture for “I am really ticked off at you”?

12. What is the gesture for “I don’t know”?

Gestures and body movements often convey the true feelings behind aperson’s words. The context in which the gesture or body movement is usedoften determines how it will be interpreted. For example, let’s look at Don inthe interviewing context.

Don felt uncomfortable, nervous, and anxious. He had never interviewedfor a real long-term job in his life. His prior positions had all been part-timejobs. Never before had he wanted to impress someone so he could obtain apermanent, future-oriented job. He kept thinking: Will they like me? DidI remember to check my appearance? Do I look too young? Do I look confi-dent? How should I appear? Don had spent much of the morning analyzing hisappearance. He made sure his navy-blue business suit was acceptable, ana-lyzed the fit of the jacket, his tie, and the fit of his slacks. He looked at hisshoes to make sure they were polished, not scuffed. The longer he waited, themore he fidgeted, squirmed, and wiggled. What could go wrong? He had stud-ied all the information he could obtain on the corporation he was interviewingwith. Why was he worried?

He sat in an outer waiting room with several other applicants, all of whomlooked much like him. The interviewer had been calling them in one at a time tomeet with a committee. Sit up straight. Look alert. Look calm. Don’t bite yournails. Stop running your hands through your hair. And stop drumming your fin-gers on the chair arm! Don then realized that he had been running his handsthrough his hair again, and his crossed leg was twitching rapidly. He folded hisarms loosely across his chest, breathed deeply, and forced himself to sit calmly.

In the next chair, a well-dressed woman sat calmly reading a magazine.She slumped and yawned. A man to her right continually looked at his watch.Toward the other side of the room, Don noticed another woman pacing infront of a bulletin board. Occasionally, she flipped a posted notice orbrochure, then looked anxiously down the hall where several interviewees had

Gesture and Movement 51

disappeared with the corporation representative. “Donald T. Smith,” said astrong, serious, firm voice. Don turned to see the representative gesturing forhim to follow. Don approached, smiled, extended a trembling hand, and bentfrom his waist. “Not nervous, are you Mr. Smith?” asked the representative.“Oh, no, no, sir . . . I mean madam . . . I mean ma’am. Not at all. Very goodto meet you.” Don bit his lower lip for fear that his general behavior and man-nerisms had betrayed him.

Because of books and articles in mass circulation, body movements havebecome commonly known as body language (Argyle, 1975; Birdwhistell,1970; Fast, 1970; Henley, 1977; Malandro & Barker, 1983). Although suchwritings have helped raise awareness of nonverbal behavior and of gesture andmovement in particular, the movements, actions, gestures, motions, displays,twitches, swings, and sways of our bodies do not constitute a language. Theyare simply behaviors to which one may attribute some meaning. In short, theymay communicate, but they do not do so like words (Richmond, 1996;Guerrero, DeVito, & Hecht, 1999).

Kinesics is the study of the communicative impact of body movement andgesture. In Chapter 1, we introduced the various functions of nonverbal com-munication: complementing, accenting, contradicting, repeating, substituting,and regulating. Our body movements convey many messages that serve thesefunctions.

Kinesic behaviors include all gestures, head movements, eye behavior,facial expressions, posture, and movements of the trunk, arms, legs, feet,hands, and fingers. Researchers have studied these motions from many per-spectives, but most nonverbal scholars today agree that it is virtually meaning-less, and probably inappropriate, to study kinesic behaviors apart from theircontexts. It is rare that a particular body movement symbolizes a specific mes-sage outside the restrictive environs of the context or culture where it occurs.

Consider Don’s behavior in our example. Had you not known his partic-ular situation, the impending interview, could you have assigned specificmeaning to those behaviors? Probably not. Some would have guessed that hewas bored, others that he was irritated. It is only because we understand hispredicament that we know his behaviors are signs of nervousness and anxiety.

Besides the situation that provides context for body motions, it is alsoessential to understand that our culture, upbringing, ethnic and geographic ori-gins, social status, and even educational background contribute to the meaningof gesture and movement. In our culture, how a man walks may lead some indi-viduals to question his masculinity. In other cultures, the same gait would not.The “A-OK” sign North Americans use may indicate that all is well or fine inBuffalo, New York, or Dallas, Texas, but don’t rely on the same interpretation insome Latino cultures, where the North American “A-OK” sign is equivalent togiving the middle finger. Decades of extensive research and formal observationhave shown us the error of our ways when we attempt to categorize nonverbalhuman behavior. Crossing your legs and shifting away from another personwhile talking with him or her may not indicate that youare rejecting that person.You may simply be more comfortable in that position.

52 C H A P T E R 3 Gesture and Movement

We would like to discuss gesture and movement in several ways. First, wepresent a section on the theoretical views of this area of nonverbal communi-cation. Second, we present a discussion on the types or categories of gesturesand movements. Third, the idea of posture is discussed in terms of its potentialto communicate. Finally, we review the effects of gesture and movement onour communication with others.

A THEORETICAL LOOK AT GESTURE AND MOVEMENT

We have always known intuitively that body movements tell us much aboutanother person. Gestures and movements illustrate and regulate our verbaldialogue. Through our bodily motions, we communicate our emotions, rein-force and accent our spoken words, and even contradict what we have said.It is only quite recently, however, that theorists and researchers have devel-oped scientific ways of studying the kinesic behavior of humans. Thereare two general approaches to the study of kinesics. The first is the structuralapproach; the second, the external variable approach. As we will see,researchers from each perspective make different assumptions about thecommunicative potential of kinesic behavior (Birdwhistell, 1952, 1970;Dittman, 1971; Ekman, 1976; Ekman & Friesen, 1969a, 1969b, 1972,1974; Johnson, Ekman, & Friesen, 1975; Knapp & Hall, 1992; Rogers,1978; Richmond, 1996).

Structural Approach to Kinesics

The common thread among the writers who take the structural approach tokinesics is that they view communication as a structured system and presume

Nonverbal Matching in Consoling Behavior

The researchers looked at the concept ofconsoling behavior. Four confederates (twomale and two female) were trained to actout nine combinations of nonverbal immedi-acy. Each combination was ranked as low,moderate, or high. The participants dis-cussed an emotionally distressing event.Twohypotheses were supported and one wasnot. First, participants matched the confed-erate regardless of the immediacy condition.Second, women engaged in more immediacymatching than did men. Additionally, womendisplayed more emotional cues than men.

Women matched higher with other womenthan with male confederates. Male-femaleand male-male dyads (pairs) tested similarlyfor matching. The third hypothesis, thatmatching and perceived liking for the helper,is moderated by manipulated levels of thehelper was not supported. However, immedi-acy exerted a big effect on liking.

Jones, S. M., & Wirtz, J. G. (2007). Sad monkey,

see, monkey do; Nonverbal matching in emo-

tional support encounters. Communication

Studies, 58, 71–86.

A Theoretical Look at Gesture and Movement 53

this system is independent of the specific behaviors people engage in duringparticular interactions. These scholars believe that all behavior should be pre-sumed to be learned socially and to have communicative value. Birdwhistell(1952, 1970) is one of the most famous structuralist writers. He believed thatthe context in which behavior occurs is important, but that behavior can alsobe seen as meeting many criteria for language. In other words, there is anunderlying structure to behaviors, a rule system that can be discovered.Behaviors can be broken into parts like sentences or words, and they can becategorized. Thus, Birdwhistell thought that it was meaningless to make dis-tinctions between verbal and nonverbal communication. His linguisticapproach to movements is widely known today and much debated.

Birdwhistell’s (1952) method for studying body motions involved identi-fying the smallest and most basic units of behavior, called allokines. We usuallycannot detect these microbehaviors in ongoing interaction with others. Theyare performed rapidly and usually must be detected by mechanical means suchas video recorders or computers. Several allokines together compose largerunits of behavior called kines. According to Birdwhistell, even kines may not bemeaningful. A still larger unit of behavior, kinemes, is a combination of kines.These movement kinemes are the smallest sets of body movements to which dif-ferential meaning can be attributed. They are analogous to the linguistic unit ofphoneme, which is the smallest phonetic unit in a language. Kinemes make upkinemorphemes, which are analogous to the linguistic unit of morpheme, thesmallest meaningful unit of language, consisting of a word or word element.Thus Birdwhistell based his category system of behavior on a model taken fromthe categories of verbal communication (allophone, phone, phonemes, mor-phemes, semantics, syntax, and grammar).

Dittman (1971), a major critic of Birdwhistell’s approach to the study ofkinesics, rejects the belief that all nonverbal behavior can be treated in the sameway we treat verbal language. According to Dittman, the basic hypothesis ofkinesics as a communication system with the same structure as spoken languageis not viable. He has claimed that all spoken language consists of discontinuousand discrete pieces of information. However, only certain body motions and ges-tures can meet this criterion. Many or most must be considered continuous andtherefore cannot be treated or studied as a linguistic system. Dittman suggeststhat there is little evidence that movement elements are assembled into group-ings based on any set of rules internal to the movements themselves. Other crit-ics of Birdwhistell have cautioned that his approach may lead researchers toimpose a structure on the body movements they observe that may not exist butwhich rather fits a presupposed model of the researchers.

However, it should be noted that Dittman and others strongly agree withBirdwhistell that gestures and movements are valuable sources of information.They would disagree that no distinction between verbal and nonverbal behav-ior can or should be made. As you probably have surmised, we find ourselvesfirmly in Dittman’s corner in this controversy. The distinctions we noted inChapter 1 between verbal and nonverbal behaviors are important. The streamof research based on the linguistic model has not been particularly useful for

54 C H A P T E R 3 Gesture and Movement

understanding human communication and today has lost popularity amongcommunication researchers.

External Variable Approach to Kinesics

Unlike Birdwhistell, most other researchers have taken an external variableapproach to the study of bodily motion. Ekman (1976) is one of the morefamous of these. He started by observing behavior experimentally and thendeveloped his theory based on his findings. Ekman and his colleagues were notinterested in microbehaviors that could not be seen by the naked eye. Theysaw no real use in hypothesizing the existence of allokines and kines, becausethese units had no significance in relation to social meaning and communica-tion. Ekman and Friesen (1969a, 1969b) often stated that their interest in hownonverbal behavior functions in social interaction required them to examinemolar units of behavior. According to Ekman and Friesen, any classification ofhuman gesture and movement should be based on motions that are easily seenby any observer. If movements cannot be discerned by the average observer,how can they consciously communicate? Of course they can’t. However, therecould be a non-conscious impact. Ekman and Friesen (1969a, 1969b, 1972,1974) were also interested in the type of information certain nonverbal actsconvey. Movements can convey idiosyncratic information or shared informa-tion. Movements and gestures that can be understood only in relation to oneindividual generate idiosyncratic meaning. That is, the meanings of these non-verbal acts are seen as different if they are engaged in by different peoplewithin the same group. Furthermore, knowledge of the particular circum-stances surrounding such acts is essential to understanding them. Nonverbalacts that generate shared meaning are those that most persons in a given groupor culture would interpret similarly. The middle finger and the victory signare examples of behaviors that generate shared meaning in U.S culture.Conversely, one person may engage in a particular movement in response tofeelings of stress, such as stroking an arm or biting the fingernails, which stim-ulates no meaning in most others nearby; whereas, another observer (such as aspouse) recognizes this behavior as a sign of anxiety. This would be idiosyn-cratic meaning.

In an extension of their idiosyncratic distinction, Ekman and Friesen dis-tinguished between inborn and innate behavior versus behavior that is learnedthrough social interaction and cultural influences. We generally agree withEkman and Friesen that many gestures and movements are both inborn andinnate and that—as we grow, develop, mature, listen to and observe others,and model others—we begin to develop or learn a rather sophisticated meansof communicating with people in our culture. Ekman and Friesen’s kinesic sys-tem is a function of inborn tendencies and learned behaviors.

From their research and thinking, Ekman and Friesen devised the mostcommonly accepted system to categorize gestures and movements. Let us nowturn to a discussion of the types of bodily motions using the categories theydeveloped.

Types of Gesture and Movement 55

TYPES OF GESTURE AND MOVEMENT

Gestures and movements of human beings may be separated into five differenttypes: emblems, illustrators, regulators, affect displays, and adaptors (Ekman,1976; Ekman & Friesen, 1969a, 1969b, 1972, 1974; Scherer & Ekman, 1982).The following discussion presents each type and describes its characteristics.

Emblems

The first type of body motion is called the emblem. Emblems are often referredto as the speech-independent gestures. Gestures must have several characteris-tics before they become classified as emblems:

■ Emblems are gestures and movements that have a direct verbal translation.■ Emblems are known by most or all of a group, class, culture, or subculture.■ They can be used to stimulate specific meanings in the minds of other per-

sons in place of verbal communication. Giving someone the finger or“A-OK” sign typically produces a precise shared meaning, and few in ourculture would miss the message the gesture transmits. However, those whoknow American Sign Language (ASL) can communicate much more fullywith an emblematic language based on gesture. This, of course, is a com-plete language system, not just unrelated gestures and movements.

■ Emblems are used intentionally by the sender to communicate a specificmessage to an individual or group. Rarely do individuals unconsciouslywave goodbye or raise their thumbs when standing along the roadside tosignal for a passerby to pick them up.

■ Users of emblems are aware of their actions and are in control of themovement or gesture. The sender, in essence, takes responsibility for themessage.

■ Emblems are often socially and culturally learned behaviors to whichprecise meaning can be attached.

■ Emblems can be used, in many cases, to substitute for the spoken word.

Though generally classified as nonverbal behavior, emblems have more incommon with verbal communication than any other nonverbal behavior.Besides having direct verbal translations and usually being used intentionally,emblems are socially learned in much the same manner as language. Further-more, emblems are much like language itself. The meanings we assign to themare arbitrary, and the way we associate meaning with the action is highly similarto the way we associate meaning with words. Finally, as with words, emblemsmay stimulate entirely different meanings or no meanings at all in the minds ofpeople from different cultures. Given the closeness of emblems to language, itmay be better to think of nonverbal and verbal behavior as a continuum than asa dichotomy. Emblems would fall somewhere in the middle of the continuum,with verbal and nonverbal behavior representing the polar extremes:

Verbal behavior _________ Emblems _________ Nonverbal behavior

56 C H A P T E R 3 Gesture and Movement

In our culture there are several common emblems that mean somethingcompletely different in other cultures. The “A-OK” sign, which is seen as positivein this culture, is an obscene gesture elsewhere; it is seen as a symbol for money insome cultures and as meaningless in others. Ekman and Kendon have suggestedthat certain cultures may have gestures in common for such words as hello andgoodbye. Other candidates for gestures that may span a number of cultures arethose signaling agreement, disagreement, dislike, like, hunger, thirst, lust, stop,go, uncertainty, tiredness or fatigue, happiness, sadness, and surprise. Other thanthe smile, there are very few universal gestures. In summary, for the most part,gestures should be interpreted within contextual and cultural confines.

Illustrators

Gestures and movements that are closely linked with spoken language andhelp to demonstrate what is being said are called illustrators. These are oftenreferred to as speech-linked gestures. Like emblems, illustrators are usuallyintentional. Unlike emblems, however, they cannot stand alone and stimulatethe same meaning of the verbal. That is, illustrators generate little or no mean-ing when they are not accompanying speech. Try turning down the volume onyour television and observe the actions of the people on the screen. Unless youare an excellent lip-reader, you will find it extremely difficult to understandevery action accurately. Seldom can we assign specific meaning to illustrativebehavior without the accompanying speech. Illustrators usually make littlesense without the words they accompany.

Illustrators generally come in four categories. The first category is ges-tures that are related to the speech referent or explanation. Such gestures aremovements that illustrate the idea or spoken word, as when a person says, “I caught a fish this big!” and holds her or his hands far apart. Try generatingyour own examples of gestures related to a speech referent.

Category two comprises gestures that suggest the source’s relationship tothe speech referent or explanation. These gestures suggest the sender’s accul-turation or attitude to the referent. For example, a person might ask you howthe big fish we caught tasted, and you might reply by saying it was so-so, whilewaving a hand back and forth in the “so-so” fashion. Or you might stick outyour tongue and shake your head as you say, “It was awful.”

Category three is gestures that punctuate, highlight, or emphasize a spo-ken word or message in conversation. For example, when we speak of threeideas, we might raise a different finger for each idea to punctuate or highlightthat idea.

Category four is interaction gestures that help the source in organizing,managing, or directing the conversation. These tend to be gestures used in con-junction with speech, which signal when it is another person’s turn to talk orremain quiet. For example, these can be head, hand, eye, or body movementsthat signal or punctuate speech.

Researchers and practitioners have found that illustrators are used moreoften in face-to-face interaction. This is because in face-to-face communication,

Types of Gesture and Movement 57

What meaning is being communicated in each box?

58 C H A P T E R 3 Gesture and Movement

we as senders have the option to use illustrators to make our meaning clearer.In non-face-to-face interaction, we need other forms of nonverbal behavior toclarify our speech. However, because illustrators are so closely connected toverbal communication, even people exchanging information via technologymay use illustrators as a natural part of the presentation (e.g., phone conversa-tions). We often use illustrators in face-to-face interaction even if we suspectthat the other knows what we mean. In other words, we like to clarify, so weuse illustrators. Last, when illustrators are used in sync with speech, the com-munication exchange is smoother, more fluent, and less confusing. When illus-trators are used out of sync with speech, the communication exchange can bechoppy, uneven, less fluent, and confusing. People will overlap in conversation,speak out of turn, and often interrupt one another when the speech illustrativepattern is out of sync.

Some writers suggest additional types of illustrators that depend on thefunction they serve. These are very similar to some of the four categoriesreviewed earlier. A type of gesture called a baton can be used to accent spokenwords, phrases, or sentences. You are using a baton, for example, when youslam your hand on a table to emphasize the urgency of what you are saying.Ideographs, according to most writers, represent the cognitive processing ofthe speaker, and are usually quite prevalent when individuals are having diffi-culty putting their thoughts into words. Snapping your fingers repeatedlywhile trying to think of an answer is an example of an ideograph. Pictographsare movements or gestures that serve as pictures or drawings of images con-tained in speech. Drawing the outline of a male or female figure in the airwhile describing an attractive person to friends is an example of a pictograph.

Regulators

Think for a moment about what it would be like to interact daily with othersand not be able to see them. Some research has shown that if interactants arenot allowed to observe one another while conversing, the interaction becomesdifficult and considerable miscommunication occurs. This happens because weuse movements and gestures (and observe those of others) to help us regulateour conversations. This is also why we find it difficult at first to interact witha visually challenged person. We unconsciously expect the person to respondto our gestures and movements, but he or she is not aware of them. Once werecognize this fact, we may still have a problem because we have to figure outhow to regulate the interaction without these nonverbal aids.

Regulators are gestures and body movements that, along with eye andvocal cues, maintain and regulate the back-and-forth interaction betweenspeakers and listeners during spoken dialogue. Regulators are not nearly asintentional as emblems and illustrators. They are learned gradually and are anintegral part of the communication socialization process. Usually, they arelearned to such a degree that they become ingrained habits. We are rarely con-scious of the behavior we use to control and regulate our conversations withother people.

Types of Gesture and Movement 59

Kendon and Ferber (1973) identified six stages of general interaction thatregulate or act in the regulative mode in greeting situations. They are as follows:

1. Sighting, orientation, and initiation approach.

2. The distant salutation, or movements and gestures that signal official rat-ification and acknowledge that a greeting sequence has been initiatedand who the participants are. Smiles, waves, head nods, and so on can allbe part of this official acknowledgment stage.

3. The head dip, which signifies transitions between acts and shifts in psy-chological orientation. This stage may not be observed if the participantdid not continue to pursue the other participant.

4. The approach, which assumes that the greeting process continues. In thisstep, the participants use several nonverbal behaviors that signifyapproach, such as moving toward one another, gazing, grooming, andextending one or both arms.

5. The final approach, where participants are less than ten feet apart. Thereis smiling, mutual gazing, and much face-to-face interaction.

6. The close salutation, when the participants of the greeting ceremonynegotiate a standing position. They use ritualistic speech (Hi, how areyou?) and if the situation calls for body contact (such as a handshake,shoulder slap, or embrace), it takes place here.

Consider the behavior(s) you use to cue others that you are finished talk-ing. What particular actions are signals that you want to speak? That you donot want to speak?

Managing communication turn-taking is the primary function of regula-tors. It is necessary during our conversations to exchange roles as the senderand the listener. The goal, of course, is to switch those roles smoothly and flu-idly. Communication turn-taking behaviors can be categorized into those thatthe speaker uses to maintain or yield her or his talking turn, and those that thelistener uses to request or decline an invitation to talk (Duncan, 1972, 1974).

■ Turn-yielding cues are given by speakers who wish to discontinue talkingand give the listener the opportunity to take the speaking role. Thesemovements may include direct body orientation, a forward lean, a beck-oning gesture with the hand or head that says “come on, I’ll listen to younow,” and many eye and vocal cues (increased eye contact, raised inflec-tion, or simply a long silent pause). Yielding cues can be seen as behav-iorally putting on the brakes to communicating to your fellow interactantsthat you are coming to a verbal stop.

■ Turn-maintaining cues are used by speakers who want to continue talk-ing. They are especially observable when the listener is trying to interrupt.Keeping eye contact to a minimum, increasing the rate and loudness ofspeech, indirect body orientation, filled pauses, and halting gestures(holding your hand up with the palm facing the listener as a traffic officer

60 C H A P T E R 3 Gesture and Movement

would while stopping traffic) are all examples of turn-maintaining cues.They communicate to the listener that you still have more to say.

■ Turn-requesting regulators are used by the listener to signal the speakerthat he or she would like to talk. Examples of requesting cues includeraising the hand or index finger, an audible intake of breath, tensing andstraightening of posture, or any other behavior that may get the speaker’sattention. Vocally, we can use a throat-clearing sound or a stutter start torequest a speaking turn. One writer has also suggested that requestingcues are used to hurry the speaker to the finish line. Rapid head nods thatsignal agreement or a rolling gesture with the hand may get the speakerto make her or his point much sooner than she or he normally would.

■ Turn-denying behaviors are cues listeners use to signal that we declineour turn to speak. Sustaining a relaxed posture while remaining silent,slow and frequent, positive head nods, and positive vocal utterances suchas “uh-huh, uh-huh” usually encourage the speaker to continue.

Communication turn-management cues can help direct, organize, andcontrol the flow of conversation. These cues can also assist in the maintenanceof smooth, fluid, in-sync speech.

Affect Displays

The fourth category of bodily motion is affect displays. These cues primarilyinvolve facial expressions but also include a person’s posture, the way he orshe walks, limb movements, and other behaviors that provide informationabout her or his emotional state or mood. Affect displays indicate both one’semotional reactions to what is going on and the strength of those reactions.

It is quite possible for many or most people to portray an emotion theydo not actually feel. Similarly, it is possible for many people to repress theexpression of an emotion they feel would be inappropriate for others to beaware of. However, behaviors that reveal true emotional states are usuallyunintentional, even when we are aware of them. For instance, when we feelour knees shaking and see our hands trembling while experiencing fear or anx-iety, we often cannot control them.

Adaptors

The fifth category of nonverbal behavior is the adaptor. Adaptors are highlyunintentional behaviors that are usually responses to boredom or stress or areclosely linked with negative feelings toward ourselves or others. These behav-iors are vestiges of coping behavior that we learn very early in life. Accordingto several writers, adaptors were once part of our efforts to cope with physicaland emotional needs and the need to learn instrumental behavior. They are, inessence, behaviors that once allowed us to adapt to situational, social, and cul-tural influences. They can be described as leftovers of goal-directed behaviorthat later became automatic, habitual actions.

Types of Gesture and Movement 61

Quite often, behaviors that people use every day may actually be adap-tors. Are you, for instance, aware when you pick your nose, tap your pen orpencil on your desk, pull at your earlobe, rub your arms, or fiddle with anobject in your hand? Lip biting and nail biting are not generally well-acceptedbehaviors, but we often see people do them in front of total strangers. Chancesare that such behaviors are adaptors.

Many researchers characterize adaptors as falling into three differenttypes. Self-adaptors are nonverbal acts in which an individual manipulates heror his own body. Scratching, rubbing, and hair twisting are common self-adap-tors. Alter-directed adaptors are movements that are designed to protect theindividual from other interactants. Folding one’s arms may indicate protectionagainst some sort of verbal or nonverbal attack. Unconscious leg movementsduring interaction may represent a thinly repressed desire to keep others away.

Finally, there are object-focused adaptors. These acts include the uncon-scious manipulation of a particular object, such as tapping a pen, smoking, ortwisting a ring around your finger. Some speakers feel it necessary to have apiece of chalk in hand while speaking.

While not contradicting the work of Ekman and his colleagues,Wachsmuth (2006) has explained some new elements of gesture theory. Thiswork has been taking place in the area of neuroscience. Here the researchersbelieve that gestures are coverbal. That is, they believe that gestures arrivealong the same pathways as verbal communication. Kelly, Kravitz, andHopkins (2004) studied what happened when their subjects were forced tocreate messages with consistent and inconsistent verbal and nonverbal mes-sages. They found that there were negative peaks (called the N400 effect)when there were contradictions between the verbal and the nonverbal. SimilarN400 effects occurred when subjects made verbal misstatements such as “Hespread his toast with socks” (Wachsmuth, 2006, p. 22). McNeill (2005) hassubdivided gestures into four types:

1. Deictic—when the gesture accompanies the word, especially words likehere, there, I, and you (Wachsmuth, 2006, p. 23).

2. Iconic—relating a gesture to an event, as when telling a story about a girlwith an umbrella. Here the storyteller pretends to be carrying the umbrella.

3. Metaphorical—these gestures are similar to iconic ones, but they usuallyrelate to more abstract things, such as “the next topic. . . .”

4. Beats—these gestures are related to the “poetry” or “music” of the mes-sage itself, such as pounding one’s fist.

Wachsmuth (2006) has reported that there are three stages in the devel-opment of a message. In the preverbal stage, the person is trying to translate anidea into a message. In the second stage, the brain begins to construct the sen-tence. The third stage is the use of the lungs and vocal chords to produce themessage. Contemporary researchers believe that the gestures are considered instage one, where both the words and accompanying gestures are being created.

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Carney, Hall, and Lebeau (2005) found that using gestures includes theattempt to create social power—to persuade. They found seventy different ges-tures, proxemic behaviors, and vocalic measures used to persuade. All of theseresearchers were looking for information about how gestures are used whenpeople are telling the truth. However, there is also a significant amount ofresearch regarding deception.

DECEPTION CUES

Many people believe that deception, for example, can sometimes be detectedin body movements even though speakers may believe they have effectivelyconcealed any cues that might give them away. Research on deception andmovement indicates that people are better able to conceal lying cues in the move-ments of the face and head than in other body areas. In several studies, observerswho observed only the body of the deceiver were slightly more likely to guesswho was lying than observers who keyed in on the face and head. But don’tassume that you can always catch liars. Even with videotape and unlimited timeto review observations, observers’ ability to detect deception by observing bod-ily movements is not meaningfully better than by chance guessing.

Caso, Maricchiolo, Bonaiuto, Vrij, and Mann (2006) tested the impactof forcing their subjects to lie. They interviewed subjects about the possessionof an object. Then they were interviewed a second time, indicating that theresearcher knew they had lied the first time and therefore showed suspicion.When there was suspicion, there was a decrease in deictic gestures and anincrease in metaphoric gestures. There was also a decrease in self-adaptors.Their study took place with Italian subjects, and cultural factors may influencethe kinds of gestures that occur when lying.

Some conclusions about detecting deception are needed at this juncture.As nonverbal encoders and decoders, we can safely conclude the followingabout deception:

■ The particular behavior that is likely to show that one is lying depends onthe characteristics of the lie, the liar, the receiver of the lie, and the context.

■ Liars learn to control their head and facial movements (upper 12 inchesof the human body) when deceiving, but it is difficult for them to controlall nonverbal behavior.

■ Leakage cues are not the same for everybody; they differ from person toperson, context to context, and for different emotions.

■ With most liars (deceivers) it is almost impossible to detect the lie. Manypeople are highly skilled deceivers and are effective liars who do not feelguilty about a lie, have convinced themselves that they are not lying, orare confident that the target of their lies will believe them.

■ Attractive people are more likely to be able to convince others of untruthsthan unattractive people. The reasoning here is that attractive personsreceive more opportunities to communicate, gain confidence in a varietyof communication situations, and therefore can control their verbal and

Posture 63

nonverbal behavior more easily when lying. They are also more likely tobe given the benefit of the doubt by their listeners. There are few ugly,successful con artists.

■ Children and adults who have honest-looking features and affect dis-plays are often given the benefit of the doubt even if someone thinks theyare lying. People in this culture often say that the person can’t be lyingbecause he (or she) looks too honest.

■ Deception is difficult to discern. We must be cautious in assuming thatsomeone is lying because he or she has negative affect displays, or in assum-ing that someone is telling the truth because he has honest affect displays.

People who claim to be able to identify liars with high accuracy are lyingto you—or to themselves. Deception has been a major research topic of lead-ing psychologists and communication scholars for several decades. With theexception of a few very highly trained security officers, the ability of most peo-ple to detect liars, even those with specific training, is astoundingly low—barely as good as flipping a coin. Accuracy is increased a little bit when thepotential liar is well-known by the observer—their idiosyncratic characteris-tics when lying are known. Looking for nonverbal behaviors in strangers is asworthless as using a lie detector to identify liars. Both are based on myths inour culture, which is why lie detector evidence is not usually permitted in crim-inal trials and testimony by involved observers is taken only with a large“grain of salt.” Face it. People will lie to you, and you will have no way ofknowing which ones are doing it. Becoming a nonverbal behavior expert willnot protect you, but it can give you a false sense of security (DePaulo, 1988;DePaulo & Kirkendol, 1988; Goleman, 1999; McCroskey & Richmond,1996; Richmond, 1996; Rosenfeld, 1966a, 1966b, 1982).

However, not all lying is criminal or bad, such as small social lies. Thesesmall social lies occur in families, friendships, and business relations. Hall sug-gests it would be tactless and rude to call attention to social lies. Most sociallies involve simple politeness; they generally are meaningless and not hurtful(DePaulo,1988; Goffman, 1959, 1967; Hall, 1996, 1998).

POSTURE

Heather walked into the office on Monday morning. She strolled to the coatrack, hanging up her jacket and gloves. Checking her mailbox, Heather slowlypulled out a pile of miscellaneous memos and letters, thumbed through them,and dropped them on the edge of her desk. She then fell limply into her chairand tossed her purse into the bottom desk drawer. After reading a note fromthe boss taped to her word processor, she sighed and leaned over her desk tobegin work. Her coworker Janet glanced at Heather. Somewhat puzzled, Janetthoroughly scrutinized her and asked, “Heather, are you feeling all right thismorning?” Heather paused, lifted her bent head slightly, and said, “I feel fine.Why?” Dismissing the entire matter, Janet replied, “Oh, nothing. We’d betterget back to work.”

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Reading the above scenario, you are probably wondering why Janetseemed concerned. It may not be apparent to you that she was keying in onvisible kinesic cues that Heather may not have been aware of transmitting.Janet was receiving messages from Heather’s posture. This morning, Heather’sshoulders were drawn downward. Her head was turned a bit downward, andshe seemed to slump. As she slowly walked through the office, her feet seem toplod on the floor. Usually, Heather had a crisp and commanding stride. Nottoday. In Janet’s mind, it was definitely a slow, painstaking gait.

As we said earlier, posture can be a rich source of information aboutemotional states and relationships. The way we walk, whether with a bounceor a saunter, sends messages to others. The way we sit can indicate interest orboredom. Our body orientation toward others during conversation may saymuch about our relationship with, orientation toward, and feelings aboutother persons. You can receive social signals from a person by the way he orshe stands, lies, leans, lounges, reclines, or rests.

How Does Posture Communicate?

A leading writer on body movements and gestures, Mehrabian (1969a, 1969b,1971, 1972), posits that there are two primary dimensions of posture throughwhich we transmit messages about our attitudes. The first dimension is calledimmediacy. The concept of immediacy is discussed in depth in a later chapter.For now, the postural behaviors that represent an immediate attitude includedirect body orientation, symmetric positioning, and forward leaning of thebody (Richmond, 2002a).

The second dimension identified by Mehrabian is called relaxation.Relaxed behavior includes backward leaning of the body, reduced tension inthe arms and legs, and asymmetry of positioning.

The basic idea of Mehrabian’s work is that we can communicate anopenness and willingness to communicate, along with a positive attitude, byexhibiting immediacy and relaxation in our postural positions. On the otherhand, our posture can close out another person and shut off communication.Noncommunicative postural cues that reduce visibility and increase percep-tions of distance tend to discourage interaction.

Scheflen (1964), another notable writer and researcher in the area ofkinesics, contends that we can communicate with our posture in many ways.Scheflen divides all postures of interacting persons into three major categories:inclusive or noninclusive, face-to-face or parallel body orientation, and con-gruence or incongruence.

INCLUSIVE VERSUS NONINCLUSIVE. Postural cues in this category are acts orpositions that either include or block out other people. Imagine you’re at a partyheld by a social organization. It may be in a large hall or ballroom, and theattending crowd may be large. As you look around the room, you observe thatsmall groups, or conversation pockets, have formed. You particularly notice agroup of four people who are enjoying their private interaction immensely while

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virtually ignoring the other partygoers. With their posture, this little group hascommunicated to others that they are not included. You are well acquaintedwith each of the four but may hesitate to approach and become a part of theirinteraction because of the noninclusive postural cues they are transmitting.

FACE-TO-FACE VERSUS PARALLEL BODY ORIENTATION. This category refersprimarily to the postural relationship between two people during conversa-tion. Essentially, two people can engage in conversation while facing oneanother or while sitting or standing side by side. These postural orientationscan tell a great deal about a relationship. For instance, the face-to-face posi-tion may indicate more formal or professional interaction. It may also suggestthat each person feels a need to continually monitor the other. The face-to-facepositioning also may be a sign of a more active interaction; whereas, the paral-lel orientation may indicate neutral or passive interaction.

CONGRUENCE VERSUS INCONGRUENCE. Scheflen’s last category, congruenceversus incongruence, refers to whether two people imitate or share a similarposture. If they share a similar posture and tend to imitate each other’s posi-tioning and movements, they are exhibiting congruent body positions. If thereis a marked difference in the postures of interactants, they are engaging inincongruent body positioning.

When the postures of two people are congruent, this may signal agree-ment, equality, and liking between them. A primary message transmitted whenpostures are incongruent is that there is a status differential between the inter-actants. The higher-status individual exhibits a more relaxed posture withindirect orientation, backward leaning, and asymmetric leg and arm positions.The lower-status person usually maintains a more formal posture with directorientation, forward leaning, more muscle tension, and straightened spine.Therefore people of perceived equal status, such as friends, may strive to main-tain that equality through their posture, whereas those of different status, suchas teachers and students, doctors and patients, supervisors and subordinatesmay exhibit postural cues that signal the inequality.

Communicative Potential of Posture

Many psychiatrists, therapists, and psychologists believe that attitudes, predis-positions, and emotional states may be manifested as enduring postural pat-terns. They contend that the structure and orientation of the body seldom lie.Practitioners, such as some chiropractors, believe that our history of emotions,deep-rooted feelings, and personality can be identified by the way we hold ourbodies, move our bodies, and exhibit tension in them.

As we noted in our Janet and Heather scenario earlier, the way we walkcan betray our outlook on life, our attitudes, or even our emotions. It mayeven tell others a lot about our cultural or ethnic backgrounds. Others suggestthat our stride is closely linked to our personality. We may be able to changeothers’ perceptions of us by changing the pace or rhythm with which we walk.

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It is not surprising that our posture is most effective at reflecting our gen-der. In fact, many behaviors that go into separating the boys from the girls canbe seen in the way we hold, carry, and orient our bodies. For centuries, femalesin American culture have been socialized to exhibit shrinkage in their postures.Shrinkage cues include such things as the lowering of head and eyes, tilting thehead to one side, and pulling the body and limbs inward to take up less space(knees and feet together and arms held closely to the trunk). Males, on theother hand, have been socialized to engage in expanding nonverbal acts. Astereotypical masculine posture is characterized by positions and movementsthat take up more space. Such expansive behavior includes such things as posi-tioning the legs apart while standing or sitting, carrying arms away from thetrunk, and taking longer strides.

It should be noted that individuals begin to develop the postures consid-ered appropriate to their genders as early as infancy, leading some to believe thatthey are natural. While this may be partially true, our culture also influences ourposture. As children, if we show indications of postural positions and move-ment that are typically associated with the other gender in our culture, we maybe encouraged by our parents, teachers, peers, and other members of our cul-ture to change our posture. Consider the stereotypes associated with maleswho exhibit the shrinking behavior generally accepted as feminine. How aboutthe female who has the masculine expanding posture, walk, or body orienta-tion? Some people around these individuals are likely simply to move awayfrom such culturally inappropriate nonverbal displays. Others will expresstheir displeasure openly.

MOVEMENT AND COMMUNICATOR STYLE

Norton (1983) published a comprehensive book on different styles of commu-nicators. He defined communicator style as the way a person verbally and par-averbally interacts to signal how literal meaning should be taken, interpreted,filtered, or understood in the communicative process. To Norton, communica-tor style is what gives form to the content of messages. According to Norton,several verbal and nonverbal factors differentiate among the various styles. Oneof these factors is the different pattern of body movements and gestures that isused by different communicators. Norton suggests that the major types of com-municator styles are dramatic, dominant, animated, relaxed, attentive, open,friendly, contentious, and impression-leaving. Let us consider the behaviorsthat go into each style.

The Dramatic Style

You probably know someone who is quite dramatic when he or she speaks.These individuals are usually masters at exaggeration, tell the most fascinatingstories, and often have a rhythm to their voices. Dramatizing, according toNorton, is the most physically visible of all communicator styles. It is usuallynot enough for the dramatist to say something in an interesting way. He or she

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generally relies on a wide range of illustrative behaviors. Common illustratorsthat represent the dramatic style are pictographs, drawings of forms and figuresin space, and moving dramatically from one location to another. In short, theworld is a stage. An interesting characteristic of dramatic style is that the behav-ioral cues signal deviations from normal behavior. The abnormality of dramaticbehavior is probably the major reason it successfully captures the interest of lis-teners. Additionally, perceptions of popularity, attractiveness, and status areoften enhanced by the dramatic communicator style.

The Dominant Style

The dominant communicator uses nonverbal cues to dominate listeners. Somewriters have likened the too-dominant style to a big stick that beats the listenerinto a submissive posture. Expansive body posture and movements that fillspace are often associated with dominance. People who quickly approach fel-low interactants are generally seen as dominant. Although these behaviors aremore commonly used by males, females with dominant styles use them as well,along with more reciprocal eye contact. Research shows that dominant com-municators are perceived as more confident, conceited, self-assured, competi-tive, forceful, active, and enthusiastic.

The Animated Style

The animated communicator engages in exaggerated bodily motions and ges-tures actively while speaking. Talk-show hosts Jay Leno and Jon Stewart illus-trate the animated style well. Frequent and repetitive head nods and frequentsmiles are commonly used with this style. In early work, Scheflen (1964) sug-gested that preening and intimate positioning are essentially animated behav-iors that pervade courtship and dating.

The Relaxed Style

The relaxed communicator seems to remain collected and calm internally inanxiety-producing situations; he or she also manifests relaxation in posture,movement, and gesture. Rarely do relaxed speakers unconsciously engage inadaptive-type behaviors. They seem immune to nervous mannerisms and sel-dom allow their gestures to get out of control. Communicators with a relaxedstyle transmit a variety of messages. According to one investigation, a relaxedstyle communicates calmness, serenity, peace, confidence, and comfortableness.A lack of tension in the body and movements may also indicate self-assurance.

The Attentive Style

The attentive style of communication more adequately characterizes a style oflistening to or receiving messages from others than a style of speaking. Somewriters have referred to attentiveness as active listening. Norton contends thatthe attentive style is inversely related to the dominant and dramatic styles.Attentiveness is characterized by a more immediate posture, forward leaning,

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head nods that indicate agreement, a direct body orientation, and gestures thatencourage the speaker to continue. These also are cues that signal interest andempathy. The attentive communicator can make the speaker feel that what heor she is saying is worth hearing.

The Open Style

Norton contends that the open communicator uses bodily activity that isexpansive, unreserved, extroverted, and approach-oriented. Other characteris-tics of the open style include affable, friendly, frank, gregarious, nonsecretive,and conversational behaviors. The primary function of behavior used by open-style communicators is to signal to individuals that they can communicateopenly and freely. Think for a moment about how difficult it would be to shareyour feelings with people who hardly looked at you, seemed more interested ina cup of coffee, positioned their body away from you, and folded their armsacross their chests. Add to that a plethora of adaptors (tapping a cup withtheir fingers, playing with a napkin) that start just about the time you beginspilling your guts. Chances are that you would quickly become discouragedand change the topic of conversation to a less personal matter. The next timeyou find yourself easily revealing your intimate thoughts to a friend oracquaintance, check the person’s behavior. Through openness in positioningand orientation, the person may have pulled it out of you.

The Friendly Style

Norton says that the friendly style ranges from an absence of hostility to sig-nals of deep intimacy. To the extent that communicators strive to neutralize oravoid being perceived as hostile, they use a friendly style of communication.This style is closely related to both the open and attentive styles. Body move-ments that serve to reduce distance such as approach, forward leaning, andother immediacy behavior may help to create a friendly style. In addition,communicators with a friendly style continually confirm their fellow interac-tants wishes; often touch them in an affectionate, stroking manner; and behavein a way that positively and uniquely acknowledges the other interactants.

The Contentious Style

This style is similar to the dominant style, but it might better be thought of asaggressive dominance. People exhibiting this style are argumentative. They arelikely to accompany their assertive tone of voice with forward leaning and asubstantial amount of arm waving. They sound like they want to fight andoften intimidate their less assertive interaction partners.

The Impression-Leaving Style

This is the least researched of the various communication styles and maybe simply a combination of the others. The name refers to the impression a

Effects of Body Movements and Gestures 69

communicator projects or leaves—not just how the person is rememberedafter communication, but also whether the person leaves an impression at all.

GENERAL COMMUNICATOR STYLES

Norton’s dimensions of communicator style have received considerable atten-tion from many writers. However, others have suggested that some of thesestyles can be combined because they involve common communicative behav-ior. There are three general dimensions of communication style: assertiveness,responsiveness, and versatility (McCroskey & Richmond, 1996). Let’s con-sider each in turn.

Assertiveness is a communicator’s use of control and ability to maintainthe interest and attention of listeners. Common to the assertive communicatorare factors such as dominance, forcefulness, independence, presence, takingcharge, and willingness to defend one’s own beliefs. The assertive communica-tor is an initiator. He or she is actively engaged in maintaining the attention ofothers through a dynamic delivery, vocal variety, and frequent movements andgestures. The assertive style is a combination of the dramatic, dominant, ani-mated, and contentious styles.

The communicator who uses a responsive style is characterized as emo-tional, understanding, sensitive, and approachable. Through her or hisactions, the responsive communicator projects friendliness, warmth, sincerity,and tenderness. Responsive communicators are eager to soothe hurt feelingsand often show sympathy to others. They are willing to be helpful throughtheir liberal use of positive feedback and may continually reward others foropen communication. The responsive style is a combination of the open, atten-tive, relaxed, and friendly styles.

The third general communication dimension is versatility. Highly versa-tile communicators are those who adapt to the communicative behavior ofothers. They often let others know of their willingness to be adaptive throughan attentive posture. The versatile-communicator manager, for instance, canadapt her or his style of behavior and interaction to the needs of eachemployee. He or she uses dominating and assertive behavior with employeeswho require more control or direction, while using a more responsive stylewith those who need encouragement and supportive interaction. Behavior isflexible depending on the person or situation. The person who is capable ofthis communicator style projects a deliberately high or deliberately low level ofall, or nearly all, of the styles described by Norton. Clearly, this individual hasconsiderable communicative competence.

EFFECTS OF BODY MOVEMENTS AND GESTURES

In the final section of this chapter, we look at some effects of body movementson perceptions and interaction. Because the concept of communicator style is

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fresh in your mind, let’s begin with a brief review of some studies that havebeen conducted in this area.

Communicator Style

Does the dramatic, animated, contentious, or versatile style affect people’s per-ceptions of you in any way? Research shows that it does. For example, in onestudy the researchers were interested in whether students’ perceptions of teach-ers’ effectiveness were associated with perceived assertiveness, responsiveness,and versatility in the behavior of the teachers. They found that students whosaw their teachers as assertive also reported a more positive attitude toward theclass and had a greater behavioral commitment to the teacher and the subjectmatter. The authors suggested that teachers who use assertive behavior are wellliked. Students who judged their teachers to be highly versatile and responsivealso reported a more positive attitude and greater behavioral commitment(Richmond, 1996, 2002a, 2002b; Richmond, Smith, Heisel, & McCroskey,2002). In another study, teachers who were perceived as more dramatic by theirstudents were rated as more effective instructors. In brief, within the educa-tional environment, more animated and lively styles of presenting materialmake it more interesting and provide a touch of entertainment. Similarly, teach-ers who use open and attentive positioning and encouraging movements caninfluence their students to view them as concerned and supportive (Richmond,1996, 2002a, 2002b; Richmond, Smith, Heisel, & McCroskey, 2002).

Simplifying Encoding and Decoding

Many writers believe that the use of illustrative gestures actually helps us tomore easily encode our thoughts into spoken words. The use of illustrativegestures can help us to decode speech. When you see someone who is havingdifficulty finding the right words, you probably notice that her or his gesturingincreases considerably. Research tells us that, for one reason or another, thegesturing is aiding the speaker in her or his attempt to express.

Role of Illustrators in Decoding

Body movements can elaborate the meaning of verbal messages and provide asecond way to process information. People who paint pictures with their ges-tures or visually place imaginary objects in the space around them whilespeaking are giving their listeners cues, which the listeners can process spa-tially and temporally while they are digesting the words. This may have impor-tant implications in the classroom. It is likely that students with dramaticteachers retain more class material and perform better on exams. One studywas conducted to determine whether listeners who were provided visual cuesby speakers were better at comprehending verbal messages. The results indi-cated that when listeners had the opportunity to see the speaker’s body move-ments, their comprehension scores increased. Even when the speaker’s lip andfacial cues were hidden from the listeners’ view, kinesic cues alone positively

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affected comprehension (Archer, 1991; Argyle, 1975; Krauss, 1998; Sousa-Poza & Rohrberg, 1977).

Positive and Negative Perceptions

We have already discussed many perceptions others have of us based on ourbodily motions. We said, for instance, that open and attentive posture canaffect perceptions of responsiveness and friendliness; closing ourselves off byblocking movements or indirect body orientation may produce perceptions ofaloofness or an unwillingness to get too deeply involved. Other studies haveshown that our positive or negative movements can influence others’ judg-ments of our attractiveness. On the one hand, positive head nods and otherapproval-type gestures are positively related to attractiveness. On the otherhand, people who use self-manipulation behaviors are generally rated as lessattractive.

Research on Immediacy

Studies have shown that movement such as forward leaning, closer proximity,more openness of arms and body, more direct body orientation, and posturalrelaxation can influence whether a person likes you. Closely related to liking,perceptions of warmth can be enhanced with shifts in posture toward fellowinteractants and keeping the hands still while smiling. You can, however, com-municate a cold attitude by drumming your fingers, slumping in your chair,and moving your eyes as you look around the room (Richmond, 2002a).

As we conclude this chapter, it is important to note that gesture andmovement are at the heart of the study of nonverbal communication. We havesummarized many ways by which nonverbal messages are encoded into anddecoded from the bodily actions of human beings. They provide particularlyeffective means for complementing, accenting, regulating, contradicting, andsubstituting for verbal utterances. Caution should be exercised, however, inassigning specific meaning to behavior without considering the context withinwhich the nonverbal behavior occurs.

Glossary of Terminology

Adaptors are unintentional behaviors that are usually responsesto boredom or stress or responsesclosely linked with negative feelingstoward ourselves or others.Affect displays are cues that involveprimarily facial expressions but alsoinclude a person’s posture, gait, limbmovements, and other behaviors that

provide information about her or hisemotional state or mood.Alter-directed adaptors are move-ments that are designed to protect anindividual from other interactants.Communicator style is the way a person verbally and paraverballyinteracts to signal how one’s literalmeaning should be taken, interpreted,

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filtered, or understood in the communicative process.Emblems are gestures and move-ments that have a direct verbal translation. Emblems are known bymost or all of a group, class, culture,or subculture. They can be used tostimulate specific meanings in theminds of others in place of verbalcommunication.Illustrators are gestures and movements that are closely linkedwith spoken language and help toillustrate what is being said.Kinesics is the study of the commu-nicative impact of body movementand gesture.Object-focused adaptors are behav-iors that include the unconsciousmanipulation of a particular object.Regulators are gestures and movements that, along with eye and vocal cues, maintain and regulate

the back-and-forth interactionbetween speakers and listeners during spoken dialogue.Self-adaptors are nonverbal acts inwhich an individual manipulates heror his own body.Turn-denying behavior is behaviorwe use to decline our turn to speak.Turn-maintaining cues are used by speakers who want to continuetalking.Turn-requesting regulators are usedby the listener to signal the speakerthat he or she would like to talk.Turn-taking behavior is behaviorthat the speaker uses to either main-tain or yield her or his talking turnor that the listener uses to request ordecline an invitation to talk.Turn-yielding cues are given byspeakers who wish to cease talkingand give the listener the opportunityto speak.

Nonverbal theorists imply that thestudy of facial expressions is thestudy of “emotion itself” (Darwin,

1998; Tomkins, 1962; Tomkins & McCarter,1964). Experience and research have helpedus to understand that the human face is a pri-mary tool used for transmitting emotionalexpressions. The facial muscles provide sucha complex repertoire of configurations thatmost of us, if we worked at it, could moveour faces into more than a hundred differentlooks, much like Jim Carrey, the master offacial contortion and emotional expression.

4CHAPTERFacial Behavior

74 C H A P T E R 4 Facial Behavior

IMPORTANCE OF FACIAL EXPRESSIONS

The major reason the face is so important in human communication is that itis usually visible during interaction. When you converse with others, where doyou usually look? At their feet, legs, hands, shoulders, chests, or elbows?Maybe, but most of us look at the face, often to the exclusion of other parts ofthe body. When asked to describe an attractive man or woman, we generallybegin with facial features. When we are engaged in serious dialogue withfriends, acquaintances, and strangers, we turn to their faces for evidence thatsupports or contradicts their verbal messages.

The eyes are the windows to the soul, and the face is a marquee advertis-ing one’s emotions, moods, and attitudes. Our emotions and the facial expres-sion of those emotions are so closely connected as to be inseparable. Althoughwe believe that expressions and emotions are not totally linked, we do feel thatpeople can find a plethora of cues on the faces of others that provide richinformation about feelings self, others, and probably life itself (McCroskey &Richmond, 1986; Richmond, 2002).

The face is important in other ways as well. By looking at the face andeyes, we often infer personality characteristics. We can think of a variety offacial features that are stereotypically associated with certain personalities.Many performers complain of being typecast in television or movie rolesbecause of the shape, profile, size, width, or narrowness of their faces. Thecrook, the family man, even the innocent victim must have the facial character-istics that convince the viewing audience of the role being played.

The face and eyes are also important because they help us to manage andregulate our interactions with others. With our faces, we can signal our disap-proval, disbelief, or sincere interest in the messages of others. Our expressionscan set the mood or tone of the conversation.

Expressions using our faces and eyes influence our day-to-day communi-cation at least as much as any other nonverbal behavior. To develop a clearperspective on the role of the face and eyes in nonverbal communication, it isuseful to examine some perspectives others have advanced.

PERSPECTIVES ON ACQUISITION AND DEVELOPMENT

The debate over whether facial expressions are innate, learned, or both is notnew. Are our facial expressions somehow inherently linked with our feelings?Do we have to learn how to smile when we are happy, to frown when we aresad or angry? Are facial expressions a product of social and cultural influ-ences, or is there something universal and innate about the way we express ourfeelings on our faces?

Perspective 1: Evolution and Natural Selection

Charles Darwin (1872), who is most famous for his theories of evolution, wasinterested in the facial expressions of animals. Darwin believed that expressivefacial behaviors are essentially survival mechanisms and therefore evolved in

Perspectives on Acquisition and Development 75

much the same way as other physical characteristics. From this evolutionaryperspective, facial expressions were acquired through the process of naturalselection for establishing successful interaction. Long before the human speciesmastered the higher-level communicative skills required by verbal exchange,facial expressions allowed higher-order primates to transmit their feelings,attitudes, and emotional states.

Results of research are increasingly supportive of the hypothesis thatsome facial expressions are inborn characteristics of human beings. Even with-out access to that research, if one travels the world, one can see that the mean-ings of many facial expressions are successfully conveyed across culturalboundaries (Weitz, 1974). This is not true of other aspects of human behavior.

Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1970, 1972), a researcher in the area of expressive behav-ior, holds closely to the position that facial expressions are innate. Much of hisclaim is based on his observations of children who were born both deaf andblind. Eibl-Eibesfeldt’s research has shown that the fundamental expressions ofemotion (sadness, anger, disgust, fear, interest, surprise, and happiness) on theface can be observed in such individuals. Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1972) notes that deafand blind children smile, sulk, cry, and show surprise and anger. The probabil-ity that they acquired these facial expressions by learning is practically nil, sincethey can neither see nor hear, the primary means by which humans learn (p. 305).In response to the argument that deaf and blind children may have acquiredexpressions similar to those of normal children through the sense of touch,Eibl-Eibesfeldt suggests that brain-damaged deaf and blind children alsoexhibit the typical or primary facial expressions. He states:

It is difficult to imagine how they [blind and deaf brain-damagedchildren] could have learned social expressions without deliberatetraining. If anyone insists in such cases on the learning theory, theburden of proof for such an improbable hypothesis lie[s] on his [orher] side. It seems more reasonable to assume that the neuronal andmotor structures underlying these motor patterns developed in aprocess of self-differentiation by decoding genetically stored infor-mation (p. 306).

Therefore, according to Darwin’s and Eibl-Eibesfeldt’s perspectives, someprimary facial expressions are inherently linked with moods and feelings. Theyare innate products of the evolutionary process, and they are generally univer-sal, whether you are Native American, South American, North American,European, Asian, African, or Indian. More recently, Patterson (2003) hassupported the view that facial expressions of emotion are largely rooted inevolutionary theory.

Perspective 2: External Factors

Let’s think about other possible influences before we accept this position as theonly explanation for how we acquire our facial expressions. Although muchresearch supports the view of innateness and many basic or primary facial

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expressions are similarly decoded in many cultures, there are probably exter-nal factors such as the environment, social rules, and culture that contribute toour facial behavior. Although the research does not support the theory thatfacial expressions are entirely learned, that does not mean that the learningperspective has no place in our understanding of facial expressions. From earlychildhood, most people are taught appropriate facial behaviors for given situ-ations. For example, children are generally aware that it is proper to looksomber and serious at funerals, not happy. As children grow and develop, theyare taught by various role models what facial expression is appropriate for acertain emotion (Ekman, 1972; Ekman & Friesen, 1967). In fact, many of useven know how to smile with spontaneous enjoyment smiles as well as deliber-ate nonenjoyment smiles (Miles & Johnston, 2007; Forgas & East, 2008);Schmidt, Battacharya, & Denlinger, 2009).

Perspective 3: Innate and Learned

The other major perspective on the acquisition of facial expression is that suchbehaviors are both innate and learned. Many theorists hold to this position(Ekman & Friesen, 1969a, 1969b, 1975; Ekman, Friesen, & Ellsworth, 1972).Let us summarize what this position is.

It is generally accepted that there are primary facial expressions that,from the day we are born, are closely linked to our primary emotions: sadness,anger, disgust, fear, interest, surprise, and happiness. An effective and enter-taining way to remember them is the acronym of SADFISH.

As Ekman and his colleagues continued their research on the expression ofthe emotions in the facial area, they felt that the emotion of disgust-contemptwas a natural blend. However, Ekman and Friesen (1986) found later that con-tempt is a different emotion and has a different facial expression (see alsoEkman & Heider, 1988). Walton (2004) has provided an interesting descriptionof contempt: “To hold somebody in contempt is to regard them with scorn, andat the same time hardly to regard them at all. Contempt hovers between a desireto ignore the offending individual, and the desire to make it plain to him howworthless he is—in effect two quite different strategies” (p. 207). Many of us areaware of the concept of contempt in a court of law, usually where the witnesswill not answer a question posed to him or her, or when a participant does notgive the judge the respect that is due. In everyday communication, perhaps weshould think of contempt as the act of “dissing” someone, in today’s vernacular.

The expression of contempt has received quite a bit of publicity over thepast twenty years, primarily because of the negative effects of the emotion onmarriage (Gladwell, 2005). As Hickson, Stacks, and Moore (2005) point out,there has historically been a difference of opinion between those researchersand others, including the views expressed in previous editions of this book.Here, however, we will add the expression of contempt without deleting any ofour previous conclusions. Carrere and Gottman (1999) found that contemptwas one of the major indicators to determine whether a married couple wouldobtain a divorce within the next fifteen years. They claimed that they could

Perspectives on Acquisition and Development 77

predict, with 95 percent accuracy, whether a divorce would occur based onanalyzing only one hour of talk between husband and wife. Even with only fif-teen minutes, the researchers claimed they could predict the future of the rela-tionship with 90 percent accuracy. Later, one of their colleagues discoveredthat there was a high level of predictability with only three minutes of the cou-ple’s taped interactions. Gladwell (2005) and others have called these shortanalyses thin slicing. While Carrere and Gottman found gender differences inthe expressions of most emotions, contempt was not one of them.

Thin slicing has not met with total agreement. LeGault (2006), for exam-ple, has indicated that what is really happening when researchers study a two-minute tape is that they are taking into consideration all that they have learnedthrough years of watching thousands of hours of tape. Murphy (2005) hasfound that thin slicing results in “moderate to high positive correlationsbetween the thin slices” (one-minute slice, total of two one-minute slices, totalof three one-minute slices) and the full interaction (p. 235). She observed “thenumber of gestures, nods, self-touches, smiles, and time spent gazing at a part-ner” (p. 238). The total interactions were 15 minutes long. Unfortunately,Murphy does not provide us with the amount of training received by thejudges of the thin slicing. Gladwell, however, has reported that Gottman hasobserved more than three thousand couples.

Whether the predictive numbers are as high as 95 percent may still beheld in question, but there can be little doubt that there is an expression of the emotion of contempt. The transmission of that emotion, if perceived by theother person, can have long-term negative consequences. Considering theaddition of contempt in our expression repertoire, we must create a newacronym, SCADFISH.

As we observe infants and young children, we see that they do sponta-neously express the emotions they feel. As they grow older, however, theybecome socialized into the adult world of their culture. As with anything else,they learn certain facial display rules that they must follow in particular socialsituations. As this learning process begins to take hold, facial expressions andfeelings become somewhat divorced. In short, we learn what is acceptable andwhat is unacceptable in terms of expressive behavior. For instance, it is naturalto smile and laugh when something strikes us as funny. However, we soonlearn that smiling and laughing at someone’s off-key singing of “The Star-Spangled Banner” at a baseball game is a behavior that elicits a poke in theribs from a friend or relative near you. We’ve learned rule number one: Thoushalt not smile at some things that are funny.

The culture-specific differences that eventually appear in our facialexpressions arise primarily from three factors:

1. Cultures differ concerning circumstances that elicit certain emotions.

2. Cultures differ about the consequences that follow certain emotionalexpressions.

3. Different cultures have different display rules that govern the use offacial behavior, which their members must learn.

78 C H A P T E R 4 Facial Behavior

For instance, even today in the United States, men are discouraged fromexpressing extreme sadness or happiness. American males are expected to bemore composed. Many are taught, “Big boys don’t cry!” Consider other con-sequences that might befall the male who is too expressive. Females, on theother hand, are generally allowed to be more emotional than males, whetherthey feel extremely sad or tremendously happy. In other cultures, we may findthe rules reversed. Some Arabic cultures view it as perfectly acceptable fortheir men to be overcome with joy and excitement at the reunion of an oldfriend or to weep openly when saddened or disappointed.

When a child is born, he or she generally exhibits the primary facialexpressions. As one grows, develops, and comes into contact with a variety ofcommunicators and communication situations, he or she learns to put the faceon that others expect (Newcombe & Lie, 1995; Russell & Bullock, 1985;Wagner, MacDonald, & Manstead, 1986).

According to Haseltine (2002a), a forced smile does look fake. By study-ing the profiles of stroke patients, neurologists concluded “that the brain hastwo largely independent circuits for controlling smiles: one under consciouscontrol of the cerebral cortex and another governed unconsciously by deep,primitive brain structures involved with emotions” (p. 88). Therefore, whenwe must smile for the camera, our smiles are often conscious and appear faketo others. When we smile because we find something or someone funny, thesmile is an unconscious, more genuine smile. Additionally, the unconscioussmile is a more genuine smile accompanied by the orbicularis oculi (skinaround the eyes crinkles up). Genuine smiles encourage others to smile andconvey an honest emotion. Fake smiles may make others think we do notmean what we are saying, or fake smiles could evoke a response of dislike ordamage social bonding. Haseltine (2002b) confirms that facial symmetry is a

Real and Fake Smiles

One of the primary issues about decodingfacial expressions is whether the emotionis real or fake. The authors of this studytested the hypothesis that whether weassess a smile as real or fake is dependenton our own mood at the time we are assess-ing. The participants judged how genuinethe expression was as well as whether theemotion was positive or negative and howmuch confidence the decoder felt about hisor her evaluation of the emotion. Theyfound that when a receiver is in a positivemood, he or she increased the evaluation asgenuine. When the participant was in a

negative mood, he or she felt the smile wasless genuine. This tells us that when we cri-tique facial expressions of emotion, our ownfeelings affect what we see in others. For atest of your own ability to determine realand fake smiles, go to: http://www.bbc.co.uk/science/humanbody/mind/surveys/smiles/.

Forgas, J. P., & East, R. (2008). How real is

that smile? Mood effects on accepting or rejecti-

ng the veracity of emotio nal facial expressions.

Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 32, 157–170.

Facial Management and Expression of Emotion 79

big factor in determining whether people perceive us as attractive. Haseltine(2002c) confirmed that smiling can make us feel better. When we are amused,we smile more and this smiling can create a chain reaction in our brain thatgoes something like this—that when we see something funny, it elicits a con-scious emotion that causes contractions of our facial muscles, which leads to asmile. When we are smiling, we may feel happier, and this happiness may becommunicated to others.

FACIAL MANAGEMENT AND EXPRESSION OF EMOTION

We suggested earlier that some researchers believe that a study of the face andits expressions is a study of emotion itself. Although the face is a vital sourceof information about the type of emotion a person is experiencing, some writ-ers claim that body tension is a better indicator of the intensity with which anemotion is felt. Furthermore, cultural and social influences may have taughtus to divorce our emotions from our actual facial behavior (Ekman &Friesen, 1969a, 1969b; Harper, Wiens, & Matarazzo, 1978). Controlling ourfacial behavior is an ability we learn early in life. We master display rules thattell us how to show our emotions in various social settings. Facial manage-ment techniques are the concepts used to describe these prescribed or displaybehaviors.

Facial management techniques are not only learned early but often arelearned so thoroughly they become habitual. That is, we learn them so wellthat they become automatic responses. We can modify facial expressions ofprimary emotions to the point that normally universal expressions can differfrom culture to culture. In addition, social norms decide which facial manage-ment techniques are appropriate for each emotion when expressed by individ-uals of varying status, gender, age, and social role. Let’s review the four mostcommon facial management techniques: masking, intensification, neutraliza-tion, and deintensification (MIND) (Ekman & Friesen, 1969a, 1969b, 1975).

MASKING. The first facial management technique we learn to use under cer-tain cultural or social influences is masking. This technique involves repressionof the expressions related to the emotion felt and their replacement withexpressions that are acceptable under the circumstances. Think for a momenthow people feel when they lose a contest to another person. How do you thinkthey really feel? How would you feel? Not too great, most likely. However, inAmerican culture we are expected to show happiness and pleasure for the win-ner and to avoid any expressions of our own disappointment. That’s part ofbeing a good loser or a good sport. An elementary school principal recentlytold a story about a second-grade boy who had been sent to the office fortelling an unacceptable joke during class. After several long minutes of talkingwith the young boy and explaining the inappropriateness of such behavior, theprincipal asked the boy if he had understood the situation. Looking puzzled,the boy asked, “Don’t you want to hear the joke? It’s a very good one.” Theboy proceeded to tell the joke, whereupon the principal scolded him. The

80 C H A P T E R 4 Facial Behavior

circumstances dictated that the principal should show sternness, although heactually found the entire situation extremely humorous.

In some cultures, expression of negative emotions is more taboo than it is inothers. This often causes communication problems when people from differentcultures interact. When American businesspersons do not like something, it isconsidered appropriate that they express this displeasure. For Japanese busi-nesspersons, the opposite is true. The Japanese are often considered masters ofmasking. Americans, then, have difficulty understanding how their Japanesecounterparts are responding because the external expressions of emotion mayalways be positive or neutral. A friend of the authors returned from an unsuccess-ful trip to Japan with this comment: “There is no word in the Japanese languagefor ‘no,’ but there are a hundred words for ‘yes.’ Unfortunately they all reallymean ‘no.’ ” Clearly, he had learned about the art of masking in Japanese culture.

INTENSIFICATION. The intensification of our expressions is accomplished byexaggerating what we feel. Sometimes we have to build the external expressionof the emotion far beyond what we feel in order to meet the expressed concernof others. Have you ever been in a situation where social pressures requiredthat you exaggerate a facial expression? Consider the following scenario:

Enrique’s colleagues had decided to surprise him with a birthdayparty on a Friday evening following work. They had planned theparty well in advance to ensure that Enrique could be there. Fridayafternoon finally arrived, and Enrique decided to stay in the officeand work for several more hours. Then his colleague Tim boundedinto the office.

“Let’s go out.”“No, I need to work for several more hours.”“You usually don’t work late on Fridays; let’s go.”“Nope, not tonight, Tim. I need to work.”Tim then had to reveal the plan for the surprise party to

Enrique. He was not overwhelmed with happiness. However, thatevening, no one ever guessed that Enrique had been told becausehis face was filled with wonder, amazement, and happiness wheneveryone yelled, “Surprise!” He exaggerated his facial expressionso that his colleagues would not be disappointed. Enrique feltpleased, but not nearly as joyous as his friends expected him to be.He intensified his expression to meet their expectations.

In some cultures, such as those of several Mediterranean countries, sad-ness or grief responses commonly are exaggerated. In others, such intensifica-tion would appear out of place. Similarly, some people habitually engage inintensification, such as those who employ a dramatic communication style,whereas others do not. Most of us who live in the United States find intensifi-cation an appropriate technique from time to time.

Facial Management and Expression of Emotion 81

NEUTRALIZATION. You have probably heard someone described as a pokerface. Chances are these seemingly emotionless individuals are engaging in thefacial management technique called neutralization. When we neutralize ourfacial expressions, we essentially eliminate any expression of emotion. Thepoker player does not want her or his face to tell the world that he or she isholding a good hand. To express elation at this point would alert the otherplayers, and they would fold. Conversely, the player does not want the dis-appointment of a bad hand of cards to show on his or her face, either. Ifthe other players were to read her or his face and discern that the hand wasweak, the player could no longer bluff them. Consequently, the successfulpoker player learns to neutralize all facial expressions and keep opponentsconfused.

It is not only in poker games that we may wish to neutralize our facialexpressions. In many circumstances, we may experience emotions, knowingthat expressing them might not be in our best interests. Although we cannotusually avoid feeling negative emotions such as fear or anger, we often can pre-vent undesirable reactions from others by neutralizing our expression of thoseemotions. When our expressions are neutralized, others are unaware that weare experiencing any emotion.

DEINTENSIFICATION. There are situations and social events that call fordeintensification—that is, when we reduce the intensity of our facial expres-sion of a particular emotion because circumstances require us to downplayhow we truly feel. Usually, deintensification of expression occurs when weexperience feelings that our culture has taught us are unacceptable. TheBritish, as you may know, are well known for understating almost any emo-tion. In our culture, men are generally not permitted to express strong feelingsof fear or sadness. At the funeral of a loved one, the American man is permit-ted to express some grief, but because he is expected to be strong for everyoneelse, he may deintensify those expressions to meet the expectations of his fam-ily members.

People in controlling positions—such as managers, instructors, physi-cians, and clergy—often find themselves in situations where it would be mostinappropriate to express their emotions to the true extent to which they arefelt. A manager might be outraged at the behavior of a subordinate during adepartmental meeting but recognizes that expressing those emotions in thatsetting would be counterproductive. After the meeting ends, the manager mightexpress his or her concern in a controlled manner, and the subordinate appro-priately reprimanded. However, if the manager expresses his or her actual feel-ings during the meeting, the employee might be publicly humiliated andembarrassed. This would not help the supervisor and employee to communi-cate with one another in future settings.

The truly competent communicator knows what face to put forward indiffering communication situations. Learning to control one’s expression ofemotion takes caring, skill, and practice.

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Styles of Facial Expressions

Based on these facial management techniques, researchers (Ekman & Friesen,1969a, 1969b; Ekman, Friesen, & Ellsworth, 1972; Ekman, Friesen, &Tomkins, 1971) devised a classification of various styles of facial expressions.The techniques we have discussed are often used during a particular situationat a particular time. However, Ekman (1972) contends that some people dis-play a certain style of expression consistently, no matter what the circum-stances may be. The styles identified by Ekman and Friesen represent enduringpredispositions toward making certain emotional displays. Let’s look at eightdifferent styles that some people consistently use. Keep in mind that thesefacial behaviors are generally outside the conscious awareness of the peopledisplaying them.

1. The withholder style is characterized by those who seldom have anyfacial movement. The face inhibits the display of actual feelings. Wemight say that withholders use the neutralizing display rule almostconstantly.

2. The revealer style is essentially the reverse of the withholder style.Revealers always show their true feelings. They are often described aswearing their hearts on their sleeves, and they generally admit that theyjust cannot help expressing themselves. They often have a highly dra-matic communication style.

3. The unwitting expressor often believes that he or she is doing a good jobof masking true feelings when, in fact, he or she unknowingly leaksinformation about the actual emotion that is being experienced. Thisperson is a poor neutralizer. Thus, he or she often is in trouble forexpressing inappropriate emotions, such as laughing when someone elsefalls down or spills food.

4. Blanked expressors have ambiguous or neutral expressions even whenthey believe they are displaying their emotions. They think they havemoved their faces into a smile, but the only thing that others see is blank-ness. For these people, the feeling of emotion and the expression of emo-tion are two unconnected phenomena.

5. The substitute expressor substitutes one emotional expression foranother. The person may think that he or she is showing happiness butactually is expressing disgust. The substitute expressor will not believe itwhen told what her or his expression really communicates.

6. The frozen-affect expressor always manifests at least a part of a particu-lar emotional expression. During a neutral state, frozen-affect expres-sors look naturally sad, happy, or angry under all circumstances. Oneemotion is carved forever in their faces. This person wears a perma-nent mask.

7. Ever-ready expressors tend to display one particular emotion as the initialresponse to almost any situation. They first smile, for example, whether

Primary Affect Displays and Communication 83

they are receiving good news or bad news. Whether the situation provokesanger, surprise, fear, or sadness, the ever-ready expressor’s first response isalways the same and is then followed by a more revealing expression.

8. Flooded-affect expressors flood their faces constantly with a particularemotion. These individuals never appear neutral. One person, forinstance, may have an extreme look of fear all the time; even during situ-ations that cause him or her to express happiness, the fearful expressiondoes not fade completely. Any temporary expressions are generally tem-pered by the expression of fear.

Our discussion of facial management techniques and facial styles bringsup an important point about the expression of emotion. We do not alwaysexpress one emotion. In other words, our facial expressions are not purelyones of sadness, happiness, or disgust. Sometimes, we express two or threeemotions simultaneously. At other times, we attempt to remain neutral in ourexpression, but one area of the face reveals our feelings. The following discus-sion addresses this issue.

PRIMARY AFFECT DISPLAYS AND COMMUNICATION

Ekman, Friesen, and Tomkins (1971) devised a way of locating and evaluatingthe facial expressions of individuals. Their technique is called the Facial AffectScoring Technique (FAST), and it separates the face into three areas: the lowerface, including cheeks, nose, and mouth; the eyes and eyelids area; and thebrows and forehead area. Designed for use with both still photographs andmotion picture film, the FAST technique (see Figure 4.1) determines whichemotions are being expressed in the three different areas. Based on the sevenprimary facial expressions that Ekman categorized (sadness, happiness, anger,

FIGURE 4.1Three Regions of Facial AnalysisSource: Photo by C. Price Walt

1. Eyebrows and forehead

2. Eyes and eyelids

3. Lower face: cheeks, nose, and mouth

84 C H A P T E R 4 Facial Behavior

surprise, disgust, contempt, and fear), we can accurately classify where certainemotions are found in the face. As stated earlier, one new emotion has beenadded to the list, interest.

In considering the lower face, Desmond Morris (1985) suggests that thecheek is the region most likely to expose the true emotions of its owners. For itis here that emotional changes of color are most conspicuously displayed (p.85). He further suggests that shame and embarrassment can be seen on thecheeks when two small points on the cheeks turn deep red. Cheeks are also indi-cators of anger. In anger, there is a different pattern of reddening. The red colorspreads all over the cheeks and even to the top of the skull (although the cheeksof a truly aggressive person may turn very pale, almost white, because the bloodis drained away from the skin). If a person is truly frightened, the color maydrain from the cheeks, and the person’s cheeks may look blanched. Of course,these displays are much more difficult to observe in people with dark skin.

The human mouth, Morris points out, “works overtime.” Other animalsuse their mouths to bite, lick, suck, taste, chew, swallow, cough, yawn, snarl,scream, and grunt, but we have added to this list. We also use the mouth fortalking, whistling, singing, smiling, laughing, kissing, and smoking. “It ishardly surprising that the mouth has been described as the battleground of theface,” says Morris (p. 93). He goes on to suggest that the mouth is not only oneof the busiest parts of the body but also one of the most expressive. The mouthcan be used to express boredom, interest, erotic emotions, sadness, happiness,contempt, disgust, fear, anger, bodily needs, insubordination, surprise, andmany other emotions. Because the mouth is such a focal point on the face, cul-tures have often modified, exaggerated, improved, reshaped, colored, stained,tattooed, or in other ways altered the appearance of the mouth. In fact, one ofthe first expressions we learn is the social smile. We are taught to smile atsocially appropriate situations, thereby making others feel good and eliciting asmile from them. For example, we know to smile when being introduced to astranger at a social gathering. We know to smile when someone is talking aboutan interesting topic, even if we do not care about the topic. We know to smilewhen someone is showing photos of their newborn infant.

The nose, according to Morris, is unique. “Other species have nothingquite like it” (p. 65). The nose can be seen as a resonator, a shield to protectthe eyes against injury, a shield against water, a shield against dust and dirt, oran air filter. If we lose the use of our nose as a filter, we experience serious res-piratory difficulty within a few days. The nose also aids us in scent. If we loseour scent function, we may cease to enjoy food and certain forms of entertain-ment. As with the mouth and cheeks, many cultures have gone to extremelengths to change, reshape, or decorate the nose.

Morris says of the eyes and eyelids that “it has been estimated that 80percent of our information about the outside world enters through theseremarkable structures” (p. 49). We are visual animals. If we can see it, we arelikely to remember it. “The entire primate order is a vision-dominated group,with the two eyes brought to the front of the head, providing a binocular viewof the world” (p. 49).

Primary Affect Displays and Communication 85

As for the brows and forehead region, Morris suggests that, to have abrow like a human being, you have to be an intelligent animal indeed. For thehuman brow, made up of forehead, temples, and eyebrows, was the direct resultof our ancestors’ dramatic brain enlargement (p. 37). The brows and foreheadregion can express many messages. Lowering the eyebrows is a frown and canbe a sign of displeasure. Raising the eyebrows can be a sign of interest, hence theterm “an eye-opening experience.” An extreme eyebrow raise can express sur-prise or fear or amazement, depending on the situation. Raising one eyebrow(the cocked eyebrow) while keeping one steady is a questioning expression.Knitted, or furrowed, eyebrows can be associated with chronic pain, headaches,anxiety, grief, or extreme frustration. Flashing eyebrows (eyebrows raised andlowered in a second) could mean acknowledgment, greeting, friendly recogni-tion, surprise, or have a sexual connotation. Like the other areas of the face, thisregion can communicate multiple expressions and emotions.

Researchers in the area of facial expression have used the FAST and simi-lar methods and found that some primary emotions can be judged accuratelyand consistently. No one area of an individual face is best at revealing an emo-tion. The information one gets from any particular area depends a great deal onthe emotion being judged. Research in this area has revealed a number of inter-esting findings (Boucher & Ekman, 1975; Ekman & Friesen, 1975; Johnson,Ekman & Friesen, 1975; Kalick, Zebrowitz, Langlois, & Johnson, 1998).

■ Sadness and fear are best identified from the eyes and eyelids area (67percent of the time).

■ Anger, however, is not accurately perceived from any one area alone. Atleast two areas of the face must be seen for anger to be judged accurately.Anger is usually expressed in the cheeks, mouth, brows, and forehead.

■ Disgust often blends with surprise. Disgust can often be found in a num-ber of places on the face. Often disgust is found in the lower region of the face.

■ Happiness can be judged accurately 98 percent of the time from the lowerface (when the corners of lips are drawn back and up in the lip-cornerpuller) and 99 percent of the time from the eyes and eyelids (crinkly eyes).

■ Surprise is accurately identified from all three areas fairly well (brows/fore-head, 79 percent; eyes/eyelids, 63 percent; and lower face, 52 percent).

Heisel, Williams, and Valencic (1999) have studied the following facialexpressions and receivers’ perceptions of 12 of the most commonly used emo-tions in U.S. culture: sadness, anger, disgust, fear, interest, surprise, happiness,distrust, confusion, contempt, guilt, and betrayal. Their results are similar tothose of previous studies concerning facial expressions.

Katsikitis, Pilowksy, and Innes (1990) tested whether line drawings offaces generated by a computer produced the same responses in decoders as didthe photographs from which the line drawings were derived. The computer-generated line drawings were of the mouth, nose, eyes, eyebrows, and facial out-line and were not gender-specific. Twelve facial measures were generated by thecomputer. They were named End-Lip Raise, Mouth-Width, Mouth-Opening,

86 C H A P T E R 4 Facial Behavior

Mid-Top-Lip Raise, Mid-Low-Lip Raise, Top-Lip Thickness, Lower-LipThickness, Eye-Opening, Top-Eyelid/Iris Intersect, Lower-Eyelid/Iris Intersect,Inner-Eyebrow Separation, and Mid-Eyebrow Raise. These 12 represented land-mark facial points relevant to emotional signals and were chosen because theyaccounted for a wide range of emotional expression. The subjects viewed thecomputer-generated images and the original photographs and made judgments.The conclusions of the researchers are as follows: The subjects, or judges, couldrecognize and decode facial expressions from computer-generated line drawingsand real photographs with fairly equal ability. Human judges are attuned to thecommon emotions and the common expressions that correlate with these emo-tions, whether depicted by a computer-generated line drawing or a photograph.The subjects could reliably distinguish expressions of smiles from neutral looks,for example. Therefore—whether we see computer-generated, photographic, or

FIGURE 4.2Guess the Emotion

1. ____________________________ 2. ____________________________

3. ____________________________

Choose from the following:sadnesshappinessangersurprisedisgustfearinterestbetrayalguiltcontemptconfusiondistrust

Variations of Facial Expressions 87

real-life portrayals of faces—most of us can fairly accurately judge the primaryfacial emotional expressions commonly used within this culture.

In their research, Tucker and Riggio (1988) found that the “ability to poseemotions was possibly facilitated in those individuals skilled in verbal expres-sion” (p. 94). In other words, individuals with higher verbal ability could alsoportray emotions more readily. Or, conversely, they could mask emotions better.Much of this research warrants further examination.

Brownlow and Zebrowitz (1990) found that mature-faced spokesper-sons on television were viewed by judges as more expert than baby-facedspokespersons, although baby-faced spokespersons were viewed as more trust-worthy than mature-faced spokespersons. Women were viewed as slightlymore trustworthy than men, and men were viewed as slightly more expertthan women by the judges. Therefore Brownlow and Zebrowitz conclude thatthe results of “this study reveal that actors’ facial maturity and gender influ-ence the type of commercial [messages] they are chosen to deliver” (p. 58). Therelationship between baby-faced spokespersons and mature-faced spokesper-sons must be examined extensively before conclusions can be etched in stone.However, the results do affirm some past research on the effects of facialappearance on interviewer impressions and real-world experiences.

Emotional states can be invoked by facial expressions (Figure 4.2). Asmile is often equated with happiness, a frown with doubt, downcast lips andeyes with sadness, an open mouth with surprise, contorted or wrinkled-upmouth and nose with repulsion or contempt, flared nostrils with anger, andwidened eyes with fear. Some researchers suggest that if we were to mimicsmiling and put on a happy face, we might actually feel better about ourselves.There is much agreement that the basic SCADFISH emotions and their corre-sponding facial expressions are almost universally recognized. However, ele-ments of them are blended differently by different cultures. Our faces and theexpressions we assume show the world what we think or feel about the worldand perhaps even ourselves.

VARIATIONS OF FACIAL EXPRESSIONS

The facts seem to show that whether one area of the face best reveals an emo-tion depends on which emotion is being judged. Ekman (1972) contends thatat any given time an individual may show two or more emotions—one in thelower face and another in the eyes, for example. These multiple facial expres-sions are called affect blends. When someone plays a nasty trick on you, youmay respond by showing anger in the eyes and disgust in the lower face. WhenEnrique walked into his surprise birthday party in our earlier example,chances were he expressed both happiness and surprise simultaneously, but indifferent areas. Affect blends and partials, defined later, may be responsible formany cultural differences found in emotional expression. In one culture, sad-ness expressed at a funeral may be combined with expressions of fear, while inanother culture the expression of sadness may be combined with anger.Although primary facial expressions may be universal, affect blends are not.

How we combine displays of affect is generally dictated by cultural and socialconstraints (Archer, Iritani, Kimes, & Barrios, 1983).

Partials involve revealing an emotion in only one area of the face whilesuccessfully controlling the other two areas. Emotional leakage may be thecause for partial facial expressions. For example, a basketball coach fearful ofa loss tries to mask her fears with a calm appearance, but one area, a partial,leaks the true feeling. Therefore some of the more astute players might see thefear, but other players will not.

Affect blends appear on the face in several ways. These are emotions thatwash or flow across the face, like seawater washing across the sand. One emo-tion appears in one area of the face, and another emotion appears in anotherarea. An example of this type of blend would be raised eyebrows for surprisewhile the corners of the mouth are lifted into a smile to show happiness.Sometimes two emotions appear in one area of the face. Knapp and Hall

88 C H A P T E R 4 Facial Behavior

Small children can demonstrate different facial expressions of emotion.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

(1992) suggest that we sometimes show surprise and anger with the eyebrows,with one raised and one pulled down toward the eye. And a more complicatedfacial expression may be produced by muscle action associated with two emo-tions but containing specific elements of neither. When a coworker puts awhoopee cushion on your chair and you sit on it, you might respond by show-ing surprise in the lower region of the face and anger in the upper region.Astute observers of nonverbal communication will probably see both reactionsand know that you were not pleased by the trick.

Micromomentary facial expressions are brief, fleeting expressions. Theyare usually not observable in normal conversation and can change so quicklythat the naked eye may not detect or discern each emotion. But while peoplecannot pinpoint the actual micromomentary expression, they can get a feelingor a sense from it about the other person. When micromomentary facialexpressions are recorded and then played back at a slow pace, one can oftensee the expressions of emotions that one might otherwise have missed. Thesebrief, fleeting emotions can give another person an intuitive feeling about whatanother is truly feeling.

What can we conclude about our knowledge of facial behaviors?

1. We know that, at least in the U.S culture, negative facial behaviors areexpressed less often than positive facial behaviors. It is not polite to looknegative. Therefore we attempt to look positive even when the situationis negative.

2. We know that women smile more often than men.

3. We know that many of us have learned to skillfully control our expres-sions of emotion based upon the given situation.

4. We know that many of us put on a social smile when the situationdemands that we do so.

5. Most of us have learned great control over the upper portion of our bod-ies (12 inches and up; upper shoulders, neck, and head). Therefore, wecan mask what we truly think or feel.

6. Children are born with some innate facial expressions, but many otherexpressions are taught by parents.

7. By looking at various portions of the face, we may detect the true feelingof that person.

8. The human mouth works overtime.

9. At any given time, an individual may show two or more facial emotions.

10. Smiling is contagious. The more we smile, the more likely it is thatanother person will smile.

Variations of Facial Expressions 89

90 C H A P T E R 4 Facial Behavior

Affect blends are multiple simulta-neous facial expressions.

Deintensification is the de-emphasizing or downplaying of thefacial expression of emotion.

Facial Affect Scoring Technique(FAST) separates the face into three areas: the lower face, includingcheeks, nose, and mouth; the eyesand eyelids area; and the brows andforehead area.

Facial management techniquesare behaviors used to control facialexpressions and are divided into fourcommon types: masking, intensifica-tion, neutralization, and deintensifi-cation (MIND).

Intensification is an exaggeration of facial expressions.Masking is the facial managementtechnique that involves repressing the expression of the emotion actually felt and replacing it withexpressions that are acceptable under the circumstances.Neutralization is when people elimi-nate any facial expression of emotion.Partials are emotional expressionsrevealed in only one area of the face.SADFISH = surprise, anger, disgust,fear, interest, sadness, and happinessSCADFISH = surprise, contempt,anger, disgust, fear, interest, sadness,and happiness.

Glossary of Terminology

The study of eye behavior, eye con-tact, eye movement, and the func-tions of eye behavior is called

oculesics. Of all of the features of the face,the eyes are probably the most important inhuman communication. The human eyecan respond to 1.5 million simultaneousmessages, and yet it is no bigger than aping pong ball (Morris, 1985, p. 49).Approximately 80 percent of our infor-mation about the outside world entersthrough the eyes. Morris suggests that—despite all the talking, listening, movement,and touching we do—we are still visualanimals. Some writers claim that the eyes

5CHAPTEREye Behavior

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provide signals concerning emotions, attitudes, and relationships when noother body cues may be found. The initial contact made between people usu-ally is eye contact. If that contact is not pleasing to one or both of the individ-uals, it is quite possible that no additional contact will take place.

PROPERTIES AND FUNCTIONS OF EYE BEHAVIOR

There are three primary properties of eye behavior. The first property issalience. Because eye behavior, such as a direct gaze, has a high probability ofbeing noticed, it is usually a much more salient interaction signal than mostother bodily motions. That is, the behavior of our eyes plays an extremelyimportant role in managing our interactions, eliciting the attention of others,and communicating our interest in what others have to say. We generallyexpect people to respond to our gaze and often become frustrated when theydo not do so immediately.

The second important property of eye behavior is its extraordinary abil-ity to stimulate arousal. It is virtually impossible not to experience somedegree of arousal when we see another person. This arousal may be negative,as when we catch the glance of someone we would rather not interact with,or it may be positive, as when two lovers gaze at one another across a cozytable in a dimly lit restaurant.

The final important property of eye behavior is involvement. In our cul-ture, it is difficult to establish eye contact with someone and not interact withher or him. Even with a stranger we meet for the briefest of moments whilepassing on the sidewalk, eye contact seems to oblige us to nod our heads andsmile, if nothing else. Eye contact with another virtually commands involvementwith that other. Given these properties, the eye engages in a variety of behaviors.

Kendon (1967), a notable writer in the area of visual behavior, firstdescribed the functions of the eye. Since then, other writers in nonverbal com-munication have expanded and elaborated on how our eyes serve to hinder,help, or otherwise influence interaction. Eye behavior appears to serve severalprimary functions. Let’s consider each.

Scanning has and will continue to be one of the primary functions of oureyes. Our eyes scan, focus, and collect information about the world around us.Our prehistoric ancestors used scanning as a means to monitor the environ-ment and to protect themselves from harm. People with poor vision were at adisadvantage and are unlikely to be our ancestors.

Establishing and defining relationships is another common function ofeye behavior. Eye contact is often the first stage in the initial-encounter phaseof a relationship. Eye-to-body or eye-to-eye contact can determine whether arelationship is established and can add definition to the relationship. When aperson catches the eye of another person, and if the receiver looks at thesource, a relationship begins. If the receiver looks away from the source, arelationship is not started.

Eye behavior can oblige us to interact with another person. Interpersonalencounters usually begin with the two participants looking at one another and

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establishing eye contact. A person can be perceived as “too fast” or “too for-ward” if he or she looks more than is deemed appropriate by society. In ourculture, staring is considered unacceptable and rude unless it is used to controlan unruly person (Argyle & Ingham, 1972; Dovidio & Ellyson, 1985).

Eye behavior functions to express emotions. The eyes have always been avaluable source of information about emotional states. While many areas ofthe face can be controlled, the eye area is considered one of the least control-lable. As a result, the eyes and the area surrounding them probably revealmore accurate information about emotional states than other areas of the face.The eyes can provide much information about the emotions of fear, happiness,sadness, anger, surprise, contempt, and disgust than other facial areas.However, we should remember that our best judgments of another person’semotions are made when we have his or her entire face before us.

Another function of eye behavior is to control and regulate our interac-tions with others. The eyes, as well as nonverbal cues, are quite effective in reg-ulating the back-and-forth interaction between speakers and listeners (e.g.,teachers and students, managers and employees). The eyes assist in the syn-chrony of speech, conversation, and dialogue. Eyes tell us when to encode amessage, when to decode a message, and when to respond to another person.

Research has shown that interactants look at one another more while lis-tening than while speaking. Gaze avoidance is increased by speakers who areusing turn-maintaining cues. Those who want to continue talking often signaltheir intention by dramatically reducing their eye gaze toward the listener.Furthermore, listeners who wish for the speaker to continue usually gazetoward the speaker. A primary turn-yielding cue used by speakers as they fin-ish talking involves a head-turn in the direction of the listener, accompanied byincreased eye contact. In contrast, a listener requests a turn by turning his orher head away from the speaker to reduce eye gaze.

Breaking eye contact and sustaining the break is a good indication thatone is ready to end an interaction. For instance, if you are in an interview andfeel that all is going well, check the eye behavior of the interviewer. He or shemay be telling you, by breaking eye contact, that the time is up. Your failure toheed this signal may have a negative impact on the interviewer and negate allthose wonderful qualities you have been espousing.

Bavelas, Coates, and Johnson (2002) have found that there is what theycall a gaze “window” in a conversation. They claim that conversationalistshave minor breaks in their narratives to allow for short responses prior to theother person’s saying anything. At those points, there is a mutual gaze. Thisshort gaze is then used by the listener to respond with “mmhm,” a nod, asmile, or a similar expression to indicate microlevel understanding and/oragreement. The original speaker completes her narrative, and then the originallistener responds.

Regulating and controlling interaction also involves power displays. Thesustained gaze or stare is an effective means by which individuals can displaypower. Furthermore, these power gazes generally elicit one of two visualresponses. Either the other person will stare back to communicate that your

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power display is being defied, or he or she will use gaze avoidance to escape.Surely you have played the childhood game of Stare-Down. What starts out asfun and games may quickly deteriorate into an out-and-out struggle for inter-personal supremacy. The one who stares the longest gains control of the other.Even between children and during harmless play, the result of a session ofStare-Down can have long-lasting interpersonal consequences, such as a feel-ing of powerlessness (Duncan, 1972; Ellsworth, 1975; Exline, 1963, 1971;Exline, Ellyson, & Long, 1975).

Eye contact can decrease the physical distance between people. With onesteady look, a person can bring another person, who is physically distant,much closer. For example, speakers will scan and look at each person orgroups of persons in an audience so that everyone in the audience feels closerto the speaker. With newer technology, it is possible for a celebrity, rock star,or evangelist to appear to be looking at each individual audience member.Projection technology takes the speaker to the audience.

Eye behavior can be used to close others out of a conversation. Simplylooking intently and closely at a particular person or persons can functionmuch like shutting a door in the face of any others present. By intently lookingat one person, a source is telling others not to approach or enter the conversa-tion. Last, eye behavior is a sign that we are in communication with anotherperson. As Argyle and Dean said, “without eye contact, people do not feel thatthey are fully in communication” (1965, p. 289).

TYPES OF EYE BEHAVIORS

Eye behavior has been defined in many ways depending on the particular typeof looking that is being studied. There are several types of eye behaviors(Argyle & Cook, 1976; Argyle & Ingham, 1972; Ellsworth, 1975; Exline &Fehr, 1982; Exline & Winters, 1965).

A mutual look or mutual gaze refers to two people looking in the direc-tion of one another’s faces. Eye contact is characterized by mutual gaze that iscentered on the eyes.

A one-sided look or glance is a gaze of one individual in the direction ofanother person’s face. Here, however, the gaze is not reciprocated. Whensomeone avoids looking at another during an interpersonal encounter, evenwhen the other is looking at him or her, gaze aversion has occurred.

Gaze aversion typically is an intentional act. A person who averts his orher eyes from another person normally does so consciously and is somehowmotivated not to look. Gaze aversion may signal that you are not interested inwhat the other person has to say. One may be unsure of one’s self and may notwant him or her to read this in the eyes. Gaze aversion is also used as a regula-tor when wishing to stop communicating any further. For whatever reason itoccurs, gaze aversion is normally intended as some kind of avoidance.

Gaze aversion should not be confused with gaze omission, which describesa situation where one person does not look at the other but is not intentionally

Types of Eye Behaviors 95

avoiding eye contact. The confusion between aversion and omission may lead tointerpersonal misunderstanding. Although the actual behavior may be similar,different messages are communicated. Analyze the following to determinewhether aversion or omission is represented in each case below.

1. Brandy and Miguel are quarreling over what television program towatch. Finally, Brandy turns off the set and stares out the window whileMiguel continues to argue.

2. Matt is a constant troublemaker in class. Mr. Baker has finally hadenough of Matt’s misbehavior and asks him to stay after class. As Mr.Baker scolds him, Matt looks toward the floor and smiles.

3. Denise sits at the end of the bar. Stephen enters the lounge and glances ather. Occasionally, Stephen looks toward her, hoping to catch her eye.Each time he looks toward her, she is happily engaged in conversationwith someone else. He eventually becomes dismayed and concludes thatDenise is not interested in him.

Well? What did you decide in each case? If you said that Brandy wasengaged in gaze aversion, you are probably right. Her intention was to endthe verbal dispute and conclude the interaction. She had had enough. Whatabout Matt? He was also intentionally averting his gaze from Mr. Baker. Bylooking away, he may have intentionally transmitted a message to Mr. Bakerthat he was unconcerned, unshaken, and not a bit threatened by the dressing-down he was receiving. Denise, however, was more than likely unaware ofStephen. Although Stephen may have taken her lack of eye contact as a signalof rejection, chances are that she was completely oblivious to Stephen’sapparent advances. Her eye behavior involved gaze omission rather thanaversion.

A type of eye behavior called civil inattention can occur in many environ-ments. This is the “elevator look.” According to Goffman (1967), civil inatten-tion is a behavioral ritual in which two people are mutually present but notinvolved in interaction. They exchange momentary glances, then avert their

Where Men and Women Look

Hewig, J., Trippe, R. H., Hecht, H., Straube,

T., & Miltner, W. H. R. (2008). Gender differ-

ences for specific body regions when looking at

men and women. Journal of Nonverbal

Behavior, 32, 67–78.

The participants in this study were exposedto 30 photographs, 15 of men and 15 ofwomen. All of the confederate models werecasually dressed. When the participantslooked at the photographs, their eye move-ments were recorded using an eye tracker.The results indicated that both men andwomen first look at the other person’s face.Men look significantly earlier at women’s

breasts, and they look longer, but only afterthe original face-scan. Women looked atmen’s legs after looking at their faces.

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gaze. There is a simple, brief acknowledgment of the other person’s presence,but the gaze aversion guarantees the other person that he or she is not underscrutiny and that oral communication is not forthcoming. Quite simply, civilinattention is the glance, acknowledgment, and looking away—nothing more,nothing less. Civil inattention occurs frequently on busy streets, elevators, sub-ways, and so on. Civil inattention allows each person to acknowledge theother, but there is no expectation of conversation.

Staring occurs when a person focuses in on another person and gives along, hard, often invasive and uncomfortable-feeling look. Staring is consid-ered impolite in this culture. In fact, the common retort in this culture to per-ceived staring is, “What are you staring at?”

CLEMs

Closely related to eye gazes are eye behaviors called conjugate lateral eyemovements (CLEMs) or lateral eye movements (LEMs), from the theory calledneurolinguistic programming (NLP) (Bandler & Grinder, 1979; Dilts, Grinder,Bandler, DeLozier, & Cameron-Bandler, 1979). These eye movements areinvoluntary lateral shifts of the eyes to the right or left (Theeuwes, Kramer,Hahn, & Irwin, 1998). CLEMs are thought to be closely associated with cog-nitive processing. That is, we look away to the left or to the right while we arethinking but look forward again when we stop processing information. Oftenone will look up and then to the right or left, then back to the receiver when heor she has finished information processing. Individuals can usually be catego-rized as either right- or left-lookers, because approximately 75 percent of anindividual’s CLEMs are in one direction. The suggestion is that when right-handed people look up and to the right, they may be trying to envision anevent that has never been seen, and when right-handed people look up and tothe left, they may be trying to recall an event. Since eye contact is needed foreffective interaction, if a speaker is unaware of being a right- or left-looker, sheor he might never fully communicate visually with a good portion of the audi-ence. For example, teachers who look primarily left are visually neglecting asignificant portion of their classrooms. Managers who look primarily rightduring meetings are visually excluding a significant portion of their employeesfrom interaction. Therefore, once a person is aware of her or his tendency tolook right or left, then adaptation must take place to visually include all per-sons whom the speaker is addressing.

In conclusion, CLEMs are usually quite prominent when someone isworking on a task that requires thought or reflection. There is some specula-tion that when we call attention to someone’s CLEMs and ask that person tocontrol them, this may make it difficult for the person to concentrate and maydistract from the cognitive processing.

PUPIL DILATION. The pupils of the eyes can dilate (increase in size) orconstrict (decrease in size). This fact has been known for centuries. Whetherpupil dilation and constriction are important to the communication process,

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When we are interested, we look interested.Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

however, is still open to question. The impact of pupil dilation and constric-tion on interpersonal interactions, and vice versa, is hardly clear-cut. Manyfactors influence this involuntary pupil response. Physical conditions such asthe brightness or dimness of lighting invariably affect the size of one’s pupils.Neurophysiological factors and chemical stimulants or depressants are knownto affect pupil size as well. Nevertheless, research has provided some interest-ing findings that may have implications for social interactions (Bakan, 1971;Burkhardt, Weider-Hatfield, & Hocking, 1985; Exline & Winters, 1965;Exline, Gray, & Schuette, 1965; Hess, 1965; Hess & Polt, 1960; Hess, Seltzer,& Schlien, 1965; Hindmarch, 1970; Hood, Willen, & Driver, 1998; Scherwitz& Helmreich, 1973; Vlietstra & Manske, 1981; Richmond, 2002).

Researchers were interested in the effects of certain visual stimuli onpupil size. They found that men’s pupils dilated when they viewed posters ofwomen, and women’s pupils dilated when they observed photographs of men.Another study found that the pupils of gay men dilated when they were shownphotographs of men. Still another study found that women’s pupils dilatedwhen they were shown photographs of newborn infants.

These studies suggest that pupil dilation may be a good indication ofpositive emotional arousal and interest in what is being observed. Pupil con-striction, on the other hand, seems to indicate an aversion to the thing or per-son being observed. Thus, it is not too great a leap to speculate that if we seethat the eyes are dilated in the person with whom we are talking, it may be asign that that person is interested in what we are saying or even in us.

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Indeed, one study found that dilated pupils in photographs of womenenhanced perceptions of attractiveness. Long before this research, several hun-dred years ago, women used the drug belladonna to cause their pupils to dilate.(This is essentially the same drug eye doctors use during examinations today todilate our pupils.) Dilated pupils, the women believed, made them more appeal-ing to men. In the recent study just cited, two identical pictures of the samewomen were used, one picture with pupils retouched to appear dilated, and theother with pupils retouched to appear constricted. Men who evaluated the pic-tures attributed more positive characteristics to the one with dilated pupils andmore negative characteristics to the one with constricted pupils.

An interesting phenomenon that has been discovered in the pupillometricresearch cited above is that there tends to be a reciprocal effect on individualswho observe dilated pupils. That is, in viewing the dilated pupils of someone,the viewer’s pupils tend to dilate as well. This seems to suggest that dilatedpupils enhance positive responses and create perceptions of attractiveness.Constricted pupils, on the other hand, do not generally elicit positive arousaland may reduce perceptions of attractiveness.

As to the importance of pupil dilation in human interaction, we leave thedecision up to you. Clearly, it is easier to see dilation in blue-eyed people thanin brown-eyed people. You usually cannot see the pupils of another person’seyes in a context in which emotional reaction is the primary determinant ofpupil size; ambient lighting is always a factor. Under controlled conditions,however, it probably is possible to gain some emotional information from thisaspect of human eye behavior. At least, that is what some poker players appearto believe. We are told that is why many professionals prefer to wear sun-glasses to conceal their eyes, or eye shades or caps to cause their eyes to remaindilated regardless of the hand they draw. So can pupil dilation be important?We would not want to bet against it.

DECEPTION AND EYE BEHAVIOR. Characteristically, in our culture, it is commonto assume that if someone does not look us in the eye about a critical issue, heor she is being insincere or deceptive. In America, at least, we should rarelyrely solely on eye behavior (looking away or down) as a signal of deception orinsincerity. Culturally, we have learned to control our facial and eye behaviorswhen giving deceptive, insincere, or bad information. In fact, most NorthAmericans have learned skillfully to control the 12 inches of the upper body(upper chest, neck, and head). This has occurred because of the cultural normsestablished on detecting deceit. It seems that from an early age, we are taught(often unconsciously and unintentionally by a parent, teacher, friend, or sib-ling) to mask our deceit. For example, when we were younger and misbehavedor made a mistake, an adult would say, “Look me in the eye and tell me youdid not do that.” Therefore we would learn to mask and look the adult in theeye and inform her or him that we did not do that—even when we did do it!Because our culture relies so heavily on eye contact for communication, it is nowonder that we have learned to look another person in the eye and tell a big

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fat lie. Instinctively, we know that if we don’t look other people in the eye orglance down or away, they will think that we are guilty of something. Hence,looking at the eyes or face is not a reliable indicator of when another person isbeing deceptive. People in this culture are better at controlling facial behaviorsthan any other aspect of their body. Slow-motion videos of people engaged inlying have shown that short bursts of facial activity interrupt their deceptiveexpressions. However, these last less than one-fifth of a second and are micro-momentary expressions. Because of the brief duration of these expressions, de-ception or dislike is more of a feeling that we sense than a conscious conclusiveexpression that we can see. If the person attempting to deceive us is not knownwell by us or is a skilled deceiver, it is unlikely that we can tell based on eye be-havior when he or she is deceiving or being insincere. Deception is not easy todetect, no matter what cues are examined.

Feldman found that in 121 videotaped pairs of unacquainted college stu-dents during ten-minute introductory conversations, 60 percent of the studentslied once. “Those who lied did so three times per conversation, on average,with one subject squeezing in twelve.” Women lied to make “the people theywere talking to feel better about themselves. Men tended to lie to make them-selves look better” (Gravitz, 2002, p. 13). Both women and men lied at thesame rate. It seems that in relationships, one should be skeptical of whatanother person has to say.

Levine, Asada, and Park (2006) have investigated eye behavior in rela-tion to deception. However, their contention was that whether someonenotices a particular behavior associated with deception may be based onwhether they thought the person might be lying in the first place. The hypoth-esis certainly would support the notion that professionals (such as police)make errors in assuming that the person they arrest is guilty and therefore willlie. In fact, detecting deception is quite difficult. We amateurs tend to believesomeone when they are lying, and police tend to believe a person is lying whenthey are telling the truth. All of us tend to make errors, just of a different type.Levine, Asada, and Park (2006) found that even amateurs (their subjects)“found” significantly less eye contact when the subjects had reason to thinkthe person was lying in the first place.

EYE BEHAVIOR AND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES

One researcher has reported that the normal gazing duration during interper-sonal interaction ranges from 28 to 70 percent. Another reports that normalvariation in looking ranges from 8 to 73 percent. What these findings suggestis that what is considered normal depends largely on the many individualdifferences among people. We must always keep in mind that normal behaviorfor some may be abnormal for others, depending on their gender, personalitycharacteristics, and ethnic and cultural backgrounds, as well as the context inwhich the interaction occurs. Let’s consider some of these individual differ-ences as they affect the eye behavior of people during communication.

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Nature of Relationships

The type and amount of eye behavior can also reveal the nature of a relation-ship. Two conversants who differ in status usually engage in different visualbehaviors toward one another. The higher-status individual generally receivesmore eye gazes from the lower-status person than the other way around. Bothmen and women look less at speakers who are lower in status than themselves.The relationship between status and eye behavior may indicate one of twothings. First, it may suggest that lower-status individuals show their respect bygazing at their higher-status counterparts. Second, the higher-status personmay simply feel less of a need to monitor the lower-status person; whereas, thelower-status person may feel it important to monitor the higher-status person.

The amount we look at others may also be a function of how much welike them. In a pair where interactants report liking one another, a mutual gazetends to be more prominent. Eye contact is also greater between personsengaging in intimate relationships. You can be perceived as too fast or for-ward, however, if you look more than the other person deems appropriate. Insuch cases, you may be using eye contact to let the other person know youwould like to become more intimate, and he or she may use substantially lesseye contact to tell you to back off.

Increasing our gaze at a speaker also functions to signal the speaker thatwe are paying attention and are interested in what he or she has to say. This isa culture-specific visual activity, however; people in the United States equatelooking with interest and attention, but this is not true in all other cultures. Forexample, one U.S. teacher became extremely frustrated with an Asian studentand held him after class. While talking to the young student, the teacherbecame upset because the student constantly looked at the floor. Little did theteacher realize that the student was attending to her message but had beensocialized to not look at higher-status individuals. To gaze at an authority fig-ure while she lectures would, to the student, have been disrespectful. Thisunfortunate student was doing his best to behave appropriately but was beingpunished because the teacher was unfamiliar with the cultural differences inexpected gaze behavior. It would be easy to criticize that teacher for her insen-sitivity to the student, but it must be recognized that very few teacher-educationprograms include instruction in nonverbal and/or intercultural communication.

Cultural Differences

A person’s culture is the context in which he or she learns the social norms ofappropriate or inappropriate behavior. The influence of one’s ethnic and cul-tural environment on eye behavior has been observed by many scholars.

In an extensive investigation involving members of several different cul-tures, Watson (1970) found that Latin Americans, southern Europeans, andArabs tended to focus their gaze directly on the eyes or face while talking andlistening. However, northern Europeans, Indian-Pakistanis, and Asians tendedmore toward a peripheral gaze or no gaze at all. By peripheral gaze, Watsonmeant an orientation toward the other interactant without actually focusing

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on his or her face or eyes. When members of the latter cultures did not gaze atall, they either looked toward the floor or gazed into space.

Knapp and Hall (1992) suggest that many cultural differences are bestseen in terms of duration rather than frequency of gaze. They noted, forinstance, that Swedes do not look as frequently as the English during conver-sations, but when they do look they gaze for a longer period. Others suggestthat some cultures, such as the Korean, place much more emphasis on theobservance of the eyes than do others. That is, Koreans are highly aware of eyebehavior because it is believed that real answers to questions they ask may befound there, even though the other’s words say something else.

Contextual Differences

Often the context or topic of discussion affects the amount and duration oflooking behavior during interaction. When we are attempting to persuade oth-ers, for instance, we tend to look more at our fellow interactants. Speakerswho use more eye contact are judged by listeners to be more persuasive, credi-ble, and sincere. Furthermore, when we find the situation comfortable, inter-esting, and happy, we tend to establish more eye contact with our partners.Conversely, eye gazes in the direction of the partner are found to decrease dur-ing moments of embarrassment, guilt, or sadness.

Personality Differences

It should not surprise you that the personality characteristics of individuals areclosely related to the amount of eye contact they use during conversations.People who have a high need for affiliation, inclusion, or affection gaze moresteadily at others. People who are dominant, authoritative, and extrovertedhave also been found to look more frequently.

Although there has been little research bearing directly on this question,what there is suggests that such characteristics as shyness, communicationapprehension, or unwillingness to communicate may affect eye behavior.Individuals who have these negative orientations toward communication tendto establish less eye contact. Because eye contact, in our culture, almost obligesus to engage in interaction with others, those who experience anxiety aboutcommunicating use behaviors such as gaze aversion or gaze omission to avoidinteraction when possible.

Gender Differences

If one finding seems clear concerning gender differences in eye behavior it isthat, overall, women engage in more looking behavior than do men. Not onlydo they look more at their conversational partners while listening, they alsolook more while speaking. However, the amount of actual eye contact isgreater in a male-male or female-female dyad than in a mixed-gender dyad.One study has suggested that women appear to use shifts in the gaze whilespeaking as a cue for liking, whereas men generally use the gaze for listening.Much of the difference in looking behavior between women and men may be

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due to personality differences. Some studies, for example, indicate that femalesgenerally report higher needs for inclusion, affiliation, and affection duringinteraction and may use more looking to fulfill those needs. It has also beensuggested that females probably rely more heavily on visual stimuli than domales because they are more sensitive to the social impact of their eye behavioron interpersonal exchanges.

The female need for inclusion, affiliation, and affection noted earlier—needs that are commonly acknowledged to be at least partially culturallydetermined—probably are lower for today’s females. Similarly, characteristicsof dominance and assertiveness, which were considered appropriate only formales a quarter-century ago, are now considered less aversive for females.Because these personality factors have been found to be highly related to gazebehavior, it is entirely possible that the differences between male and femaleeye behavior observed are much reduced or even missing in today’s society. Wecannot be certain about such speculation. Additionally, more and more menand women are becoming androgynous (each sex possessing both masculineand feminine behaviors). Therefore the more assertive woman may gaze verymuch like a man, and the more responsive man may gaze very much like awoman.

To summarize, normal eye behavior includes a wide range of looking fre-quency and duration. It is generally necessary to consider personality, gender,culture, and contextual influences in evaluating the gazing activity of otherpeople. Neglecting these influences may lead to interpersonal misunderstand-ings. Remember: Nonverbal cues do not occur in a vacuum. Often, their truesignificance is apparent only when we consider all the factors surrounding thenonverbal activity.

What do we know about eye behavior?

1. We know that we look at people and things we like.2. We avoid looking at things and people we do not like.3. Our eyes can express the basic SCADFISH emotions.4. We look more at another person when seeking approval or wanting to be

liked.5. The type of gaze we use tells another person about our intentions.6. Gaze aversion is an intentional act; gaze omission is not.7. Deception can rarely be determined by looking solely at another person’s

eye behavior.8. Our pupils dilate when we look at someone or something that is appeal-

ing or interesting to us.9. Our pupils constrict when we look at someone or something that is not

appealing or interesting to us.10. Women will often look longer at their conversational partner than will men.

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Glossary of Terminology

Conjugate lateral eye movements(CLEMs) are involuntary lateralshifts of the eyes to the right or left.CLEMs are thought to be closelyassociated with cognitive processing;that is, we look away to the left orright while we are thinking, but lookforward again when we stop process-ing information. People can be cate-gorized as either right-lookers or left-lookers because approximately 75percent of an individual’s CLEMs arein one direction.Gaze aversion is when someoneavoids looking at another personduring an interpersonal encounter.

Gaze omission occurs when oneperson does not look at the otherperson but is not intentionally avoid-ing eye contact.Mutual gaze refers to two peoplelooking in the direction of oneanother’s faces.Oculesics is the study of eye behav-ior, eye contact, eye movement, andthe functions of eye behavior.One-sided look or glance is a gazeof one individual toward anotherperson’s face that is not reciprocated.When we are interested, we lookinterested.

6CHAPTERVocal Behavior

Addington (1968, 1971), Archer andAkert (1977), McCroskey (2001),and Mulac and Giles (1996) have

reinforced the notion that there is an enor-mous amount of information to beobtained from the human voice, includingemotion, state of health, age, and gender.People are very astute at determining infor-mation about other people based on listen-ing to the human voice. The actual verbalmessage is unclear to the receiver withoutthe vocal cues that accompany it (Guerrero,DeVito, & Hecht, 1999). Many times theentire meaning is interpreted on the basis ofhow something is said. Gilbert (2006) hasindicated that there are additional insightsfrom the voice. She has reported that whensubjects hear a voice, they can predictheight, weight, and age just as well as ifthey viewed a photograph. In addition,

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men tend to lower their voices when they are speaking to someone they per-ceive as subordinate and raise their voices when talking with a superior. Shefound that people with attractive voices indicated that they had had more sex-ual partners during their lives. She reported that surgeons who had been suedfor malpractice had dominant voices: “deep, loud, moderately fast, unac-cented, and clearly articulated” (p. 15).

The study of the communicative value of vocal behavior, orparalanguage, is called vocalics. Paralanguage includes all oral cues in thestream of spoken utterances except the words themselves. The importance ofvocal behavior as a type of nonverbal communication lies in the impact it hason perceptions of the verbal content of our messages.

Vocal cues can contradict the oral message. Sarcasm is saying one thingand communicating something else. We are sarcastic when our words say onething and our vocal cues say the opposite. This brings up an important pointabout vocal behavior. Sarcasm is something we learn to communicate. It isalso something we learn to understand; therefore, small children often do notunderstand sarcasm. Some studies have shown that small children tend tobelieve the verbal content of a message rather than the meaning signaled by thecontradicting vocal cues. Furthermore, we usually cannot appreciate the sar-casm of people from other cultures. How we say something is influenced consid-erably by cultural factors (Berry, Hansen, Landry-Pester, & Meier, 1994; Davitz,1964; Liggon, Weston, Ambady, Colloton, Rosenthal, & Reite, 1992; Mulac,Hanley, & Prigge, 1974; Newman & Smit, 1989; Plazewski & Allen, 1985).

Vocal behavior plays an extremely important role in regulating our inter-actions with others. We not only control the flow of conversations with ourbody movements and eye behavior but also signal to listeners with our voices.Regulative behaviors involved in turn-taking are rich with vocal information(Duncan, 1972, 1973, 1974; Wiemann & Knapp, 1975).

Vocal cues transmit many other messages as well. The way we speak cantell others about our status, background, gender, age, socioeconomic status,current emotional state, where we grew up, where we are from, and a varietyof other demographic data (Johnson, 1985; Markel, 1965; McCroskey, 2001;Mulac & Giles, 1996; O’Hair, Cody, & Behnke, 1985; Siegman & Boyle,1993; Starkweather, 1961; Semic, 1999). By listening to the vocal cues,receivers can glean accurate pieces of information and may use such informa-tion to stereotype the sender in several ways. For example, if we think a personsounds as though he or she were from New Jersey, we might have certainstereotypes that go along with our perceptions of New Jersey people.

CATEGORIES OF VOCAL BEHAVIOR

The study of what a person says is virtually meaningless without a study of thevocal cues that surround the words. The study of the text of a great speech tellsone nothing about how the speaker actually presented that speech. The vocalatmosphere surrounding that speech is what paralanguage is all about. The pri-mary difference between speaking and writing is the presence of paralanguage.

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Although the verbal message (the text) may be the same, what is communicatedcan be and usually is very different. To study a speech is to study a text withinits vocal atmosphere. The texts of long-deceased speakers, of course, may bestudied by scholars today, but these texts cannot be studied as speeches unless avocalic record is available for simultaneous study. Paralinguistic cues did notjust emerge in recent years; they always have been critical. How you say some-thing may stimulate more and different meanings than just the words you actu-ally say. Vocal behavior, however, is more than just how something is said. Itincludes a variety of vocal activities that emanates from the oral cavity. Trager(1958) classified all paralinguistic activity as falling into one of several cate-gories. Trager is widely credited for delineating the relationship between spokenlanguage and paralanguage. It is useful to examine some of Trager’s categories.

Voice Set

When we speak, we do so in what Trager describes as the “setting” of an actof speech. This vocal environment or contextual background is in some meas-ure the result of the speaker’s voice, which involves several of the speaker’spersonal characteristics. Included among these factors is age, gender, presentcondition of health, state of enthusiasm, fatigue, and sadness and/or otheremotions. Even seemingly irrelevant factors such as social status, educationlevel, and group identification may play an important role in contributing tothe speaker’s voice set.

Voice set is closely related to who the speaker is; such information helpsus to interpret the speaker’s words more accurately. We realize that the idea ofvoice set may be difficult to grasp. It becomes quite apparent to listeners, how-ever, when different speakers say the same phrase with the same emphasis andexpress the same emotions. The remaining difference in their vocal activity canbe attributed to their different voice sets. Consider several different individu-als: a fragile older man, a truck driver, a minister, a schoolteacher, and a suc-cessful businesswoman. Think of how each of these individuals would soundwhile speaking the following phrases with the same amount of enthusiasm andemotion: “It is a very nice day.” “Hello, Fernando.” “That tastes great!”

You probably visualized differences in the vocal cues of these five indi-viduals even before you considered the phrases. If you did, you were keying inon the phenomenon of voice set. For many successful performers, the key toplaying any given role realistically is creating a voice set consistent with thatcharacter’s identity.

Voice Qualities and Vocalizations

Trager distinguishes between two other categories of vocal behavior that heconsiders the actual objects of study in paralanguage. The first category iscalled voice qualities, and includes tempo, resonance, rhythm control, articula-tion control, pitch control, glottis control, vocal lip control, and pitch range.Voice qualities are modifications of the vocal cues that accompany spokenwords. Changes in voice qualities can often signal important messages to

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others. Although they are considered content-free speech, one can surely seethat a change in the tempo, such as speaking rapidly, may communicate asense of urgency or excitement. Maria tells you she is angry; her extremely res-onant vocal burst tells you exactly how angry she is.

Closely related to voice qualities are vocalizations. According to Trager,vocalizations are audible vocal cues that do not have the structure of languageand may or may not be accompanied by spoken words. There are three differ-ent kinds of vocalizations. The first is the vocal characterizer, which refers tonon-language sounds such as laughing, crying, whimpering, giggling, snicker-ing, and sobbing. We might also consider many audible meditative chants tobe vocal characterizers. Other characterizers include groaning, moaning,yawning, growling, muttering, whining, and sighing. Many people are wellrecognized by and closely associated with the characterizers they frequentlyuse (Guerrero, DeVito, & Hecht, 1999).

Trager’s second type of vocalization is called the vocal qualifier. Vocalqualifiers are similar to voice qualities but are considered separately for one mainreason: Whereas voice qualities usually modify an entire stream of speech, vocalqualifiers qualify or regulate specific portions of the utterance. In other words,qualifiers provide variety within a spoken sentence. Vocal qualifiers includeintensity, pitch height, and extent. Vocal cues that vary the rate, loudness, or soft-ness during a given utterance are also qualifiers. The nonverbal function ofaccenting is effectively served by these vocal qualifiers. Janet emphasized theword now in her statement, “Put that pencil down . . . NOW,” by pausing brieflybefore the last word, then increasing the loudness of her voice. This left no doubtin her son’s mind as to when he should put the pencil down (Poyatos, 1991).

The last category of vocal behavior is the vocal segregate. Again, thesevocal cues are audible but are not linguistic. Some segregates have beendescribed as non-words that are used as words. These cues include vocaliza-tions such as shhh, uh-huh, and uh-uh. Furthermore, vocal segregates includemany common filler sounds such as uh-uh-uh, er, ah, and even seeming wordssuch as and-ah, and you know. You probably can think of an acquaintancewho uses more than her or his share of segregates.

See if you can identify the vocal segregates in the following conversation:

DICK: Uh, I think, you know, we ought to go to class, and, uh. . . .

BILL: Duh . . . What for? Ya know . . . we have better things to do,like, ah, ya know, smoking in the boys’ room or terrorizingsomeone’s kitten, ha, ha.

DICK: Uh-uh-uh, because we’re having a test next week, ya know, weshould go to class.

BILL: Uh-uh. I ain’t going. No way. No chance. No how.

DICK: So, ah hum, like, ah, what you want to do?

Vocal segregates such as uh-uh and uh-huh function as substitutes forverbal utterances, but we also find them in the stream of speech of people who

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are thinking about what they are going to say next. While teaching a public-speaking course a few years ago, one speech professor counted sixty-sevenand-uhs in one student’s five-minute speech. The speech began with one ofthese vocal segregates and each sentence ended with one. Generally, when aperson is in a novel situation, is the center of attention, or is anxious, the useof vocal segregates will increase. Think of communication situations whenthese vocal segregates are more likely to occur (Davitz & Davitz, 1959;Christenfeld, 1995).

Voice Printing

Voice printing is likely to become another means of identifying us in additionto the use of fingerprints and DNA analysis. The concept of voice printing isnot new; it has been in existence for years. Voice printing is similar to finger-printing in that a person can be identified by unique characteristics and quali-ties in her or his voice. Weitz (1972) notes that voice printing (most notablyrecorded telephone conversations) has been used in some criminal cases. Shealso notes that there is a disagreement about the accuracy of voice printing.Some people advocate that voice printing is as much as 90 percent accurate,while others suggest only about 50 percent. Certainly, using vocal recognitionand voice printing as a means of identifying a criminal can be considered oneof the many facets pointing to innocence or guilt. Currently, however, moreevidence is required than vocal recognition alone to declare guilt.

Silence and Pauses

Silence is an important aspect of communication, although it is not alwaysconsidered a category of vocal behavior. You have no doubt heard the phrases,“Silence is golden” and “If you can’t say anything nice, then don’t say any-thing at all.” Contrary to what many believe, silence is not the opposite ofspeech. Silence should not be equated with not communicating. It is an inte-gral part of our vocal behavior and, depending on the situation, can provide agreat deal of information about our thoughts, emotions, attitudes, and rela-tionships with others (Braithwaite, 1999; Newman, 1982; Jaworski, 1999).Silence is generally discussed in terms of pauses in the stream of speech. Thesepauses can be identified as either unfilled pauses or filled pauses. Unfilledpauses, or silence, are periods when vocal activity stops during the spokenutterance. Filled pauses, on the other hand, are interruptions in the stream ofspeech content that are filled with audible sounds such as uh, er, ah, stuttering,and even slips of the tongue or repetitions.

Filled and unfilled pauses can be classified as three different silence phe-nomena: hesitation silence, psycholinguistic silence, and interactive silence.Hesitation silences are generally pauses during speech caused by anxiety oruncertainty about what to say next. Psycholinguistic silences, on the otherhand, are pauses related to the encoding and decoding of speech. Pausing ismost prevalent at the beginning of a grammatical stream of speech. It often is

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necessary to pause while translating thoughts into words. Finally, interactivesilences or pauses are products of the interaction itself and can communicatevarious messages about the relationship between two interactants. The silentmoments two lovers share, the silence that signifies respect for an elder, thecold silence between individuals in conflict, and the silence that ignores are allexamples of interactive pauses (Argyle, 1999; Lalljee & Cook, 1969;McCroskey, 2001; Richmond, 1996).

Pauses can also be classified as grammatical or nongrammatical.According to Goldman-Eisler (1968), pauses are grammatical when they occurat the following junctures: natural punctuation points such as the end of a sen-tence; just before a conjunction (but, and, or); just before relative and interrog-ative pronouns (who, which, why); in association with an indirect or impliedquestion (I’m not sure about that); just before adverbial clauses of time, man-ner, and place (I will leave when I’m ready); or when complete parentheticalreferences are used (I am sure my students, those in my nonverbal communica-tion class, will vote for you).

Pauses may also be nongrammatical. These pauses occur in the middle orat the end of a verbal phrase; as gaps or breaks between words and phrasesthat are repeated (I think you will find /pause/ will find that /pause/ that I amright); as gaps or breaks between verbal compounds (I have /pause/ talkeduntil I’m blue in the face); and as a disruption or false start (I am concerned/pause/ the problem is your attitude).

Knapp and Hall (1992) have made an interesting observation regardingspontaneous speech: Only about 55 percent of all pauses in such speech are

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A person’s vocal quality can punctuate the message.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

grammatical; whereas, well-prepared presentations, such as oral readings oftexts, are generally characterized by a high consistency in grammatical pausing.

Uses of Silence in Communication

Silence can establish distance in interpersonal relationships. Although we maynot physically remove ourselves, we can create a psychological distance byremaining silent (Jaworski, 1999; Braithwaite, 1999; McCroskey & Richmond,1996; Mehrabian, 1968).

Silence is often needed for a person to put her or his thoughts together.As we suggested earlier, encoding messages is facilitated by silent momentsduring the process of putting thoughts into words. Silence is used to showrespect to another person. Not only do we show respect through silence, butthose in authority often use silent pauses to command the respect of others.Silence can be used to modify another’s behavior. Parents throughout the ageshave used the silent treatment on their children to get them to behave. Spousesand friends also have been known to use this approach.

Silence can be used to emphasize a point of content in the flow of speechor to make a piece of content more memorable. The silent pause before orafter a startling statement in a speech can give significant meaning to the state-ment. Silence can be a means of displaying an emotional state. For example,some people will simply be silent as a way of supporting another person by notdisagreeing with her or him, or as a sign of contentment.

VOCAL BEHAVIOR AND TURN-INTERACTION MANAGEMENT

In previous chapters, we introduced the concept of turn-taking during conver-sations. We suggested that many gestures and eye behaviors are used to regu-late the back-and-forth interaction between speakers and listeners. Suchbehaviors are usually used with a variety of vocal cues that signal to others ourspeaking or listening intentions during conversations. Recall that there arefour types of turn-taking behaviors: turn-maintaining, turn-yielding, turn-requesting, and turn-denying (Duncan, 1972, 1973, 1974).

Turn-Maintaining

There are times in our interactions with others when we wish to continue talk-ing. That is, we wish to maintain our turn in the speaking process. Cues thatspeakers use to signal their listeners that they want to keep the floor are calledturn-maintaining cues. These cues are most prominent in situations where thelistener may be trying to interrupt. Vocal cues involved in turn-maintainingmay include an increase in the loudness of speech. Such increases usually serveto drown out a listener who may be requesting a turn. Another turn-maintainingvocal cue is an increase in the rate of speech. It is generally difficult for othersto break into a stream of speech that is moving quickly. It decreases thechances that a listener can get a word in edgewise.

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Other effective vocal cues in turn-maintaining include the use of morefilled pauses. Filling pauses with vocal segregates rather than leaving themunfilled can cue the listener that you may be at the end of a particular thought,but you are not finished talking. Mr. Jones, Jake’s boss, scolds him for comingin to work late. As Jake tries to explain, Mr. Jones increases his speech rate andvolume because he wants to add, “It should not happen again.”

Turn-Yielding

When we are finished speaking and wish to signal our listening partner that heor she can now begin talking, we generally engage in turn-yielding behavior.Asking your listener a question is certainly a yielding cue. Questioning calls forus to raise the pitch of our voices at the end of the utterance. Another vocalcue that signals turn-yielding is an emphatic drop in voice pitch. Often thedrop in pitch is used together with the trailing-off of the utterance. Endphrases may be tacked on after the drop in pitch to make the comments trailoff. Trailing-off phrases are usually more prevalent when the speaker is coax-ing the listener to begin talking.

Intonation changes that deviate from the normal rising and falling of thevoice during an utterance usually are signals of turn-yielding. Furthermore, yourspeaking rate can signal the listener that you are relinquishing the speaking turn.Of course, a long unfilled pause (silence) also serves the turn-yielding function.Long silences during a conversation can be uncomfortable for those involved.Although a listener may not have something important to say, he or she maybegin speaking simply to break the silence. As an exercise, try this little experi-ment with silence. Get together with an acquaintance and strike up a conversa-tion. Insert a few silent pauses after a few of your comments, and see how longyour partner lets the silence remain unfilled. Chances are good that he or she willfill the silence with almost anything before too many seconds have ticked away.

The time that it takes a person to begin speaking after another personstops is called her or his response latency. People differ greatly in the length oftheir response latencies. People with very short response latencies often talkover their partners. That is, they start speaking before their partner is finished.They take the slightest pause as a sign to take over the conversation. In con-trast, people with very long response latencies can cause their partners to bevery uncomfortable. If we pause to let our partner take a turn, but our partnerdoes not do so right away, we may feel forced to begin talking again. When aperson with a short response latency interacts with a person with a longlatency, the former usually dominates the interaction—even if he or she doesn’tintend to do so (Newman & Smit, 1989; McCroskey, 2001).

Turn-Requesting

Think for a moment of a time when you were listening to someone speaking.As that person continued, you found yourself wanting to speak. You waitedfor the speaker to pause, if only for a brief second, so that you could begin. Toyour dismay and increasing frustration, the pause never came. You knew you

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had to speak soon, or you would forget what you were going to say. What didyou do? If you are like most folks, you started to use turn-requesting cues inthe hope that the speaker would wrap things up. In essence, you nonverballyhelped them put on the speaking brakes. Such turn-requesting vocal cuesinclude the stutter start (BUT . . . but . . . but, I . . . I . . . I), which may beinserted into the conversation even while the speaker is still talking. Stutterstarts and other vocal cues such as vocal buffers (“ER . . . ah” or “UH . . .well”) tend to encourage the speaker to finish in less time. Increasing the rateof responses such as Mm-hmm or Yes . . . yes also serves as an effective turn-requesting signal.

Turn-Denying

Finally, there are times when listeners transmit signals to speakers that they donot wish to take a speaking turn. Turn-denying behavior, or back-channelcues, occur most often when the listener has nothing to say when the speakerbegins to yield the turn. Turn-denying includes a slower rate of responses andvocal cues that tend to reward the speaker for talking. Positive nonlanguagevocalizations such as Mm-hmm delivered at a slowed pace and accompaniedby a positive head nod generally signal the speaker, “Please go on, I like whatyou’re saying.”

It should be noted that vocal behavior used in interaction managementseldom occurs alone. Often, gestures and other body movements, as well aseye behavior, accompany the vocalizations. For instance, raising a finger alongwith the eyebrows, leaning forward, and inhaling audibly communicate arequest to speak. Conversely, by accelerating your rate of speech, lookingaway, turning your body, increasing loudness, and exhibiting a halting gesture(putting up your hand to stop interruptions) toward the listener, you maintainyour speaking turn. Similarly, verbal comments may function to decline turns.If listeners complete sentences for the speakers or request clarification on ear-lier comments, they may more easily maintain their position as listeners.

Interruptions

While there is a stereotype of women talking a lot and men interrupting them,Tannen (1990) has written that neither the amount of talk nor the concept ofinterruption is quite so simple. In regard to the amount of talk, Tannen hasindicated that women talk more in private settings, and men talk more in pub-lic settings. Regarding interruptions to turn-taking, Tannen says that there areat least three different types of interruptions. First, there is the kind of inter-ruption that most of us are used to. Here we see two commentators on televi-sion. They constantly interrupt one another before they even know what theother one is going to say. Essentially they are paid to create conflict. Generallythey take extreme opposite ends of an issue, and probably few agree witheither one of them. This argumentative type of an interruption Tannen calls anegative interruption. The second type of interruption is based on contentirrelevant to the conversation. If you are talking about your trip to Europe

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with a friend while picking up a valuable artifact in her apartment, she mayinterrupt by saying, “Please let me hold that, and you can look at it.” She isnot interrupting your conversation per se but rather concerned about yourtalking and holding her vase at the same time. The third type of interruption isoften in the form of a question (Hall, 1984; LaFrance & Carmen, 1980). Herelet’s assume that an instructor is explaining a nonverbal communication prin-ciple, and while she is talking, you ask, “Is that the same as body language?”Here there is no argument about the content of the subject, and the interrup-tion is relevant. In this third type, too, one may be speaking aboutWashington. The other person interrupts with, “DC?” And the first personsays, “yes, DC,” and goes on talking. The third type is essentially a commu-nicative interruption, a positive one. It is intended to keep the conversationmoving while making certain the information is accurate. In some cases, peo-ple will agree as the conversation is going along, saying, “um-hum.” Thuswhen we think about someone’s interrupting, we should consider what theintent is as well as the interruption itself.

Accent and Dialect

Accent refers to the different ways words are said. Dialect, on the other hand,refers to the use of different words to reference similar meanings. Accent, then,is a paralinguistic concern; whereas, dialect is a concern of linguistics. Peoplefrom different regions of the United States or from different cultural groupswithin a given region are likely to differ from each other in terms of accent,dialect, or both (Bradford, Farrar, & Bradford, 1974; McCroskey, 2001;Sayer, 1979).

If you are like most people, you do not think of yourself as having anaccent or speaking in a dialect. We tend to see others, those who speak differ-ently, as having an accent or dialect. Accent and dialect, then, can be viewed asperceptions one has of another’s way of speaking. If you are from the NewYork borough of Brooklyn and speak with the stereotypical Brooklyn accent,you would probably not be considered to have a dialect by your Brooklynneighbors. That is, you and a neighbor would characterize one another’s speechas “normal.” But both of you would say that the person down the block whomoved in from the southeastern part of the United States talks “funny.”

Similarly, a person who was born and raised in rural Kentucky, and whospeaks with a southern Appalachian drawl, would not be perceived by her orhis fellow Kentuckians as having an accent. Should the Brooklynite go toKentucky, or the southern Appalachian travel to New York, each would havean accent and a dialect in relation to the local speakers. We never think of ourown speech as different or funny; rather, it is the other person who talks funny;it is the other person who has the dialect. Essentially, perceptions of accent anddialect arise when one encounters speech patterns that are not consistent withhow one has been socialized to speak. Factors that contribute to perceptions ofaccent include many vocal phenomena. First, vocal qualities are perceived asdifferent. For instance, the southern accent is often characterized by a slower

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rate of vocal delivery, and the Texas drawl is even slower. Generally, northern-ers describe southerners’ speech as containing more syllables. One southernerat a national communication conference recently commented in a humorousvein that the word cowboy does not have two syllables, it has four: “ca-o-bo-ah.” Another southerner in the audience noted that such a word is very differ-ent from a true two-syllable word such as fit (pronounced “fee-it”).

Another vocal phenomenon that contributes to perceptions of accent isdifference in pronunciation of words. The name Mary is pronounced as“Merry” in some regions, “Marry” in others, and “Maury” in still others.Take the three words I’ll, all, and oil. Say them aloud several times. Do you sayeach differently? People from most parts of the United States do. However, ifyou are from some parts of Texas, chances are you pronounce all three wordsthe same way. Do you say “bird,” “boid,” or “bud” when referring to one ofour feathered friends? When you point to a distant hillside, do you say “overyonder,” “over yonda,” or “ova yawner”?

Can perception of accent lead to other judgments as well? According tosome research, it does. In the educational environment, teachers have beenfound to rate children with different patterns of speech as culturally disadvan-taged and to judge those with foreign accents as lower on the social-status lad-der. Still others have shown that English-speaking Hispanics are perceived bynon-Hispanic Americans to be less successful, lower in intelligence, lower insocial awareness, and lower in ability when they speak with a Hispanic accent.Some research suggests that the slower rate of southern speech can create per-ceptions of low intelligence and slowness of thought in other parts of theUnited States. The Brooklyn accent has been known to connote arrogance andother negative traits to people in the West and South (Argyle, 1999; Berry,1990; Berry, Hansen, Landry-Pester, & Meier, 1994; Camras, Sullivan, &Michel, 1993; Kramer, 1963; Massaro & Egan, 1996; Sayer, 1979; Semic,1999; Williams, 1970; Zuckerman & Driver, 1989).

You may be asking yourself, “Why does it seem so common to makesuch unfavorable judgments about people because of their accents?” It doesn’tseem fair, does it? However, it does happen, and often negative consequencesarise because of accent perceptions. Those consequences can range from relatively unimportant social disadvantages to not being considered for par-ticular jobs. Particular regional vocal patterns and ethnic accents are oftenassociated with individuals’ ability to socialize, perform, and behave appro-priately. No, it is not fair to discriminate against people because of how theyspeak. It is not fair to judge an individual’s intelligence by her or his accent.Yet, it occurs every day. It is always wise to suspend judgment until you canvalidate your perceptions with sources of information other than accent.Know that everyone has a dialect and an accent. This becomes obvious onlywhen you interact with people of other regions, cultures, or subcultures. Aswith most things, we tend to consider our own accent and dialect as the right,best, and normal one. That is part of what may make others refer to NorthAmericans as ethnocentric. When they do, be assured that they do not intendit as a compliment.

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Mulac (1976) indicates that we judge the accents of others according tothree primary dimensions. His research demonstrated that accents are evalu-ated on

1. Sociointellectual status (status, occupation, income, literacy),

2. Aesthetic quality (how pleasing or displeasing the accent is), and

3. Dynamism (how aggressive, assertive, strong, loud, or active the voice is).

We hear these dimensions in our daily lives. For example, when we saysomeone has a “good voice,” we could be saying that he or she sounds pleas-ant or that he or she sounds strong (Hecht & LaFrance, 1995; Semic, 1999;Zuckerman & Driver, 1989).

It is worthwhile to consider the words of Phillips, Kougl, and Kelly(1985) in their book on speaking:

It is important to remember that people are entitled to choose howthey wish to talk and what language communities they wish to seekmembership in. . . . Learning language styles of various groups isnot an easy task, but it is a mark of respect shown for one’s originsand one’s new affiliations (p. 241).

EFFECTS OF VOCAL BEHAVIOR

Vocal behavior can affect our interactions with others in several ways. The fol-lowing pages present a discussion of the effects of vocal cues on the expressionof emotion, judgments of personality, ability to learn, ability to persuade oth-ers, and effective delivery.

Vocal Behavior and Feelings

Choose a partner, classmate, or roommate to participate in this exercise. One ofyou should close your book while the other attempts to communicate the follow-ing list of emotions. Take turns as the communicator. There are a couple of rules.

1. Turn away from one another so that you are back to back.

2. The person with the job of communicating the emotion is allowed to useonly one statement: “Onions taste great in the morning.”

Speaking this sentence only, see if you can get your partner to guess eachof these feelings:

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anger disgust

concern love

contempt sadness

sympathy pleasure

guilt betrayal

distrust fear

dejection happiness

confusion hate

frustration surprise

interest boredom

Although your partner may not have guessed the exact feeling everytime, you probably were quite successful with this activity. Given the restric-tions of the rules, some people are surprised they can get any guesses right.Vocal behavior, apart from actual verbal content, carries much informationabout emotions (Bachorowski & Owren, 1995; Camras, Sullivan, & Michel,1993; Davitz, 1964; Mehrabian & Ferris, 1967; Scherer, 1982; Scherer,Koivumaki, & Rosenthal, 1972; Starkweather, 1961). The vocal expression ofemotion is found in the paralinguistic cues rather than the content of the spo-ken utterance. Research on the vocal expression of emotion often uses content-free speech techniques. That is, listeners are asked to judge which emotion isbeing expressed in the voices of others while the actual content of speech ismade to be incomprehensible. This is similar to hearing your neighbors argu-ing without being able to discern what they are saying to one another. You cer-tainly can tell they are angry, but you can’t tell why.

Studies that use the content-free-speech approach have been quite helpfulto our understanding of which vocal cues communicate a given emotion.Whether a speaker is excited or calm is associated with the extent and type ofchange in pitch and loudness. However, some emotions are more accuratelyjudged than others.

Nervousness, anger, sadness, and happiness are the easiest feelings tointerpret from vocal cues alone. On the other hand, surprise, fear, and love areoften difficult to judge. Although their voices usually are different from oneanother, males and females use the same vocal activity to express the same feel-ings. For example, both sexes use increased volume while expressing anger,increased rate and pitch during impatience, and so on (Addington, 1968;Bachorowski, & Owren, 1995; Davitz, 1964; Kramer, 1963; Perlmutter,Paddock, & Duke, 1985; Scherer, Koivumaki, & Rosenthal, 1972). Most ofthe research on vocal cues and emotional expression appears to indicate fiveconsistent findings:

1. Negative emotions are more accurately identified than positive feelings.

2. A listener’s ability to identify emotions in the voice is affected by thespeaker’s ability to encode feelings into his or her voice.

3. Those who monitor and control their own feelings can more accuratelyidentify the feelings of others through vocal cues.

4. When you are talking with another person from your own culture, it iseasier to identify the various vocal expressions.

5. Subtle feelings are harder to detect.

The third generalization may need some explanation. People who areconsidered high self-monitors (unusually aware or attentive toward what theydo) are much more sensitive to the vocal expressions of others. This probablyis a result of having practiced observing how they express their own emotionsand working to control the vocal cues. Knowing which vocal cues contributeto the expression of particular emotions has made them more competentjudges of others’ vocal expressions. High self-monitors not only surpass others

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in judging vocal expression but are also better at intentionally encoding certainemotions into the voice.

Scherer and Osinsky (1977) describe vocalic cues and the emotional stateassociated with them. Often these vocalic cues, not the content of the message,tell us what the other person truly means. Scherer and Osinsky and manyother vocalic writers have suggested there are certain cues associated with par-ticular vocalic emotional states. Based on the vocalic research, here are cuesthat are often associated with the emotions:

Sadness = slow tempos, low pitch, few harmonics, flat, little activity,bland, colorless

Anger = fast tempos, high pitch level, loudness, many harmonics, bitter,unpleasant, harsh

Disgust = slow tempos; many harmonics; flat, hard sound; little intona-tion; repulsive

Fear = pitch contour up, fast tempos, strident, discordant, inharmonious,piercing

Interest = even pitch, moderate tempos, moderate harmonics, lively, alert

Surprise = fast tempos, high pitch, up/down pitch, many harmonics, star-tled, stunned

Happiness = fast tempos, higher pitch variation, active, lively, animated,cheerful

Vocal Behavior and Personality

There has surely been a time when you formed impressions of others’ person-alities simply because of how their voices sound. You can probably think ofsomeone who talks too fast or whines, or whose voice constantly trembles.What do you generally think of people who have tense voices, breathy voices,deep raspy voices, or throaty voices? Are there any stereotypical judgments wemake about them? Consistent vocal quality of others’ speech is often associ-ated with particular personality characteristics. Let’s consider the extensivework conducted by Addington (1968).

Addington was extremely interested in whether vocal cues consistentlycreated stereotypical personality judgments about others. He identified ninequalities present in voices: breathiness, thinness, flatness, nasality, tenseness,throatiness, orotundity, increased rate, and increased pitch variety. Addingtonused in his research males and females considered to have these types of vocalqualities. The following is a brief, general summary of Addington’s findings.

BREATHINESS. A breathy voice is characterized by audible exhalation duringspeech. Although breathiness is not usually associated with males, there aremales whose voices have this quality. Generally, men with breathy voices areperceived by others as younger and more artistic. Extreme breathiness in malesmay often be associated with perceptions of effeminacy and homosexuality.

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Breathiness in females tends to elicit judgments of femininity and petiteness.Women with this vocal quality are perceived as prettier, more effervescent,more high-strung, and often more shallow.

THINNESS. For the most part, thinness of voice in males does not seem to beassociated highly with any particular personality judgments. For females,however, a somewhat different picture emerges. Women with thin voices aremore likely to be seen as socially and physically immature. They are alsoperceived as more immature emotionally and mentally. These perceptions ofimmaturity are generally considered to be negative judgments. However, twopositive perceptions were also associated with thinness in female voices: a bet-ter sense of humor and greater sensitivity.

FLATNESS. A flat voice, whether in a male or female, tends to be associatedwith the same perceptions. Flatness of voice for both sexes is more likely tocreate perceptions of masculinity and sluggishness. Furthermore, persons withflatter voices are seen as colder and more withdrawn.

NASALITY. There is probably no vocal quality that is considered less desirablein our culture than nasality. People who “talk through their noses” often areseen as not much fun. However, this is a common voice problem among NorthAmericans. According to Addington’s research, nasality in both males and fe-males provokes a wide array of socially negative perceptions, such as laziness,low intelligence, and boredom. This is not a good set of labels for anyone to bestuck with, unless, of course, you have no interest in having friends, a sociallife, or making a good impression during job interviews.

TENSENESS. If you tense the muscles in your throat and around your jaw,you will notice that as you speak, you are putting a strain on your voice. Vocaltenseness has also been found to relate to judgments others make of us. InAddington’s work, men were generally seen as older if they had tense voices.Furthermore, they were perceived to be less yielding in conversations. On theother hand, women were seen much differently. Voice tenseness in females wasmore likely to provoke perceptions of the speaker being younger, more emo-tional, more feminine, and more high-strung. Women with tense voices werealso perceived as less intelligent.

THROATINESS. The increased throatiness in the vocal quality of male voicestended to cause the judges in Addington’s study to stereotype them as older,more mature, and sophisticated. They were also seen as more realistic intheir outlook and better adjusted. What this seems to suggest is that throati-ness in males is a positive and desirable characteristic. For females, theperceptions caused by this vocal quality are almost exactly the opposite.These speakers were characterized as unemotional, ugly, boorish, lazy, more

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masculine, less intelligent, careless, inartistic, naive, neurotic, apathetic, hum-ble, and uninteresting.

OROTUNDITY. This quality refers to the robustness, clearness, and strength ofthe voice. Males with increased orotundity were perceived as energetic, moresophisticated, interesting, proud, enthusiastic, and artistic. The general percep-tions of males are that they are more expressive, open, and aesthetically driven.Many similar personality characteristics were attributed to females. Womenwith robust and strong voices were seen as more gregarious, livelier, and aes-thetically sensitive. According to Addington, however, they are also perceivedas humorless and proud.

INCREASED RATE. Addington’s research showed that increased vocal ratetended to create the same perceptions whether the speaker was male or fe-male. Essentially, speakers with faster rates of speech were seen as more ani-mated and extroverted than those who spoke at slower rates. That probablymeans that faster talkers are perceived as more socially oriented. Increasedrate, then, is a socially desirable characteristic of vocal behavior because itseems related to positive perceptions. Others have noted that increasedspeaking rate is related to perceptions of competence or credibility of thespeaker. People who can speak at quicker rates with few or no disfluencies inthe stream of speech may seem more sure of what they are saying and there-fore appear more confident (Kimble & Seidel, 1991; Markel, 1965).

INCREASED VARIETY IN PITCH. Judges in Addington’s study commonly identi-fied pitch variety as a feminine rather than a masculine behavior. Males gener-ally do not see the advantages that may result from incorporating variety intheir pitch. Addington’s findings indicate that males who used more pitch vari-ety were perceived as dynamic, effeminate, and aesthetically inclined. Femaleswere seen as more dynamic and extroverted.

Vocal Behavior and Learning

A major concern of scholars who study communication in the classroom envi-ronment is the impact of vocal behavior on student learning, comprehension,and retention of material. There is probably no worse enemy to the classroomteacher than a monotone voice. Our own research shows that having a mono-tone voice is more closely related to negative evaluations of teachers bystudents than any other factor. The monotone voice incorporates little varietyin vocal qualities during verbal utterances; monotone speakers have little or noinflectional variety or rate variety when speaking. Much like the dull moan ofdistant environmental sounds, monotonous speech tends to thwart the atten-tion and interest of listeners. One thing is certainly clear: People cannot learnanything that does not capture their attention. Monotone contributes nothingto a speaker’s presentation; in fact, it works against the presenter’s efforts tostimulate student attention (McCroskey, 2001; Richmond, 1996).

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Researchers and writers suggest that vocal variety, vocal clarity, and nat-ural-sounding voices contribute to the comprehension and later recall of pre-sented material. Seven decades ago, in one of the earliest empirical studies inthe field of communication, Woolbert (1920) showed that vocal variety intempo, force, and pitch contributed to higher retention of material. Morerecent studies have found that monotone actually reduces listeners’ compre-hension of orally delivered material (Markel, 1965). Others have even foundthat qualities such as nasality and breathiness hinder comprehension andretention. Being inarticulate or sounding unnatural can also hinder listeners’comprehension and recall (Addington, 1971; Kimble & Seidel, 1991;McCroskey, 2001; Sereno & Hawkins, 1967).

The impact of the rate of speech on learning has been studied extensively.It may surprise you to learn that, up to a point, increased rates tend to increasethe amount that listeners comprehend and later recall of oral presentations.Many experts believe we can process and comprehend information much morequickly than we can speak. For this reason, we often let our minds wanderbetween particular points the speaker is presenting. Should the speaker talk ata faster rate, there is less chance that we will turn our attention away from thespeaker’s presentation. Of course it is possible to talk too fast. Listeners maysimply be unwilling to put in the effort to stay with the extremely fast talker.Excessive speed may also conjure up the stereotype of the used-car salespersonand lead to reductions in perceived credibility (Addington, 1971; Kimble &Seidel, 1991; Markel, 1965; McCroskey, 2001; Mehrabian & Williams, 1969;Miller & Hewgill, 1964; Miller, Maruyama, Beaber, & Valone, 1976;Richmond, 2002).

Warm, positive vocal behavior of teachers is also important to classroomlearning. Positive vocal cues can serve to reinforce and encourage students toparticipate more actively in their own learning by talking more and seeking clar-ifications from their teachers. A teacher’s positive vocal cues tend to create posi-tive attitudes in the student toward the material and the teacher. Some researchindicates that positive vocal behavior contributes even more to improved inter-est and learning for lower-class than for middle-class students, althoughimprovement is generally seen in all social classes (Richmond, 1996, 2002).

Vocal behavior can enhance the clarity of verbal messages. The clarity ofa verbal message directly contributes to listeners’ abilities to understand oralpresentations. Verbal utterances are clear to listeners in part because thespeaker has used her or his vocal qualities to emphasize, accent, or point up cer-tain parts of the message. Vocal cues can signal to the listener which portionsmay be most important, for example. Vocal cues highlight, underline, boldface,or italicize words or phrases and subsequently contribute to the listeners’ abili-ties to retain the material (McCroskey, 2001).

Vocal Behavior and Persuasion

When we use the word persuasion, we are referring primarily to influencing theattitudes, values, and beliefs of others. Generally speaking, we can persuade by

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generating a new attitude in our listeners, reinforcing an attitude already held,or actually changing someone’s attitude from one orientation to another. Canvocal behavior ease our ability to influence others? Can the qualities and vocal-izations that surround what we say make the difference between changing andnot changing an attitude, between someone believing us, or between selling ornot selling a product? It should be obvious to you that many factors affect howwe influence others and that these factors often interact to enhance persuasion.However, much research has shown that vocal behavior plays an extremelyimportant role.

One study of vocal behavior and persuasion found that the speed withwhich we speak may influence our ability to persuade others. In short, thefaster we talk (within reason, of course), the more likely we are to influenceour listeners. Maybe there is something to the stereotype of the fast-talkingsalesperson. The probable explanation for this finding is that faster speechrates, as we noted before, are often associated with perceptions of competence,expertise, and intelligence. If we as listeners perceive those characteristics inspeakers, we are more likely to consider them credible sources and conse-quently to believe their messages (Addington, 1971; McCroskey, 2001;McCroskey & Richmond, 1996; Mehrabian & Williams, 1969; Sereno &Hawkins, 1967). Often, the perception we hold of others greatly affects theirability to influence us. Although studies have failed to find any relationshipbetween nonfluencies in a person’s speech and the person’s impact on attitudechange, several studies have found that nonfluencies influence ratings of somespeakers’ credibility. According to these researchers, such vocal nonfluenciesas tongue slips, stuttering, repetitions, and vocal buffers can harm perceptionsof the competence and dynamism of the speaker. Although these studies havenot demonstrated an immediate impact on persuasion, because they found thenonfluencies hurt a speaker’s credibility, it is likely that these negative impres-sions of credibility would affect the speaker’s persuasiveness (Addington,1971; Kramer, 1963; Mehrabian & Williams, 1969; Miller, Maruyama,Beaber, & Valone, 1976).

Vocal Behavior and Attractiveness

Zuckerman and Driver (1989) conducted two studies that examined theimpact of attractiveness of voice on listeners. Their assumption was “that indi-vidual differences in vocal attractiveness may elicit different impressions ofpersonality” (p. 28). They found that listeners agreed on what the vocallyattractive voice was. Zuckerman and Driver also found they agreed thatspeakers with more attractive voices were rated more favorably than speakerswith less attractive voices. Attractive voices were perceived as dominant, like-able, and achievement-oriented (Semic, 1999).

Vocal Behavior and Confidence

It has been a given for years that if a speaker sounds confident, he or she willbe perceived as confident. There are many ways in which a speaker can

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122 C H A P T E R 6 Vocal Behavior

demonstrate confidence in what he or she is saying. It is often done with ver-bal statements such as “I am positive of this,” “I know this well,” and “I amthe expert in this area.” It is also possible to display confidence through non-verbal means, such as by speaking faster, louder, more forcibly, and with dom-inance. Kimble and Seidel (1991) studied two paralinguistic variables, vocalloudness and response latency, to determine whether they were associated withperceived speaker confidence in answers to trivia questions. Their resultsshowed the following: When people are confident in what they are saying,they exude confidence vocally and verbally. This confidence is shown bylouder speech and faster response times. The more assertive a person is, themore likely he or she will respond with confidence. And confident responseswere given more loudly, more enthusiastically, and more energetically.Therefore, to appear more confident, we should speak confidently.

Vocal Characteristics of Good Delivery

In another book, one directed toward presentational speaking, we summarizedresearch and theory relating to the use of voice in such communication(McCroskey, 2001). We concluded there were six specific vocal qualities thatmay directly affect your ability to be a persuasive speaker. Because these qual-ities are valuable beyond the narrow confines of presentational speaking, werepeat them here.

1. First, volume control is essential, considering the audience for and circum-stances of your speaking. It is important to realize that you should speakloudly enough to be heard but not so loudly that you will overpower your

Female Signals

were more attracted to a higher pitch.From this research, it appears that womensubconsciously heighten their pitch levelsduring high-fertility phases to attractmales. Other subconscious signals mayalso do this. Durante, Li, and Haselton(2008) found that women dress moreseductively during their high-fertilityphase.

Bryant, G. A,., & Haselton, M. G. (2009).

Vocal cues of ovulation in human females.

Biology Letters, 5, 12–15.

The question for the researchers was whetherhuman females send subconscious “signals”to their male counterparts that they are inthe high-fertility phase of their ovulationcycle. The theoretical issue was that othermammals to do this through visual or olfac-tory means. The researchers collected twosets of vocal samples from 69 women. Thetwo samples were from a low-fertility phaseand a high-fertility phase. Bryant andHaselton found that the women’s pitch washigher during the high-fertility phase. Inrelated research, Jones, Feinberg, DeBruine,Little, and Vukovic (2008) found that males

Effects of Vocal Behavior 123

audience. Loudness of voice is actually relative. What is too loud or toosoft depends on where and to whom you are speaking. The point to re-member is that talking too loudly can offend or turn off your listeners, andnot speaking loudly enough can also irritate them. They will eventuallygive up trying to understand you, ending your chances for influencingthem.

2. We have already discussed the rate of speech as a factor that affects yourability to persuade others. Although it does appear that faster ratesenhance your persuasiveness, you can reach a point of diminishingreturns. A good rate is characterized by speech that is rapid enough tohold attention and yet slow enough for the audience to digest one ideabefore the audience receives another idea. Most of us can speak at 140 to160 words per minute. Most of us can successfully absorb content fromthose who speak within the 140 to 160 words-per-minute range. If someone speaks too slowly, we lose interest. If someone speaks tooquickly—imagine a professional auctioneer as a manager or instructor, forexample—we cannot retain the content because we get left behind in therate of words.

3. A third important quality of voice is the use of pitch to clarify and accen-tuate the important points of the verbal message. To ensure that you arestimulating the desired meaning, you must incorporate appropriate varia-tions of pitch in your messages. Remember that monotones are no fun.Monotonous speech is uninteresting and, according to some, difficult tolisten to. Whether the pitch is too high, too low, or somewhere in the mid-dle range, remaining at the same level with little or no inflectional changemay require your listeners to exert too much effort to pay attention.

4. Good articulation is a fourth element of the voice to consider in yourpersuasive messages. Poor articulation or misarticulation can indirectlyaffect your ability to persuade others because it can work against listen-ers’ perceptions of your competence, intelligence, and expertise. Our cul-ture values good articulation and looks with disdain on those who donot appropriately articulate their words. What is good articulation? Sucharticulation merely includes all the sounds that normally should be in aword without stressing them too much. If you can speak a word withoutcalling undue attention to how you say it, you are articulating appropri-ately. However, if you slur or butcher your words, you may cause othersto conclude that you are careless with other aspects of your messageas well.

5. Speech that persuades others should also be fluent, the fifth importantvocal quality. Fluent speech is speech that flows smoothly. A nonfluentutterance, as you may recall, includes vocal activity such as hesitations,vocal buffers, repetitions, stutters, and conspicuous pauses. We have al-ready suggested that these vocal cues can negatively affect your listener’sperceptions of your credibility.

Glossary of Terminology

124 C H A P T E R 6 Vocal Behavior

6. Finally, effective pauses can be used to call attention to particular ideas. Asilent pause just before or after a statement can make that statement seemvery important, a key element of your message. Unfilled pauses used instrategic locations can enhance a speech. However, filled pauses, thosethat interrupt the smooth flow of messages, serve no useful purpose buttend only to detract from fluency. They may signal that you are graspingfor ideas that are not there and consequently may cause your listeners toconclude that you were not prepared to deliver the persuasive message.

Accent refers to the different wayswords are said. An accent is thus aparalinguistic concern.Dialect is the use of different wordsto reference similar meanings. Dialectis thus a concern of linguistics.Filled pauses are interruptions inthe stream of speech content that arefilled with audible sounds such as uh,er, ah, stuttering, and even slips ofthe tongue or repetitions.Response latency is the time that ittakes a person to begin speakingafter another stops.Sarcasm is saying one thing andcommunicating something else.Turn-denying behavior, or back-channel cues, are used by listenersto signal that they do not wish tospeak. These cues occur most oftenwhen the listener has nothing to saywhen the speaker begins to yield theturn.Turn-maintaining cues are used byspeakers to signal listeners that theywant to keep the floor.Turn-requesting cues show othersthat it is our time to speak or that wewant to enter the conversation.Turn-taking in conversationsinvolves the following four techniques:

turn-maintaining, turn-yielding, turn-requesting, and turn-denying.Turn-yielding behavior is used tosignal that we are finished speakingand wish to prompt our listeningpartner to speak.Unfilled pauses, or silence, are peri-ods when vocal activity stops duringthe spoken utterance.Vocal characterizers are nonlan-guage sounds such as laughing, crying, whimpering, giggling, snickering, and sobbing.Vocal qualifiers are similar to voicequalities but are considered sepa-rately for one main reason: Whereasvoice qualities usually modify anentire stream of speech, vocal quali-fiers qualify or regulate specific por-tions of the utterance. In otherwords, qualifiers provide varietywithin a spoken sentence. Vocalqualifiers include intensity, pitchheight, and extent.Vocal segregates include manycommon filler sounds such as uh-uh-uh, er, ah, and even seemingwords such as and-ah, and you know.Vocalics or paralanguage is thestudy of the communicative value ofvocal behavior. Paralanguage

Glossary of Terminology 125

includes all oral cues in the stream ofspoken utterances except the wordsthemselves.Vocalizations are audible vocal cuesthat do not have the structure of lan-guage and may or may not beaccompanied by spoken words.Voice printing is similar to finger-printing in that a person can beidentified by unique characteristicsand qualities in her or his voice.

Voice qualities are characteristicsincluding tempo, resonance, rhythmcontrol, articulation control, pitchcontrol, glottis control, vocal lipcontrol, and pitch range. Voicequalities are modifications of the vocalcues that accompany spoken words.Voice set is closely related to whothe speaker is; such informationhelps us to interpret the speaker’swords more accurately.

7CHAPTERSpace and Territoriality

Look around you. Are you in yourspace or in someone else’s? If you arein your own, take note of how you

have claimed it. What have you done to tellothers, “this desk is mine”? Take a walk upand down your street. How do your neigh-bors communicate their claim to theirspace? Do they use fencing, hedges, signs,or unique little markers to enhance the di-viding line between their territory and therest of the world?

Human beings, much like other ani-mals, seem to have a need to claim and

126

Red Shirt Supporters protesting throughout the streets of Bangkok.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

Phenomenon of Territoriality 127

stake out space to call our own. We defend territory, invade that of others, putdistance between others and ourselves, and avoid using certain spaces. As aculture, we use our space differently from how other cultures use theirs. As in-dividuals, we differ in how we use space depending on our age, gender, person-ality, and background. How we use space, claim it, defend it, or allow othersto enter it has much to do with the nonverbal messages we transmit.

Whether we realize it or not, we spend a great deal of time negotiating thespace we share with our fellow human beings. The difference between war andpeace, success and failure, good relationships and bad, often involves how we usespace. The way we interact spatially with others and the respect we show for oth-ers’ sacred spots or space can be critical components in effective communication.

Furthermore, our ignorance of the spatial needs or behavior of othersdoes not excuse our abuse or misuse of space. Effective interaction requires thatwe understand not only our own spatial behavior but also that of others. Thestudy of how we use and communicate with space is called proxemics. Use ofspace and territory is highly related to culture. To a major degree, we cannotfully understand the use of space and territory without understanding culture,and we cannot fully understand culture without understanding use of space andterritory. The way a person uses space, then, is determined by the dictates ofthat individual’s cultural values. Although humans have an innate tendency toexpress territorial and spatial behavior, the specific ways they go about doing soare learned (Hall, 1963, 1966, 1968, 1973, 1983; Shuter, 1976; Watson, 1970).

The work of anthropologists like Edward Hall leads us to believe that amajor way a culture can be distinguished is by its proxemic patterns. Thiswork also shows that spatial norms are learned to such an extent that they be-come habitual and unconscious. That is, once we learn the appropriate dis-tance between interactants, we do not have to continually remember to main-tain this distance with every new conversation. However, when we go to adifferent culture, we may have to learn a new set of spatial norms.

This chapter discusses the concept of proxemics in three basic ways.First, the phenomenon of territoriality is presented. Second, the concept of per-sonal space is discussed. Third, we consider the areas of proxemics called“crowding” and “density.”

PHENOMENON OF TERRITORIALITY

Most of the research on territoriality, and conclusions subsequently drawn,has been based upon studies with different species. You are probably aware ofthe many accounts of territorial behavior in a variety of species, particularlythose of dogs and cats. You may also have a pet that daily exhibits some formof territoriality in and around your home. Dogs, for example, are known tourinate on objects at the boundaries of their owner’s property and defendthose boundaries from invasion by other dogs. Wolves mark their territory asdo dogs. Cats will do the same thing, but inside their owner’s house. They alsorub up against their owner’s legs as a way of marking their owners. Bears willrub up against a tree or claw a tree as a sign of ownership.

In the animal kingdom, territory serves several functions. Two primary rea-sons animals claim and defend territory are to ensure a food supply and to pro-vide an area for mating. Often female animals will only mate with those maleswho have marked certain prime territory. Because ownership of the better territo-ry is a sign of the smartest and strongest of the animal world, only the best canbreed. This selection process can help keep the population density of certain ani-mals deemed undesirable to a minimum. Those who have studied intensively theterritorial behavior of animals contend that territoriality is innate behavior thathas been developed and fine-tuned through the process of evolution.

Humans also exhibit behaviors that are considered territorial in nature,though humans are called on to defend our territory much less frequently. Weuse different methods to mark our territories. Territory is such an important partof our lives that we have created numerous laws to protect all of our territories,from the physical space of our yards and homes to possessions we carry with us.In addition, laws about false imprisonment, assault, trespassing, and nuisances(barking dogs, loud parties) have been created (Hickson & Self, 2003).

128 C H A P T E R 7 Space and Territoriality

Biological Foundations of Territoriality: Nonverbal Communication, Language, and the Law

territory becomes equivalent to allowingfor immediacy because the infant likes theperson or what the person is going to do.Eventually the child learns to predict whatthe parent intends to do. Thus, when it be-comes time to go to bed and the parentcomes toward the child, he or she may re-sist—anchoring himself or herself. In soci-ety, we have a more complex version be-cause we cannot always wait untileveryone becomes socialized to territorialclaims. For that reason, norms, how most ofus act, are transformed into laws. We learnthat we cannot kidnap another person, wecannot lock them up, we cannot hold themagainst their will, nor can we break intotheir homes.The authors point out that thelaws, though, are created out of norms,and many of the norms are biological andnatural.

Hickson, M. III, & Self, W. R. (2003). Biological

foundations of territoriality: Nonverbal communi-

cation, language, and the law. Journal of

Intercultural Communication Research, 32,

265–283.

While certainly much of our concept ofterritory is cultural, the authors of this ar-ticle claim that there is still a significantpart of it that is natural and inborn. Theauthors indicate that laws about territoryhave been created to support what is natu-ral. Unlike some other animals, humansare somewhat restricted in movementwhen we are born.Therefore, our initial at-tempts to utilize territorial concepts(schemata) are vocalic. A cry may mean,“Come here, change my diaper!” or it maymean “Bring me some food!”With infants,the parents, then, are concerned abouttheir children “learning” to talk, to go tothe bathroom (in a certain place), and towalk. In essence, each of these abilitiesprovides the infant with more independ-ence. Anchoring themselves becomes a non-verbal equivalent to “I am not going tomove” as a verbal statement. It may mean,simply “stop!” It means “do not feed meanymore” or “don’t touch me.”Thus, quiteearly in life, the infant understands theconcepts of anchor versus move. For theinfant, allowing another person into their

Whereas territoriality for animals is quite active and often necessary forsurvival, in humans this behavior is often primarily passive. Humanterritoriality is the presumptive claim by one or more persons of a geographicarea with or without a formal legal basis for that claim. The claim is mostcommonly established through continuous occupation of that area (Ardrey,1966; Baxter, 1970; Becker & Mayo, 1971; Edney, 1976; Hall, 1963, 1968,1983; Lyman & Scott, 1967).

The territory of humans is semifixed or fixed space whose perceivedowners can move in and out of it without giving up their claim to it. It isclaimed, staked out in some way, and defended against encroachment.Furthermore, those claims are generally respected by other people.

Categories of Territory

Territories have been classified into several types by Altman (1975) and Lymanand Scott (1967). We will consider these six types: primary, secondary, public,home, interactional, and body.

1. Primary territory. Territory considered to be the exclusive domain of itsowner is called primary territory. Your dormitory room, or at least yourside of it, is your primary territory. Other examples include personal of-fices, Dad’s chair, and Mom’s study. If the territory is used by its ownervirtually every day, then it would fall into this category. Primary territo-ries are most often respected by others and most often are not violated byencroachers without the permission of the owner. There is little doubtabout who the rightful claimant is.

2. Secondary territory. This type of territory usually is not central to thedaily functioning of the owner. It is not under the owner’s exclusive con-trol. However, a secondary territory is generally associated with a partic-ular person or group frequently seen in and around it. As an example, youcan probably think of a popular meeting place, such as a bar or restau-rant, that is frequented by a certain group. Possibly this group even sits atthe same table every time it patronizes the establishment. In fact, the tableis so closely associated with the group that it is perceived as its territory.Unlike primary territories, secondary territories are more vulnerable to in-vasion and takeover by others. They are more difficult to hold onto be-cause the perceived owner does not generally use and control this spacewith the same frequency as he or she does primary space.

Take, for example, the big-screen television in the family room. If Dadis disposed to sit in his chair and watch television every evening, the televi-sion may be seen as his secondary territory. However, it is more likely thatthere will be conflicts regarding who gets to use the remote control (second-ary territory) than about who sits in Dad’s chair (primary territory).

3. Public territory. The third type of territory identified is public territory,which is open to anyone and is seldom under the constant control of anyone person or group. It is, however, subject to temporary ownership andis often protected with as much vigor as personal property. Spring break

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may have found you among the many students at one of the beaches ofFlorida, Texas, California, or Mexico. If so, you may recall how individ-uals stake out and claim a small portion of the sand for themselves, ifonly for the day. CD players, towels, umbrellas, bottles of suntan oil,sunglasses, coolers with food and drink, and books are placed in strate-gic locations to tell other vacationers, “Find another place in the sun!This space is taken.”

Other examples of public territory include parking spaces, theaterseats, restaurant tables, library tables, park benches, bus stop shelters,and many other public properties that can be temporarily owned. It iswith public territories that most disputes over ownership occur. They arethe most difficult of all territories to maintain control. How often haveyou pulled into the parking lot at a shopping mall, spotted a parkingspace, and then, just before you reached it, seen someone else slip inahead of you? Although this space is for anyone, you probably felt youhad been wronged because some jerk took your space.

4. Home territory. When a group of people “colonizes” a public territoryby taking it over and using it continuously, it becomes home territory.Regular patrons of a neighborhood bar, gangs operating on particularstreets or in urban districts, and children who claim a huge elm tree forclub meetings all represent groups who have taken a public place andmade it their own. The major characteristic of home territory is that theclaimants have a sense of freedom in terms of their behavior, and theircontrol over the territory is somewhat continuous. Although the territorytechnically remains public, it functionally becomes secondary territory. Itwould be common for the owners to feel as comfortable and intimate intheir home territories as they would in their own homes.

5. Interactional territory. Special places, called interactional territories, candevelop wherever people congregate for social exchange. Although theremay be no visible boundary markers for these conversational zones, theyexist nonetheless. Consider two people standing in the middle of a hall-way carrying on a conversation with one another. Have you ever noticedhow passersby go to great lengths to avoid intruding? Rarely does some-one pass between these interactants. To do so would constitute a grossviolation of the interactional territory of those conversing. At socialfunctions, such as parties or holiday open houses, one can usually ob-serve pockets of four or five people engaged in communication. We referto these spatial settings as communication clusters or cliques. These indi-viduals have established an interactional territory. Newcomers to the in-teraction are expected to approach cautiously and often apologetically,realizing that they are guests of the owners of this arbitrary turf.

6. Body territory. Also known as personal space, body territory, unlike othertypes of territory, is portable; we carry it with us everywhere we go. Thinkof this personal space as an invisible bubble surrounding one’s body. It isthe individual’s most inviolate form of territory. Strict control is maintainedby the owner, and defense is usually not required because most people have

130 C H A P T E R 7 Space and Territoriality

great respect for the personal space of others. We discuss personal space inmore detail later in this chapter as a special topic of proxemics.

Territorial Defense and Encroachment

TERRITORIAL DEFENSE. Territorial defense can involve one of two primarymethods. The first is preventive measures. The second method is reaction, whichwe will discuss shortly. Prevention is the action someone takes before encroach-ment occurs (Greenberg & Firestone, 1977; Scheflen, 1976; Scherer, 1974;Sommer, 1959, 1969; Watson, 1970). We will now consider the four preventivemethods of territorial defense: markers, labels, offensive display, and tenure.

Markers are usually personal artifacts like backpacks, purses, umbrellas,overcoats, books, hats, and briefcases used to mark ownership of space. Thismethod involves individuals staking out their territories by using markers toestablish boundaries (Lyman & Scott, 1967). Sommer (1959) contends thatfor “markers to be effective in preventing encroachment, the object must beperceived as a marker and not as litter. This requires the item to have eithersymbolic meaning or some intrinsic value” (p. 53). That is, the potential en-croacher must perceive the marker as an indication that someone, not justsomething, has laid claim to the space in question. The more personal themarker, the less likely it is to be moved (Becker, 1973; Fisher & Byrne, 1975;Guerrero, DeVito, & Hecht, 1999; Hughes & Goldman, 1978; McAndrew,Ryckman, Horr, & Soloman, 1978).

A bartender once showed one of the authors an effective method of re-serving a table or place at a bar. He told him to buy a drink and place it at thetable he wanted to reserve, with a napkin or drink stirrer placed over the top ofthe glass. Sure enough, just as he had suggested, the table with his or her mark-er was still empty when all of the other tables were occupied. Only then did acouple venture to sit there, and they carefully avoided sitting right where thedrink was placed. We can’t guarantee that this reservation method will alwayswork (Schaffer & Sadowski, 1975). When we are possessing such a space as arestaurant table, we also sometimes feel that we have been “invaded” by theserver. How often does a server need to ask whether we need anything? Manyservers do not possess the nonverbal sensitivity to understand that the cus-tomers are having a serious conversation. Some restaurants have created amarker: a coaster with red on one side and green on the other. The red tells theserver, “Don’t bother us,” and the green says “We need something.”

Labels include signs saying Keep Out, Go Away, Attack Dogs onPremises, or Reserved, or even names placed on office doors, pens, computers,computer disks, and so on. What labels have you observed other people using?

Offensive displays include individuals’ use prevention as a form of terri-torial defense is through a combination of assertive postures, stances, stares,and gestures. This method reflects the old adage that the best defense is a goodoffense. Offensive display simply calls for the owner to look aggressive andformidable to potential encroachers. One major drawback of this preventivemeasure is that the individual obviously must be present within the territory,

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whereas markers can hold spaces in the owner’s absence. Another drawback,according to Sommer, is that in some situations offensive displays can backfire.Let’s illustrate this point. Suppose you are one of the first passengers aboardan airplane, train, or bus with open seating. You settle into a window seat andhope that no one will decide to sit next to you. As the other passengers comeaboard, you incorporate in your posture and position some behaviors that youhope others perceive as formidable. Sommer suggests that you will probablybe quite successful at driving away the timid and introverted individuals, butthis may leave you with a seat mate who is overbearing and highly aggressivebecause he or she perceived no potential threat in your offensive display. Whatoffensive displays have you observed other people using?

Tenure indicates that people who have become associated with a partic-ular territory over a long period can effectively lay claim to that territory.Sommer (1959) states:

Their rights to this space will be supported by their neighbors evenwhen they are not physically present. At a meeting it is not surprisingto find a newcomer cautioned against sitting in a certain chair at thetable (p. 52).

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People mark and claim territory in a variety of ways. Vendors on the streets ofBangkok, Thailand, return to same place on the sidewalks each afternoon, selling itemsthroughout the evening.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

A new employee recently related an incident in which she unknowinglyoffended another, more veteran employee. She had just been transferred fromanother part of the company and, being the new person in the employee’slounge, had no knowledge of the unspoken rules and norms the more experi-enced employees had established long before. After a long morning, sheretired to the lounge for a brief respite. Upon entering, she spotted a largecushioned chair in the corner, unoccupied. She could not imagine why noneof the other employees present had taken this inviting place to relax. Shegladly crossed over to the chair and sat. A coworker quickly warned herto find another seat in case Mrs. Jones entered. Before she could ask whoMrs. Jones was, an older woman appeared at the door. Mrs. Jones had ar-rived. The new employee quickly learned that she had taken the wrongchair. Later, her coworker told her that Mrs. Jones had claimed that chairsince before anyone could remember. The new employee noted that it tookthree months before Mrs. Jones would speak to her and stop giving her theevil eye.

Having reviewed the four preventive techniques of territorial defense,consider the second primary method, reaction. This method of defense is im-portant if prevention has failed. When our territories are encroached on byothers, we become physiologically aroused. When we become aroused becauseof encroachment, we label that arousal as either positive or negative. That is,not all encroachment is interpreted as a bad thing. Sometimes it makes us feelgood, relieved, or comfortable, as often happens with two close companions.At other times, however, encroachment is interpreted negatively because it cre-ates stress, anxiety, or even embarrassment.

Depending on whether we decide that the arousal caused by encroach-ment is positive or negative, our reaction will take one of two forms. If we seethe encroachment as positive, we will reciprocate. This means essentially thatwe encroach on the person who encroached on us, also in some positive way.For example, John finally gets up the nerve to put his arm around Heatherwhile watching a movie. Heather interprets this encroachment positively andreciprocates by resting her head on John’s shoulder. Often, however, we per-ceive the encroachment negatively. There are three general types of encroach-ment that we usually perceive negatively: violation, invasion, and contamination(VIC) (Lyman & Scott, 1967).

Types of Negative Encroachment

Violation is the unwarranted use of someone’s territory. Unlike invasion, viola-tion usually is temporary in nature. The encroacher uses someone’s sacred spotwithout permission. While Dad is out, little Sonya feels free to sit in his chair.A major complaint of many college students about their roommates is that theroommates use their car, DVD player, hair dryer, clothes, or television withoutfirst getting permission. Newlywed couples often have difficulty adjusting tomarried life because, for the first time in their lives, someone encroaches ontheir possessions regularly.

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Invasion is a drastic and permanent encroachment in which the invaderactually crosses the territorial boundaries of another with the intention oftaking over and keeping the territory. When an invasion occurs, the en-croacher imposes her or his physical presence on the territory of the ownerand usually wants to propel that owner out. Of course, an invasion canoccur on a large or small scale. One country invading another to expand itsown territorial boundaries represents a large-scale invasion. On the otherhand, the school bully who invades the area of the playground claimed byothers illustrates a small-scale invasion (Fisher & Byrne, 1975; Hughes &Goldman, 1978).

Invasions may take on rather subtle forms as well. Two people sharing atable in a restaurant usually claim parts of that table as their own. It is com-mon in instances such as this for one person to slowly move an object—thewater glass, for example, or salad plate—into the space of the other to increasethe share of space.

Contamination is rendering the territory of another person impure withrespect to its definition and usage. As one student so aptly put it, “This meansgoing into someone’s territory and stinking up the place.” It is not so much en-croaching with your physical presence as it is leaving something of yours in theterritory.

Blocking involves another person occupying the territory you need inorder to move from one place to another. Whether they are acting intention-ally or not, we feel that these people are standing or sitting in our way. Thisis what happens when we are in a traffic jam. Others are blocking our pathto get where we want to be. Long lines at the grocery serve the same func-tion. Some of us, especially those of us with type A personalities, becomequite irritated about blocking. “Road rage” has even been used as an excusefor murder.

Encroachment Reactions

When our territory has been encroached on either through invasion, violation,contamination, or blocking, and we interpret that encroachment negatively,we may compensate or adjust our behavior in several different ways. Negativeencroachment prompts classic flight-or-fight responses. These responses canbe classified as withdrawal, insulation, turf defense, or linguistic collusion(Lyman & Scott, 1967).

Withdrawal means that we compensate by moving away from the en-croacher and letting her or him take over. In short, we flee without a fight. Thisis the classic flight response, a normal reaction to something frightening.Although most encroachment does not actually create fear, what we may fear iswhat will happen if we make a fuss (in other words, fight). We are most likelyto find withdrawal the best form of reaction when someone invades a publicterritory that we have occupied temporarily. If someone sits too close to us on apark bench, we will likely move over or get up and walk away rather thanask the encroacher to move. One study conducted in a library showed that

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when invaders encroached on the tables of students who were studying, everystudent moved to another location rather than actively defend the territory(Greenberg & Firestone, 1977; Hall, 1983).

Insulation is a second type of reaction of owners whose territory is in-vaded. This response can be thought of as sophisticated fighting. When weperceive others encroaching on our territory, we may build formidable bound-aries to stop them. These may take the form of markers, as discussed earlier, orbody movements and gestures that block the invaders’ advances. While attend-ing a conference in Chicago, one of the authors boarded a city bus to see thesights. The behavior of the other bus riders became more fascinating, however.Sitting across the aisle was an elderly woman with a package and an overcoatresting in her lap. The seats on each side of her were vacant. At the next stop,several passengers came aboard. Noticing that they were looking for places tosit, the woman placed her package on the one side and her coat on the other.The unfortunate newcomers stood while the elderly woman sat quite content-ed that she had insulated herself from potential encroachers.

Insulation often is accomplished by use of markers. Some markers aremore effective than others. A study was conducted in which personal and nonpersonal markers were used to protect areas of a study hall in a school.Personal markers such as sports jackets and combinations of pens, notebooks,and textbooks seemed to signal potential invaders that someone would return.On the other hand, nonpersonal markers such as magazines and newspapers

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Good fences make very good neighbors.

often were ignored. The personal marker could hold off encroachers for aslong as two hours, whereas randomly scattered magazines worked for onlythirty-two minutes (Bell & Barnard, 1984; Conigliaro, Cullerton, Flynn, &Rueder, 1989; Greenberg & Firestone, 1977; Hughes & Goldman, 1978;McAndrew, Ryckman, Horr, & Soloman, 1978).

The gender associated with markers may also be important. Some re-search has found that feminine markers are not as effective at discouraging en-croachment as are masculine markers. In one study, tables in barroomsmarked with women’s sweaters, purses, and jackets were taken over more fre-quently and in less time by arriving customers than were tables marked withmasculine objects. This outcome, of course, may be the simple result of the as-sumption that males would be more likely to react in an assertive or aggressivemanner when their territory is invaded.

Turf defense is the third type of reaction to a territorial invasion and isclosest to the classic fight response. This is the most active form of defenseavailable. Turf defense calls for the owner to expel the invader from her or histerritory. Children often play a game called King of the Mountain. This usual-ly involves one individual claiming a piece of high ground, such as a mound orsmall hill, and protecting it from approaching invaders from all directions. Theobject of the game is to keep control of the mountain by fighting off intruders.One wins the game by taking the high territory and keeping it. Turf defense isan adult version of King of the Mountain.

Turf defense is also seen among other animal species. It is represented bya dog fight, for example. For humans, however, this reaction to encroachmentgenerally is used as a last resort. Fighting back, repelling, and standing one’sground are most common in situations where the invasion is intense and per-sistent or the territory is unusually highly valued. Highly desirable territoriesmay cause many of us to forgo social etiquette and, instead, give in to a moreselfish disposition to obtain or retain the best territories. Less desirable territorymay be seen as not worth the fight.

In addition to the physical space itself, Goffman (1971) has indicatedthat there are secondary issues involved with our turf. For example, we mayfind staring to be an invasion of our space. Auditory interference, too, isconsidered a violation of our space. For example, when a person is at arestaurant, and another customer receives a cell phone call with a loud ringand begins a loud conversation, we consider that a violation. Most teachersstrongly object to cell phones and other electronic devices ringing in theirclassrooms. Certain olfactory elements (smells) may also be considered an in-vasion of one’s territory.

Linguistic collusion involves a complex set of processes by which the ter-ritorial integrity of the group is reaffirmed, and the intruder is labeled as anoutsider (Lyman & Scott, 1967, p. 249). The people defending the space mayengage the intruders or outsiders in a conversation, with gestures and move-ments that are designed to confuse or make invaders feel as if they were out-siders (or do not belong). Defending interactants will often speak in languagethat is unfamiliar or foreign to the intruder. Often defending interactants will

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speak louder, longer, and more harshly, using outrageous gestures that tell theintruder that he or she does not belong. Many times the intruder will simplyleave the space because the linguistic collusion is too much to deal with.

Factors Influencing Territorial Defense

Several factors influence the defense of territory. These determine the defensivemethods we use and the success or failure of those methods. Knapp and Hall(1992) suggest that the intensity of our reactions to encroachment dependsmostly on seven considerations:

1. Who violated our territory?2. Why did he or she violate our territory?3. What type of territory was it?4. How was the violation accomplished?5. How long did the encroachment last?6. Do we expect further violations in the future?7. Where did the violation occur?

You would probably react more forcefully if the invader were a lower-status person. On the other hand, at work you might tolerate and endure intru-sions of your manager, for example. You are also less likely to react aggressively

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In Bangkok, glass shards cemented in the top of a wall keep the unwanted visitors away.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

with a friend than with a stranger. Furthermore, you may choose to withdrawfrom a public space when encroached on but insulate or actively defend aprimary, more private territory. You may realize that the encroachment was un-intentional or could not be helped, in which case you would react less forcefullyor decide to tolerate it. Small children, for example, do not understand the ideaof territoriality as it applies to others (however, they react when others invadetheir territory).

The intensity with which someone invades a territory usually affects howthe owner reacts. One investigation showed that if invaders intrude and simplymove the belongings of the occupant of a public space, the occupant will usu-ally withdraw. The study also indicated that when invaders approached andsat across from an occupant, withdrawal rarely occurred. It is more commonto resort to withdrawal if one is encroached on quickly and aggressively inpublic settings. A quick response is called for, and retreat is simpler than anyother response. Only people with strong aggressive and defensive tendenciesare likely to react differently. Gradual intrusion is less likely to be seen asthreatening because it is not so startling. Therefore a more reasoned responseis likely.

Another factor influencing territorial invasion and defense is density con-ditions. Under high-density conditions, territorial defense is less effective thanin low-density conditions. The reason for this is simple. The more people thereare, the less space there is available per person, and therefore the less likely itis that any individual can hold on to a larger amount of space. We considerdensity in more detail later in this chapter.

PERSONAL SPACE

Although territoriality is seen as a fixed area of space, personal space is an in-visible bubble that surrounds us and expands or contracts depending on per-sonalities, situations, and types of relationships. Furthermore, personal spaceis portable; we take it everywhere we go.

The two major considerations about the variability of personal space areas follows: (1) appropriate use of space is socially learned though communica-tion with other people in our culture; and (2) our choices of space distancingcommunicate information about ourselves, our relationships, and our needs.With these considerations in mind, let’s consider the many factors that influ-ence the invisible bubbles or space cushions we carry with us constantly(Becker & Mayo, 1971; Hall, 1983; Sommer, 1959, 1969; Watson, 1970).

Interpersonal Distance

The work of Hall (1963, 1966, 1968, 1973, 1983) suggests that the type ofinterpersonal relationship in which we are involved affects the distance weplace between ourselves and others. Our comfort level during interactiondepends on our spatial orientation with others and their relationships to us.Hall describes four interpersonal distance zones that are characterized by the

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type of communication relationship involved. It should be noted that Hall’sdistance zones represent U.S. norms and are still in use today. Other culturesdiffer considerably regarding their distance norms. The four interpersonal dis-tance zones are intimate, casual-personal, socio-consultive, and public.

The intimate zone of our personal space bubble represents the innermostinteraction region. It ranges from touching to a distance of 18 inches. Thiszone usually is reserved for the few special people in our lives. Lovers, veryclose friends, and intimate family members are the only ones we voluntarilyallow into this zone for any length of time. We often find ourselves in publicplaces and situations, such as crowded elevators or long waiting lines, wherecomplete strangers or children with no awareness of appropriate interpersonaldistances encroach on the intimate zone. Although these generally are brief en-counters, they can be very stressful. Our desire may be to push those peopleaway, but the situation demands that we tolerate the intrusion. You might,then, follow Hall’s standard of 18 inches and add six more inches. In this wayyou will rarely if ever be accused of invading another person’s intimate zone.

The casual-personal zone is the next region of our personal space bubble.It ranges from 18 inches to about four feet. The casual-personal distance isused during conversations with close friends and interactions with relatives.Longtime business associates often are permitted into this range because wesee them as friends.

Most of the people we encounter are expected to remain in the socio-consultive zone. Ranging from four to eight feet, this region of personal spaceis often the distance at which we transact business. Salespeople are oftentrained to keep within the socio-consultive area in dealing with potential buy-ers. A stroll through a corporate office complex reveals that, when business isthe topic of discussion, the socio-consultive distance usually is strictly ob-served. When the topic turns to casual or personal matters, it is quite commonto see the interactants move closer to one another.

The socio-consultive distance is also used when teachers communicatewith older students, with other teachers, and parents or principals. Teachers ofyoung children, however, learn quickly that little children have no sense ofthese interaction zones (Fry & Willis, 1971).

The public zone represents the outer region of our interaction space bub-ble. This zone begins at eight feet and extends to the outer limits of interactionpotential. The outer limit can vary depending on the situation. At a publicspeech, for example, it is quite possible to have several thousand people present,and because of state-of-the-art technology, they are all within the public zone.

Gender Differences

Gender is a major factor influencing personal space. Females, for instance,tend to interact with others more closely than do males. However, male-to-female dyads interact more closely than either male-to-male or female-to-female dyads. Other studies have shown that the relationship between genderand personal space is dependent on other factors. Females allow others to

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approach them from the sides more closely than from the front, whereas malesallow the opposite. At least one study, however, has found the results reversed.It would also appear that the degree of the acquaintance and the social settingalso affect gender and personal space. Females approach their best friends veryclosely; males approach people they consider to be just friends.

Other nonverbal behavior has been found to affect the relationship be-tween gender and personal space. Several studies have shown that males andfemales approach another person differently depending on whether that per-son is looking at them. Males, for instance, are more likely to stand closer tononlookers; whereas, for females the degree of personal space depends on theother person’s gender. When approaching males, females stand closer to nonlookers. When approaching females, they are more likely to stand closer tolookers than to nonlookers.

Cultural Differences

The differences in how other cultures use space is a major reason we often expe-rience culture shock when traveling abroad. In short, many problems two peoplefrom different cultures experience in communicating can be attributed to differ-ences in personal-space norms. Hall (1973) describes one situation in particular:

In Latin America the interaction distance is much less than it is inthe United States. Indeed, people cannot talk comfortably unlessthey are very close to the distance that evokes either sexual or hos-tile feelings in North Americans. The result is that when they moveclose, we withdraw and back away. As a consequence, they thinkwe are distant and cold. . . .We, on the other hand, are constantlyaccusing them of breathing down our necks, crowding us, andspraying our faces (p. 164).

Research has shown that North Americans feel more comfortable wheninteracting at greater distances. For this reason, our culture is commonly referredto as a noncontact culture. Other noncontact cultures include those of northernEurope, Asia, Pakistan, and India. On the other hand, many cultures interact atmuch closer distances and are referred to as contact cultures. Among the contactcultures are those of Latin America, southern Europe, and Arab countries.

Several investigations have shown that the above classifications into non-contact and contact cultures do not always hold true. To assume, for instance,that people in all Latin American countries prefer close distances when inter-acting is a mistake. For example, Shuter’s (1976) research suggests thatPanamanian and Colombian Latin Americans interact at greater distancesthan do Costa Ricans. Moore, Hickson, and Stacks (2010) suggest that thestereotypes associated with Italians and Germans hold only for males in thesecultures. Generalizations, therefore, probably should not be made beyond thesingle-country level, and often there are substantial differences between groupswithin a single country.

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Age Differences

Younger children are the real “space invaders.” Spatial orientations are cultur-ally learned, but that learning does not occur quickly. It is therefore no surprisethat small children in our culture would just as soon crawl up into the lap ofMrs. Witherspoon from down the street as that of Grandma. After all, bothlaps are soft and warm. By the age 12, however, most children have reachedadulthood concerning personal space orientations. This is probably a result ofdiffering expectations adults have about twelve-year-olds in relation toyounger children (Fry & Willis, 1971).

One study used five-, eight-, and ten-year-old children to investigateadult reactions to the invasion behavior of children. That study revealed thatthe older children who invaded adults’ personal space in a line at a moviewere perceived in a negative manner. On the other hand, the five-year-oldchildren were actually received positively. Essentially, the older children weretreated as adults would have been and were expected to know better than toinvade the space of others. Although age differences have received little re-search attention, we can offer two generalizations. First, Knapp and Hall(1992) contend that it is reasonable to assume that we would interact closerto people in our own general age range. This may be a simple function of peo-ple of the same age being more likely to have more things in common thanpeople of substantially different ages. Second, Baxter (1970) suggests that, upto a point, there appears to be a direct relationship between age and distancewhen comparing personal space orientations of children, adolescents, andadults during conversations. Children converse more closely, and adultsconverse at greater distances. Thus, the observed differences in the usage ofinterpersonal space sometimes attributed to age may just be a function of in-terpersonal similarity. Whether this is indeed the case must be tested in futureresearch.

Personality Differences

In their comprehensive books on nonverbal communication, Harper, Wiens,and Matarazzo (1978) and Richmond and McCroskey (1998) have summa-rized research that suggests that extroverts require less space than introvertsduring conversations. Introverts are particularly likely to stand farther away ifthe situation is an intimate one.

Those with general anxiety predispositions have also been reported to re-quire greater distances while interacting. An interesting study showed thathighly anxious individuals tended to recall previous interactions as occurringsignificantly closer than did relaxed individuals. Others have also found highsocial anxiety scores to be positively related to interaction distance. The closera person stands to another, the more the situation demands communication, soit is not surprising that shy people have been found to prefer greater interper-sonal distances.

Some studies indicate that individuals with a high need for affiliationsare likely to move closer to their interaction partners. It also appears that

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persons with an internal locus of control establish closer spatial orientations tostrangers than do those with an external locus of control. Requiring less dis-tance has also been associated with self-directed people, low authoritarians,and individuals with high self-concepts (Gifford & O’Connor, 1986; Moore,Hickson & Stacks, 2010; Mehrabian & Diamond, 1971).

Stigmas

Hickson, Stacks, and Moore (2010) suggest that “an area that has received lessattention is the finding that people maintain greater distances from others whohave stigmas.” These stigmas can be of two basic types: physical and social.Physical stigmas include being in a wheelchair; using crutches, a cane, or awalker; being blind; being an amputee; or having a burned, scarred face orbody. Conigliaro, Cullerton, Flynn, and Rueder (1989) found that pedestriansgave a legally blind person with a white cane 33.8 inches of space as opposed to5.6 inches when the person had no cane. A social stigma includes such things asa reputation of being an ex-convict, an ex-stripper, or having sexually transmit-ted diseases such as herpes or AIDS. In this culture at least, we seem to maintaingreater distances between ourselves and those with physical or social stigmas.

Psychiatric and Deviant Groups

Malandro, Barker, and Barker (1989) identified deviant populations as includ-ing “those with histories of mental illness such as schizophrenia, prisoners,other individuals with criminal records, and disruptive high school students”(p. 192). One major commonality among these populations is that their mem-bers generally require more space than “normal” members of society. It ap-pears that deviants, whether criminal, schizophrenic, disruptive, or violent, de-pend on their spatial distancing to provide a means of protection and requirelarger body-buffer zones between themselves and others than do nondeviantmembers of society (Hickson & Roebuck, 2009). Hickson and Roebuck foundthat faculty members who have deviant tendencies tend to keep their officedoors closed and locked.

CROWDING AND DENSITY

Density refers to the number of people in space. High density, therefore, is alarge number of people in a given area. Because there is less personal spaceavailable for each individual, high-density conditions often create much invol-untary encroachment.

Density should not be confused with crowding. Crowding is a person’sperception of spatial restrictions. High density does not always cause people tofeel crowded. Living and working in high-density conditions, these peoplehave learned to cope with constant invasion and spatial restriction. Densitymay or may not lead to crowding. This perception may depend more on what

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we find acceptable in our day-to-day encounters with others than how densethe physical conditions actually are (Carey, 1972; Galle, Grove, &McPherson, 1972; Sommer, 1969; Watson, 1970).

Three factors can cause people to feel the discomfort associated withcrowding. Surveillance, the first factor, is the degree to which you sense thatstrangers are watching you. When you perceive that surveillance is high, youmay become uneasy and seek to escape that condition.

Behavioral constraint, the second factor, refers to a reduction in one’sfreedom of movement. The more constrained one’s activity becomes, the morelikely one is to experience crowding.

The third factor that leads to crowding, stimulus overload, refers to theplethora of noises, sounds, sights, and other stimuli that bombard the senses si-multaneously. If the individual is unable to cope with the myriad of stimuli in a

Territorial closenesscan make a personfeel crowded.

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given context, her or his reaction may be to withdraw and find refuge in quieterplaces.

Any one of these factors, or a combination of them, can lead to crowd-ing. The major point is that individuals differ in the amount of surveillance,stimulus overload, or behavioral constraint they can experience before feelingsof crowding set in. An individual has to perceive the factors of surveillance,constraint, or stimulus overload as present, whether they are or not, for highdensity to cause feelings of crowding.

The Impact of High Density

It probably is not surprising that crime is more prevalent in large urban areas,where density is high, than in low-density rural regions of the country. Onestudy has shown that urban dwellers more frequently commit vandalism. Thesame study also showed that people in cities are less willing to help others thanare people who live in rural areas. Results such as these have led many expertsto conclude that high density causes antisocial behavior. Although there maybe some truth to that assertion, other researchers suggest that negative activitysuch as crime and delinquency in urban areas may be attributable to educa-tion, social status, and income level rather than density.

Some have maintained that a higher death rate, increased health prob-lems, and greater fertility rates are closely related to high density (summarizedin Knapp and Hall, 1992). Overall, the research literature seems consistent inone major respect: High-density areas are generally plagued with a greaternumber of human woes per capita than low-density areas. Furthermore, peo-ple who dwell in large urban centers spend much of their day coping with thestimulus overload, surveillance, and behavioral constraints caused by densityconditions. The behaviors those city dwellers use to cope with crowding canlead others to feel that they are uncaring. According to Knapp and Hall(1992), coping methods used by such people include the following:

1. Spending less time with each other (i.e., shorter conversations)2. Disregarding low-priority interactions (i.e., ignoring other people on the

street, subway, elevator, or commuter train)3. Shifting the responsibility for some transactions to others (i.e., not re-

quiring bus drivers to make change)4. Blocking others out (i.e., having guards protect apartments and limiting

access)

It is unfair for those who live in smaller communities to label peoplefrom large cities as “not friendly, cold, and distant.” The negative-seeming be-haviors we observe when we visit cities are quite probably the very methodscity residents use to survive the continuous conditions of high density. If Franklearns to act “cool and distant,” he might enjoy his next trip to the city muchmore than his last one.

Glossary of Terminology 145

Glossary of Terminology

Behavioral constraint is a reductionin one’s freedom of movement. Themore constrained one’s activity be-comes, the more likely one is to ex-perience crowding.Body territory also is known aspersonal space, the individual’s mostinviolate form of territory. Unlikeother types of territories, it isportable and can be thought of as aninvisible bubble surrounding one’sbody.Casual-personal zone is the regionof personal space that ranges from18 inches to about four feet.Contamination is rendering the ter-ritory of another person impure withrespect to its definition and usage.Crowding is a person’s perceptionof spatial restrictions.Density refers to the number ofpeople in a space. High density,therefore, is a large number of peoplein a given area. High density doesnot always cause people to feelcrowded. Because there is lesspersonal space for each individual,high-density conditions often createmuch involuntary encroachment.Home territory is a public territorycolonized by a group that takes itover and uses it continuously.Human territoriality is thepresumptive claim by one or morepersons of a geographic area with orwithout a formal, legal basis for thatclaim.Insulation is a reaction to aninvasion of territory that includesbuilding formidable boundaries. Thisresponse can be thought of assophisticated fighting.

Interactional territories are specialplaces that develop wherever peoplecongregate for social exchange.Intimate zone of our personal spacerepresents the innermost interactionregion. It ranges from touching to adistance of 18 inches.Invasion is a drastic and permanentencroachment in which the invaderactually crosses the territorial bound-aries of others with the intention oftaking over and keeping the territory.Labels or markers with symbolicmeaning are a type of prevention.Labels include signs or name platesthat are used to prevent takeovers ofspace.Linguistic collusion is when a groupof people defending their territory,verbally and nonverbally, makes theintruder feel like an outsider.Markers are usually personalartifacts used to mark ownership ofspace.Offensive displays are assertiveor aggressive postures, stances,stares, and gestures that are meant toprevent encroachment.Personal space is an invisible bub-ble that surrounds us and expands orcontracts depending on personalities,situations, and types of relationships.Personal space is portable; we take iteverywhere we go.Primary territory is territory thatis considered to be the exclusivedomain of its owner.Proxemics is the study of the ways inwhich humans use and communicatewith space.Public territory is open to anyoneand is seldom under the constant

control of any one person or group.It is, however, subject to temporaryownership and is often protectedwith as much vigor as personalproperty.Public zone is the outer region ofthe personal space bubble. This zonebegins at eight feet and extends tothe outer limits of interactionpotential.Secondary territory is generallyassociated with a particular personor group, who is frequently seen inand around the territory. Secondaryterritories are more vulnerable toinvasion and takeover than primaryterritory.Socio-consultive zone is the regionof personal space that ranges fromfour feet to eight feet. This region isoften called “the distance at whichAmericans transact business.”Stimulus overload is a reaction tothe plethora of noises, sounds, sights,and other stimuli that bombard thesenses simultaneously.

Surveillance is the degree to whichyou sense that strangers are watchingyou.Tenure is a form of preventionfrom encroachment; when peoplehave become associated with a par-ticular territory over a long period,they can effectively lay claim to thatterritory.Territory of humans is a semifixedor fixed space whose perceived own-ers can move in and out of it withoutgiving up their claim to it. It isclaimed, staked out in some way, anddefended against encroachment.Turf defense calls for the owner torepel the invader from her or histerritory.Violation is the unwarranted use ofsomeone’s territory. Unlike an inva-sion, violation usually is temporaryin nature. The encroacher uses some-one’s sacred spot without permission.Withdrawal refers to compensatingby moving away from an enroacherand letting her or him take over.

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What does environment have to dowith human communication?What is so important about the

physical surroundings of individuals whenthey come together for social interaction?Do environmental factors such as spatialarrangement, design, color, lighting, temper-ature, and scent affect how people feel, whatthey discuss, how they perceive messages,how they behave? Can the ways individualsuse and manipulate environments transmitmessages about their personalities, inten-tions, moods, and other characteristics? Theresearch suggests that the answer to all ofthese questions is a resounding yes.

Hall (1966) referred to fixed-featurespace, which is space that is fixed or im-movable, such as the physical features inour homes, offices, rooms, schools, and

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even the layout of our cities and towns. Fixed-feature space is difficult tochange, move, or alter, whereas semifixed-feature space, the movable objectsin our environments, are much easier to change, move, or alter. Among theseobjects are tables, chairs, desks, and other furniture and accessories thatadorn, accent, highlight, and personalize the physical areas in our world.

Consider for a moment the layout of your home, your dorm room, or yourapartment. Think of what your furnishings, color choices, and arrangement sayabout you. Are you comfortable in your environment? Do others feel at ease, orhave you set up your surroundings so that visitors conform to your wishes? Doyou find that one room is your favorite and another is seldom used?

Clearly some environments, even different rooms in the same house, areused more than others. Psychologists have found that our environmental sur-roundings affect our emotional states. Environments can create arousal in us, anddepending on how we interpret that arousal, this can make us feel stimulated,alert, frenzied, or active. We may experience pleasure or displeasure because ofthe influence of physical surroundings. Some surroundings evoke feelings of hap-piness, joy, and contentment, and others produce discomfort, uneasiness, and dis-satisfaction (Buslig, 1999; Carr & Dabbs, 1974; Cook, 1970; Gifford &O’Connor, 1986; Hanson & Hillier, 1982; Hayduk, 1994; Moore, Hickson, &Stacks, 2010; Howard, 2002/2003; Knapp, 1978, 1980; Koneya & Barbour,1976; Korda, 1975; Krupat & Kubzansky, 1999; Lanagan, 1999; Mehrabian,1976; Miller & Schlitt, 1985; Molloy, 1983; Richmond, 1997; Sommer, 1965,1969, 1970; Sutton, 1985; Zweigenhaft, 1976).

In this chapter, we look at environment in several ways. First, we discussthe perceptual characteristics of environment. Second, we consider the relation-ship between architectural design and the impact of environment. Third, we dealwith spatial arrangements and individual differences associated with them.Fourth, we present a discussion of the impact on human interaction of environ-mental factors such as attractiveness, color, lighting, temperature, and scent.

PERCEPTUAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ENVIRONMENT

Our physical surroundings can be perceived in a variety of ways. Perceptions of the environments in which we interact affect our communicative behavior.Often we create our environments in ways so as to intentionally manipulate cer-tain perceptions in the people who use them. Knapp (1980) described sixperceptual characteristics of environments: formality, warmth, privacy, familiarity,constraint, and distance.

Perception of Formality

Think for a moment about the church buildings and sanctuaries with which youare familiar. Are there common characteristics of these particular environments?Generally, churches, synagogues, and temples are constructed and furnished in away that creates a perception of formality. As with many other environments, themore formal a church looks, the more formal the communication behavior in it

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will be. That is, if we perceive the environment to be formal, our communicationbehavior is likely to be less relaxed and more superficial, hesitant, and stylized.

It is no accident that some environments produce a more formal atmos-phere. We would expect that the more one wishes to have individuals conformto rules and norms, the more likely one will strive to make the environmentmore formal. Surely you have seen such formal rooms as the “un-living” roomin someone’s home. It more realistically resembles a showcase than a place torelax and interact with others. This is the room where guests are ushered dur-ing more ritualistic or formal, and sometimes unpleasant, occasions such asmeeting with angry neighbors, talking to an unfamiliar salesperson, waitingwith acquaintances to attend a funeral, and the like.

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What do the above objects/structurescommunicate?

Many American males know the feelings that arise when sitting in theun-living room waiting for their date to come downstairs for their first eveningout. Later, if the dating continues, the young woman’s parents get to know theyoung man better and may eventually invite him to share the more relaxed andless formal family den. The more informal we perceive the physical surround-ings to be, the more we expect the interaction to be relaxed, open, and inviting.

Perception of Warmth

Environments can also create perceptions of warmth or coldness. Consider thecold, hard marble walls of a bank building or courthouse. In contrast, think ofthe warmth associated with the family den or the kitchen. The degree to whichenvironments create a psychological feeling of warmth is the degree to which wefeel comfortable and relaxed and want to linger in those physical surroundings.Warm environments tend to encourage interaction among individuals. Throughcolor, lighting, and textures in rooms, one can ease interaction and keep peoplefrom taking their leave. On the other hand, we can move people along by “cool-ing off” the physical surroundings. Fast-food chains such as McDonald’s,Wendy’s, Burger King, and Taco Bell have found a winning combination by ma-nipulating the warmth or coldness of their restaurant environments. Becausethese businesses rely on a rapid rate of customer turnover, their establishmentsmust display enough warmth to invite the customer in but include enough cold-ness to discourage them from staying around and taking up seats after they havefinished that jumbo burger or burrito.

Of course, not all fast-food restaurants are alike. While visiting a fast-foodrestaurant in a large city, we noticed that the decor was unusually attractive andthe seats more comfortable than in most such restaurants. It is likely that the in-creased display of warmth was their way of dealing with the heavy competitionin the area. However, the management still wanted customers to move throughquickly (and the warmer environment certainly was not helping). The problemwas solved by displaying a large sign on the wall that read: “Fifteen-minute limitfor consuming food on the premises.” It may be hard to get colder than that.

Perception of Privacy

The degree to which an environment is enclosed and small (allowing few peopleto enter) is the extent to which it may be perceived as private. Privacy is en-hanced when individuals feel that there is less opportunity for their conversa-tions to be overheard by others. An eating establishment can lose its regularcustomers by changing the dining room from a smaller and more private areainto a large expansive one, a realization many formerly busy restaurants cometo after expanding to meet high demand that suddenly disappears. Some restau-rants prefer to keep customers within their establishments, unlike fast-foodchains. The finer places enhance their profits, not so much by rapid turnoverbut by attracting an affluent clientele that lingers and continues to spendmoney. The longer the customers remain, the more drinks they will buy. Gettingthe clientele to linger often means providing an environment that allows them

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to talk privately in an intimate atmosphere. People often select restaurants andlounges to patronize because their environments encourage and permit intimateinteractions. Bringing in a loud band can put such an intimate setting and itsowners out of business very quickly.

Perception of Familiarity

A fourth perceptual characteristic of environments is the degree of familiarityor unfamiliarity. Physical surroundings that are unfamiliar to us often createfeelings of uneasiness. Because we do not know what to expect in such unfa-miliar situations, we tend to be rather cautious, deliberate, and conventional inour communication behavior. Unfamiliarity often generates high levels ofarousal as a function of our trying to figure out how we should behave. We areunsure of the norms and rituals of unfamiliar places. We are apt to engage inmany adaptor behaviors.

Imagine getting in your car to take a long trip. You drive onto the inter-state highway and set your cruise control. After a few hours, you become hungryand begin to look for places to stop. If you are like many individuals, you willpass by several restaurants because they are unfamiliar to you. You want torelax, not worry about how to behave. After a while, you see a welcome and familiar sight. Beckoning you to approach are the two golden arches. You canalready taste that Big Mac and fries. You know what to expect. You probablycan even guess where the restrooms are located.

Most chain restaurants, hotels, convenience stores, and gas stations counton your making this kind of decision. They know that most people want toavoid hassles when they travel. They go out of their way to make you feel athome when you enter their establishment. If you have learned that you cancount on a chain to be reliable, even if their food, room, or other amenities arenot the best, you are much more likely to stop there than to go to their competi-tor across the street. Have you ever stopped at what you thought was a familiarchain operation only to learn that it was not what you had come to expect? Ifyou have, you know the frustration, even anger, of unexpectedly encounteringan unfamiliar environment. Holiday Inn conducted an advertising campaignthat appealed to this concern. This was their “No Surprises” campaign. Theywould show people finding unusual environments in other hotels, then wouldshow the consistency of the facilities at Holiday Inns, and would conclude withtheir “No Surprises at Holiday Inn” slogan.

Perception of Constraint

Constraint is the opposite of feeling free to easily enter or leave an environment.Perceptions of constraint can become intense if there is a realization that littlespace is available to us. If we are granted a small portion of the space and simul-taneously find it difficult to leave (along with finding that it offers no privacy), wefeel extremely constrained. Riding in a crowded subway car with the knowledgethat your stop is forty-five minutes down the line may influence you to take yourleave sooner if you can get to the door before it closes at the upcoming station.

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Many have commented that we can more easily tolerate temporary con-straint (as in the subway ride) if we are aware that it is only temporary.Sometimes constraint is of a more permanent nature, such as sitting in a planeawaiting takeoff for hours. Crowded classrooms sometimes give students asimilar feeling, particularly if they are required to take the class. They feel thatthere is little or no hope of escaping soon, much like the person confined in theplane. In Chapter 7, we discussed the idea of crowding. Essentially, environ-ments that are constraining tend to produce the factors that lead to this feelingof psychological discomfort: stimulus overload, behavior restriction, and in-creased surveillance.

Perception of Distance

Finally, environmental factors can create perceptions of distance. Distance per-ceptions can influence the type of response we make to others because of howclose or far away we are from them. Actually, perceptions of distance in envi-ronments depend on other nonverbal cues. We can establish physical distanceby placing ourselves far away from others. In large environments with severalother people, this may require that we speak more loudly (which, of course,causes our interactions to be less personal or private). We can also create psy-chological distance, although we may be physically near another person. In thecrowded subway or elevator, we may turn away from others or engage in gazeavoidance to establish a distance that otherwise would not be possible. Thisturning away, though, may be a cultural phenomenon. The authors havefound, for example, in Thai culture elevator behavior mimicks other behaviorin a crowded society. In Bangkok, people think nothing of being crowded.They allow other cars to pull out in front of them, without yelling or blowingtheir horns. They walk through crowded streets without bumping into one an-other and without chastising one another.

Our proximity to the center of power in an organization affects other peo-ple’s perceptions of our power. That is, the closer we are to power, the more pow-erful we are perceived to be. The person whose office is next to the president’s of-fice, even if he or she is an administrative assistant, is perceived as powerful, andeven more powerful if there is a private door between the two offices.

ARCHITECTURE AND ENVIRONMENT

Buildings, landscaping, and the positions of walls, partitions, rooms, and stair-ways all influence human interaction in one way or another. Often, the percep-tual characteristics are considered before the architect and building engineereven start to design a new shopping mall, office building, or even a home.

Take a few minutes to try this activity: If you could design your own home,what environmental characteristics would you incorporate? Where would theliving room be located? What about the bedrooms? What colors would youchoose to decorate your home? Is the exterior going to be brick, wood, alu-minum siding, or stone? Will the interior walls be paneled, wallpapered, or

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Architecture and Environment 153

We use and manipulateenvironments to transmitmessages.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

painted? Will the inside be open and airy or closed and private? What will thewindows be like? Now think of your choices and explain why you made each.

Buildings are designed to express feelings and impressions to those whosee them as well as to those who enter them. Is it any wonder, then, that banksof the past were built of stone, with marble walls and floors, and often incor-porated tall granite pillars on the facades? What were the bank owners at-tempting to communicate to the public? They wanted to create the impressionof endurance, stability, and security. Can you imagine a family in the early1930s selling their farm, loading the truck with all their belongings, and driv-ing into the big city to look for a new way of life? Can you imagine thempulling up to a flimsy-looking, drive-through bank such as we see today? Afterall, the truck could just about knock the thing over, exposing all that money. Ifyou were in that family’s place, would you feel safe depositing your life’s sav-ings into a vacuum-powered air chute?

Now turn to the Architecture Attractiveness Measure (Figure 8.1).Complete the measure and see how your score reflects your preferences.Building designs can have a great impact not only on people’s behavior but alsoon their impressions of the owners of those buildings (Hall, 1966; Hanson &

154 C H A P T E R 8 Environment and Physical Surroundings

Directions: Complete the following measure about environment and communication.Please write one of the following beside each item: (5) Strongly agree; (4) Agree; (3)Neutral or undecided; (2) Disagree; (1) Strongly disagree.

_____ 1. I really dislike dull, dark, heavy-looking buildings._____ 2. I like clear, open, airy buildings._____ 3. I prefer old, dark, heavy buildings with a history._____ 4. I perform at my best when there is a lot of sunlight coming into my-

work area._____ 5. I really dislike open, airy, sunny architecture._____ 6. I dislike new, modern architecture._____ 7. I am very irritable when I have to work in a dark building._____ 8. I am very alert in clean, clear, open buildings._____ 9. I am very irritable when I have to work in new modern buildings with

lots of windows._____10. I am very alert when I am working in a building where there is little

light._____11. I rarely do well on assignments when I work in a setting where the

environment is ugly._____12. I usually do very well on assignments when I work in attractive

buildings._____13. Working in unattractive environments does not affect the outcome of

my work._____14. I do well on assignments when working where there are a lot of

distractions._____15. I like to do my assignments in attractive buildings._____16. Doing my assignments in unattractive buildings does not impact my

productivity.

Scoring: Step 1: Add responses to the items underlinedStep 2: Add responses to the items not underlinedStep 3: Complete the formula:

AAM = 48 − Total step 1 + Total step 2

Score should be between 16 and 80>50 is a person who prefers high AA<40 is a person who prefers low AA

FIGURE 8.1Architecture Attractiveness Measure

Spatial Arrangement 155

Architectural View

intended to show that the prisoners can-not get out. Thirdly, Jackson discusseshow buildings’ appearances are changedfor rhetorical purposes. For example, if anold office building is rented out, with thelower floor for restaurants, often awningsare added to demonstrate that it is nolonger “just” an office building, but also aplace where customers can feel confort-able eating.

Hillier, 1982; Hickson & Stacks, 1993; Krupat & Kubzansky, 1999; Lanagan,1999; Maslow & Mintz, 1956; Mehrabian, 1976; Miller & Schlitt, 1985;Mintz, 1956; Remland, Jones, & Brinkman, 1991).

Have you ever wondered why almost any courtroom you have ever seentends to command from you and all who enter a sense of respect? It is by de-sign that we are made aware of the seriousness and importance of the decisionsthat are made in our halls of justice. Status and power messages speak loudly inthe courtroom. The elevated bench gives the judge a clear and visible positionof dominance and control over all transactions. Even the opposing lawyers andtheir clients have carefully placed territorial boundaries that are respected byall. Only within the confines of the counselor’s table can an attorney talk freelyand openly with his or her client without intrusion by the opponent.

Bruneau (1972) studied the architectural design of office spaces in educa-tional organizations. He was primarily interested in how the office designs controlled the communication of both owners and nonowners of the spaces. Asthe status of the owner of the office increased, the more control the designplaced on the nonowner’s behavior. The higher the status of the owner, thegreater the number of outer offices nonowners had to pass through to reach theowner. In the study, students moving too rapidly through offices of teachers andadministrators appeared to be in gross violation of norms, and most office areashad prescribed routes for movement.

From Bruneau’s work and that of many others, it is clear that people usearchitectural design to control the movement and the communication of visitorswho enter their environment. When we enter an environment where we find itdifficult to decide where we are and are not supposed to go, it may be becausethe architect slipped up, or it may be that we have never been in that type of en-vironment previously. Recall, if you can, the first time you entered a dormitory,

Jackson, N. (2006). The architectural view:

Perspectives on communication. Visual Commu-

nication Quarterly, 13, 32–45.

The researcher investigated what archi-tects think is important about communica-tion. She indicates that the architecture of a building “conveys feeling and gives an impression of the occupants” (p. 36).For example, we tend to make judgmentsabout people based on whether they live ina mobile home or a mansion. Jackson asks three questions from an architect’sviewpoint. First, what kind of building isthis? Second, what does the architecture“mean”? Banks, in particular are de-signed to illustrate that one’s money issafe and secure there. Whereas, a prison is

a post office, a police station, a hospital, a church, a synagogue, or the lobby ofa large hotel. Was it easier to know what to do in subsequent encounters withthese types of environments?

SPATIAL ARRANGEMENT

How we arrange our environments for purposes of interaction can transmit avariety of signals. In this section, we discuss spatial arrangement in three ways.First, the impact of the shapes of tables is discussed. Second, we present thetopic of seating arrangement and its relationship to task situations and person-ality differences. Third, the topic of office arrangement and how it is related toprofessional and social interaction is reviewed.

The Shapes of Tables

Consider for a moment the three different table structures in Figure 8.2. Theround table is characterized by a circle. There are no distinct and visible sides. Asa result, the round table often is taken as a symbol of equality and unity amongthe individuals occupying it. The round table has taken on particular meaningconcerning power and dominance. Although King Arthur used the round table toexpress unity and equality among his knights, there nonetheless developed apower message depending on where the knights were seated. The closer theywere to the king, the more powerful they were seen to be. Do not be misled by theapparent equality projected by a round table. A powerful person at a round table,even in a democratic society, is still a powerful person and unlikely to be treatedas an equal by others sitting at the same table, or to expect such treatment.

The square table is just that: square, or nearly so. Because it has four equalsides, it communicates equality of status and power. However, its distinct sidesand prominent corners also suggest a separation among the interactants. Thesquare shape facilitates perceptions of equality but not of unity. Square tablesare excellent for interactions involving competition and negotiation.

The rectangular table is often found in corporate and business settings.The impact of this type of table resembles that of the square table. That is, thereare four separate sides that suggest a lack of unity to the interactants. However,

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FIGURE 8.2Three Table Structures

Round Square Rectangular

two of the sides are short, and the other two usually are twice as long or longer.One of the short sides is generally perceived as the head of the table, especially ininstances where the other short side is left vacant. At the rectangular table, thecenter of power is at the head and gradually diminishes as the position gets far-ther and farther away. The person at the head usually controls the interaction atthe table and normally is looked to for leadership by the group. A longer ovaltable can have many of the same effects as the rectangular table.

Seating Arrangement

Do our seating choices say anything about us? Research in this area suggeststhat one’s choice of a place to sit may be determined by several things. Even inthe classroom, where it may appear that seating is little more than random be-havior, researchers have determined that students choose their seats with con-siderable care. Factors such as the task before us, the kind of communicativerelationship in which we are engaged, and even our personality characteristicscontribute to where we decide to sit in relation to other people. The researchcited below is provided by Sommer (1965, 1969, 1970).

THE TASK SITUATION. Sommer was interested in the seating behavior of youngpeople. In his investigation, Sommer asked his subjects to imagine that theywere sitting at a table with a same-sex friend. He then asked them to considerfour task situations. These were described as follows:

Conversation means sitting and talking for a few minutes before class.

Cooperation means sitting together and studying together for the sametest.

Co-action means sitting together and studying for different tests.

Competition means competing to see who is the first to solve a series ofpuzzles.

All of Sommer’s subjects were shown diagrams of two different types oftables, rectangular and round. Figure 8.3 displays the rectangular tablearrangement, and Figure 8.4 displays the round-table arrangement. Subjectswere to indicate which seating represented conversation, cooperation, co-action, or competition. In the conversation task situation, the rectangular tableappeared to elicit either corner seating (table 1B) or opposite seating across theshort distance (table 1A). At the round table during conversation, table 1 waschosen by 63 percent of the people in the study.

For the cooperation task situation, table 2 was chosen in the rectangulararrangement, and table 1 was chosen by 83 percent of the respondents in theround table arrangement. Evidently, working in cooperation with another per-son requires us to sit side by side, despite the table’s shape.

The co-action situation, studying at the same table but for different tests,seemed to require a considerable amount of room for both parties. In the rec-tangular arrangement, table 3A was chosen by 43 percent, and table 3B was

Spatial Arrangement 157

chosen by 32 percent. In the round table arrangement in Figure 8.4, tables 2and 3 with opposite seating allow the most room for both parties. This tablewas chosen by 51 percent of the respondents.

During competition situations, one arrangement was the predominantchoice. Whether at a rectangular or round table, most respondents chose oppo-site seating. Forty-one percent chose table 4A in Figure 8.3, and 63 percentchose table 3 in Figure 8.4. It may be that during situations where two personsare competing against one another, they feel it necessary to keep their “oppo-nent” in full view. Sitting at closer distances, as at rectangular table 4B, ratherthan at greater distances, as at rectangular table 4A, may allow for greater con-trol and dominance over the opponent. At least one study has shown, however,that this may be true only for American students. Cook (1970) replicatedSommer’s study with a group of students and nonstudents in the UnitedKingdom. His respondents chose to have the greater distance allowed by rec-tangular table 4A during competitive task situations. Knapp (1980) has sug-

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FIGURE 8.4Round Seating Arrangements

FIGURE 8.3Rectangular Seating Arrangements

gested that for Sommer’s respondents, the closer opposite arrangement “wouldafford them an opportunity not only to see how the other person is progressingbut would also allow them to use various gestures, body movements, and eyecontact to upset their opponent” (p. 89).

INTIMACY LEVEL. The intimate nature of the relationship also seems to have animpact on our choice of seating, or intimacy may be implied by our seatingchoice. In his study, Cook found that side-by-side seating was most preferred byvery intimate friends while sitting in a restaurant or in a bar. However, cornerseating is selected for same-sex friends and casual friends of the opposite sexwhen seated in a bar. Sommer found that the intimate level of the relationshipmay be the primary determinant of where we choose to sit. He concluded, on theother hand, that the topic of discussion of the individuals probably has little im-pact. According to Sommer (1970), “Apparently it is the nature of the relation-ship between individuals rather than the topic that characterizes a discussion aspersonal or impersonal. Two lovers discussing the weather can have an intimateconversation, but a zoology professor discussing sex in a lecture hall containing300 students would be having an impersonal session despite [the] topic” (p. 65).Therefore greater intimacy is implied by closer seating.

PERSONALITY DIFFERENCES. Personality characteristics and other individualdifferences have an impact on our seating preferences. Research has shown thatpeople with different personalities prefer different seating positions if they arefree to select where they want to sit. For example, students who choose to sit inthe front of the class have been found to be more enthusiastic about school andlearning. They also are more enthusiastic about reading, place more value on cre-ativity and imagination, are more focused on their life goals, and desire to bealone more often than others (Richmond, 1997; Walberg, 1969).

In contrast, students who prefer to sit in the back of the room are less likely to become leaders and organizers, see little value in being popular withother students, are less interested in making good grades, and generally are un-happy with school. A third group of students, those who choose to sit near awindow, are more likely to dislike school and studying. Of course, there aresome students who care little about where they sit.

Dominance has also been related to seating choices. Researchers haveobserved that people who score high on measures of dominance tend to selectone of two seats at tables: the seat at the head of the table, or the seat at thecenter of one of the sides of the table. In either case, the position chosen by thedominant individual is central to the interaction and allows for high visibilityand eye contact with other seated interactants. People who are highly willingto communicate, those who find communicating to be a pleasant experience initself, have been found to behave much like people with dominant personali-ties. No doubt many of these people are both dominant and highly willing tocommunicate, but some are simply gregarious individuals who like to be in thecenter of communication activities.

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Closely related to dominance is the quality of leadership. Research has re-vealed that leaders choose seating that is similar to that of dominant people.Leaders are more likely to sit at the end of a rectangular table; whereas, individu-als who sit at the corners contribute very little to the group. While an individual’spersonality will largely determine whether he or she chooses to be a leader, a per-son may emerge as a leader of a group in part because of where he or she is sit-ting. Seating position can and does determine communication flow. The flow ofcommunication, furthermore, affects who can emerge as a leader (Hall, 1966;Hare & Bales, 1963; Howells & Becker, 1962; Korda, 1975; Russo, 1967;Sommer, 1965).

In one study of five-person decision-making groups, three of the individ-uals were assigned to sit on one side of a rectangular table, while two sat onthe opposite side. The results showed that the side with the two people couldinfluence the others more often, and those two people talked more than theother three. As a result, leadership emerged from the two-person side in mostcases (Howells & Becker, 1962).

The work of Russo (1967) has revealed several variables that are influ-enced by environmental arrangement. Russo was particularly interested in theseating preferences of friendly and talkative individuals. Figure 8.5 displaysRusso’s five different seating arrangements. Not surprisingly, she found that thefriendliest people preferred the seating arrangement in table A. The most hostileindividuals tended to choose arrangement E. In comparing all five arrangementson friendliness, level of acquaintance, and talkativeness, arrangement B was seenas more friendly, intimate, and talkative than arrangement C; C was seen asmore so than D; and D more than E.

Introverts and extroverts also tend to display their differences from oneanother in a variety of ways. One major difference that has been found involvestheir seating preferences. Introverts are far more likely to choose seating withreduced visibility and greater physical distance from others. We suspect that theextreme introvert would prefer arrangement D in Figure 8.5 over any of theothers. Table D provides for the greatest possible distance while simultaneouslypreventing the straightforward eye contact present at table E. Extroverts, con-versely, tend to choose a seat opposite the other individual, as in tables C and E.Extreme extroverts also prefer to sit near others, which suggests that theywould prefer table C as the most desirable arrangement.

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FIGURE 8.5Russo’s Seating Arrangements

Arrangement of Office Space

In recent years, much has been written to advise the owners of office spacehow best to arrange the office for greater success and control. Back in 1979,the editors of Consumer Reports magazine compiled a book for the sole pur-pose of instructing upwardly mobile businesspeople on how to decorate theirwork areas to achieve greater success. The editors emphasized that the size andplacement of furniture in an office is usually the prime factor in communicatingthe occupant’s personality. These writers suggest that improving one’s office re-quires great care and planning. They present a planning process that involvestwo steps:

1. Develop a specific plan for projecting your personality and style.2. Review how the various aspects of an office can project character. Then

plan the physical changes that express the qualities you wish (p. 17).

Since the Consumer Reports publication, Korda (1975) and others(Buslig, 1999; and Richmond, 1997) have contended that a person can com-municate power by how he or she arranges the office. In fact, Korda placesmore importance on arrangement and use of office space than on the qualityor size of things in the space:

Power lies in how you use what you have, not in the accoutrementsper se. All the leather, chrome, glass, and expensive artwork in theworld will not replace a truly well-thought-out power scheme. A large office is pointless unless it is arranged so a visitor has to walkthe length of it before getting to the power desk, and it is valuable toput as many objects as possible in his path. (pp. 231–232)

Korda and others have suggested that it is quite common to see large of-fices divided into two distinct areas: the pressure area and the semisocial area.According to Korda, different communication rules, although unwritten,apply to each area.

The pressure area, or the business transaction area, is centered on thedesk of the office’s occupant. It is here that firm decisions, hard negotiations,and tough bargaining take place. Korda contends that if the occupant of theoffice escorts the visitor away from this area and into the semisocial area, he orshe is probably not very interested in discussing business on a serious level.The semisocial area is used primarily to “delay or placate a visitor” (p. 235).

Similarly, Zweigenhaft (1976) investigated the office arrangements offaculty members in an academic setting. He was interested in how faculty ofdiffering rank positioned the furniture in their offices to manage interactionwith students. Zweigenhaft asked the teachers to make sketches of how theiroffices were currently arranged. The results of this study showed that mostsenior faculty members (associate and full professors) placed their desks be-tween themselves and the visiting student. However, less than half of the assis-tant professors and lecturers put their desks in the same “blocking” position.A more interesting result of this study involved students’ perceptions of the

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faculty members. Student perceptions were more positive for teachers who didnot place their desks in the “blocking” position. Students rated them as morewilling to encourage different points of view, more willing to give students in-dividual attention, and less likely to show undue favoritism.

Our interactions with colleagues on several campuses suggest that thestudents’ perceptions quite likely are accurate. Young colleagues tend to seestudents as more like them and as individuals with whom it is pleasant to in-teract. More senior colleagues suggest more negative experiences in their officeinteractions with students, often feeling that students usually come to their of-fices to complain. It is quite likely that as professors age, they are seen by theirstudents as having less in common with students and therefore as being less de-sirable targets for interaction. Thus it is less likely that the students would visitthe older professor’s office for informal interaction. Student-professor officeinteractions, therefore, would more likely be related to problems the studentwas confronting. A cycle probably develops. The student interactions involvepleasant interactions less frequently, so structures are placed between the stu-dent and the professor. As these barriers go up, the likelihood of pleasant inter-actions decreases further, and so on.

OTHER ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS

Besides spatial arrangement, other aspects the environment have been found to influence communication behavior. In this section, we discuss the impact of en-vironmental attractiveness, color, lighting, temperature, and scent on interactionamong individuals.

Environmental Attractiveness

The decor of rooms, whether attractive or ugly, tends to influence human be-havior in several ways. One of the most widely cited, classic studies investigat-ing the effects of room attractiveness was conducted by Maslow and Mintz(1956) and Mintz (1956). In this study, the researchers selected three rooms inwhich to carry out an experiment. The first room represented a beautiful con-dition. There were two large windows, draperies, and carpeting, and the wallswere a beige color. There also was indirect overhead lighting, and the roomwas attractively furnished. The second room represented an ugly condition, in-cluding dingy gray walls and a single lightbulb overhead with a soiled lamp-shade. The furnishings gave an impression that the room was a storage area.The third room, considered to represent the neutral or average condition, wasa professor’s office. Subjects were placed in each of the three conditions andasked to rate photographs of people’s faces. The researchers carefully con-trolled for noise, odor, seating, time of day, and experimenter.

The results of this investigation showed that subjects in the “beautiful”condition gave substantially more positive ratings to the pictures than those in theother two conditions. These findings are interesting, but they were expected.What was not expected, however, was that both subjects and experimenters in

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the ugly room engaged in a variety of escape activities. The ugly room producedperceptions of monotony, headaches, hostility, and other negative reactions. Thebeautiful room, on the other hand, tended to elicit myriad positive reactions, in-cluding a desire to continue the exercise and perceptions of comfort, importance,and enjoyment.

Other studies over the last three decades have indicated that the results ofthis classic study were not an accident. People react strongly to the attractivenesslevel of the environment in which they must reside, even if only temporarily.People spend more time in their offices, given free choice, if the office is attractive.People are willing to wait longer without complaining if asked to wait in attrac-tive places. People find others more attractive if they communicate with them in attractive places. Students even learn more in attractive classrooms than in unattractive ones.

Color in the Environment

Is environmental color important to human interaction? Research into colorsuggests that if one is feeling depressed, down, or hurried, the color of the sur-rounding walls may be the reason. For example, red is the most arousing color,followed by orange, yellow, violet, blue, and green. According to many specialistsin nonverbal behavior, colors have had symbolic meaning throughout history.

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Environment creates the ambiance.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

The Pantone Color Institute reinforces the idea that color can affect a person’sresponses. Institute representatives note that chromadynamics (the study of thephysiological effects caused when people observe color) research by many scien-tists has proven that certain colors affect vision, hearing, respiration, and circu-lation. Table 8.1 shows an outline of colors and the symbolic meanings that havecome to be assigned to them.

Clearly, the mood and tone of an environment can be controlled to amajor extent by manipulating the colors present in that environment (Baker,1985; Birren, 1950; Williams, 1954; Richmond, 1997). For over half a centu-ry, doctors have used colors to relax mentally disturbed patients. Similarly,restaurant and bar owners use color to stimulate or control the emotions of

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TABLE 8.1

Colors and Meaning*

Red Excitement, happiness, vitality, vivaciousness, anger, rage, hostility,defiance, sin, blood, lust, energy, royalty, fun

Blue Coolness, calmness, pleasantness, tenderness, dependability,dignity, truth, royalty, businesslike attitude, softness, tranquility,acceptance

Yellow Excitement, fun, boldness, glory, cheerfulness, light, clarity,brilliance, softness

Orange Activity, perhaps unpleasantness, excitement, disturbingstimulation, distress

Purple Royalty, control, demandingness, coolness, calmness,thoughtfulness, wisdom

Mauve Calmness, respect, coolness, serenity, peace, acceptance

Green Coolness, pleasantness, spring or summer, freshness, appeal,security, peace, tranquillity, softness, crispness, cleanness,vegetables to consume

Gray Dependability, coolness, calmness, businesslike attitude, reliability,standards, faithfulness, sturdiness, stability, somewhat boring

Black Sadness, intensity, control, power, unhappiness, death, potency,strength, command, domination, masculinity, decay

Brown Disappointment, sadness, down feelings, neutrality, humility,protection, acceptance

White Purity, cleanliness, virtue, crystal, babyhood, innocence, joy,femininity, perhaps coldness or neutrality depending on shade,lightness

*Many of these standard colors have a variety of shades that can change the meaning. Here we arespeaking only about the standard colors and associated meanings.

their patrons. In one of the more interesting classic studies on the impact ofcolor, Ketcham (1958) examined the relationship between color and studentachievement in the classroom. Using kindergarten children as subjects, Ketchamselected three schools in which to conduct his experiments. The first schoolneeded painting but was left unpainted. The second school was painted instandard institutional fashion—light buff walls and white ceilings. The thirdschool was painted using the principles of color dynamics as a guideline. Thehallways were painted a bright, cheerful yellow hue. Classrooms facing northwere painted a pale rose color, and those facing south in cool shades such asblue and green. The front walls in the classrooms were painted a darker shadethan the side walls, and the art room was done in a neutral gray so as not to in-terfere with the colorful work within it. Ketcham’s observations of the behav-ior in each school spanned a period of two years. According to Ketcham, theresults were clear. The students in the colorful school showed the greatest im-provement in social habits, health and safety habits, language skills, arith-metic, social studies, science, and music. Those in the first school (the one leftunpainted) showed the least improvement, and those in the second school onlyslightly more. When we first discussed this research with a large class of pub-lic school teachers, one of them asked, “After all this time, why are so manyschools in the United States still painted like the ugly room?” Good question.

Lighting in the Environment

Closely associated with color in the environment is the factor of lighting(Williams, 1954). Obviously, color would be immaterial without some form of illumination. Additionally, lighting may be colored itself. Certain colored lightshave been found to be associated with particular emotional responses. Red lights are often related to danger, pale yellow lights to contentment, pale green with kindness, green with death, peacock blue with sinister things, orange with warmth and excitement, blue with quiet, violet with delicacy, and lavenderwith wistfulness.

Behavior is affected not only by the color of lighting, but also by its intensity. High illuminations of gold and pink lighting produce a festive atmosphere, whereas subdued lighting, particularly blue, tends to elicit asomber mood. Lighting that is too blue and subdued can actually createdrowsiness.

Some studies have explored the effects of bright and dim lighting. Onestudy placed subjects into a room with either bright lighting or dim lighting fora period of one hour. Subjects were allowed to do whatever they pleased. Eachroom contained four females and four males, and both rooms were the samesize: 10 feet by 12 feet. The results showed that verbal output was strikingly dif-ferent in the two rooms. In the brightly lit room, a continuous stream of speechwas maintained; whereas in the dimly lit room, almost all talking had stoppedafter about thirty minutes.

Some have suggested that bright lighting and dim lighting differentially influence perceptions of intimacy and relaxation (Carr & Dabbs, 1974; Gergen,

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Gergen, & Barton, 1973). Low lighting makes people want to linger because the environment is more relaxing; whereas, extremely bright lighting may pro-duce fatigue or create a desire to escape. Dim lighting, coupled with intimatequestions among nonintimates, has been found to produce hesitancy during responses, reduced eye contact, and a significant decrease in the duration of gaze(Carr & Dabbs, 1974).

Temperature and the Environment

Based on the research on environmental temperature, researchers have conclud-ed that 62 to 68 degrees Fahrenheit may be the optimal temperature for indoorenvironments. Knapp (1980) has provided an excellent summary of the researchthat has been conducted. He reports that Huntington (1915) advanced a seem-ingly bizarre theory in the early twentieth century that an average outdoor tem-perature of 50 to 60 degrees Fahrenheit is better than one above 70 degrees (p. 58). According to Knapp, the experts have suggested the following effects ofweather on human behavior:

1. Monotonous weather is more apt to affect your spirits.2. Seasonally, you do your best mental work in late winter, early spring, and

fall.3. A prolonged blue sky reduces your productivity.4. The ideal temperature should average about 64 degrees Fahrenheit (p. 58).

In his book The Achieving Society, McClelland (1976) reported thatachievement motivation appears greatest in societies where the average yearlytemperature is between 40 and 60 degrees Fahrenheit. McClelland also suggested that a variation of at least 15 degrees, either daily or seasonally, pro-duced high achievement motivation. Other studies have suggested that temper-ature and aggression are related. We may be more likely to act aggressively inhigher temperatures than in lower ones. Aggressive acts, for example, rarelyoccur in cold weather.

All of this appears to suggest that lower temperatures may affect human be-havior in more positive ways than higher ones. Higher temperatures may alsocause us to react more negatively toward other people. Although many of us wholive in northern climates complain about cold weather and long for summer, wemay not know what is best for us. Our desire for warm room temperatures mayhave just as negative an impact on our behavior.

Griffitt and Veitch (1971), in a classic study, explored such a possibility bylooking at the effects of room temperature and room density. In the low-densityconditions, there were an average of four subjects per room; whereas, in the high-density conditions, the average was fourteen subjects. Two temperature conditionsfor both high- and low-density conditions were used (93.4 and 73.4 degreesFahrenheit). The subjects in all conditions were asked to complete several ques-tionnaires including a measure of attitude toward a hypothetical stranger. The results of the study indicated that the subjects in the high-temperature, high-density room reported less liking, less positive personal reactions, and less positive

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Importance of Scents 167

social affective reactions toward strangers than in any of the other conditions(Baron & Bell, 1976).

Scent and Smell

The air around us is filled with scents and smells that express a variety of mes-sages to us. Scents can communicate memories, fear, love, dominance, and excitement—and may even arouse powerful feelings about another person. Ifsomeone smells offensive or emits offensive odors (such as flatulent air) whilewe are interacting with them, we will probably end the conversation and thinkvery negative thoughts about them (Burton, 1976; Cain, 1981; “HeavenScents,” 2002; Luka, Berner, & Kanakis, 1977; Ponte, 1982; Wiener, 1979;Winter, 1976).

Within the past twenty years, researchers and scholars have started to ac-knowledge the powerful nature of scents in the communication process. Thestudy of scents and smells and how we perceive and process them is referred toas olfactics. Our olfactory senses often help us, unconsciously, to form opin-ions of others.

IMPORTANCE OF SCENTS

Scents are important in this culture: It is estimated that in 1998, the Americanpublic spent more than $3 billion on deodorants. This is an incredible amount ofmoney to spend just to smell good! No other culture in the world spends nearthat amount to smell good. In fact, many other cultures prefer natural bodyscents to the artificial ones. In this culture, Winter (1976) notes: “We know thatin society we can’t have bad breath, sweaty underarms, or noticeable genitalodor. You can tell people they need a haircut or to wash their faces, but if youtell them they smell, you are really insulting” (p. 16). Our sense of smell affectshow we communicate with others and how we perceive them.

Research has clearly shown that animals have scents of their own andthat they can smell other animals. Dogs and cats have distinctive scents andeven mark their territory with their scents to keep other animals out. Cats’scent glands are near the base of the whiskers; when they rub their cheeksagainst a person’s leg, they leave their scent behind. Other animals mark theirterritory by urinating on or around it. Wolves, bears, and many other animalsleave their scents around their territories to keep others out. Elephants defe-cate to mark their territory—with a very powerful scent.

We all have an individualized scent, which some call an olfactory signa-ture. Like animals, humans use scents. It is a means of making ourselves unique.We try to wear different perfumes or colognes that set us apart from others.

Most living creatures have pheromones, chemical secretions that attractother animals for mates. However, no pheromones have been isolated in humans.This term originated from the Greek pherein (to carry) and horman (to excite orstimulate). Whereas animals exude scents when they are attracted to another, hu-mans become more sensitive to scents when they are in a state of arousal.

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The average person can recognize at least four thousand distinct scents.Some can recognize as many as ten thousand. People differ not only in theirsensitivity to scents but also in their evaluation of a given scent. It is not un-common, for example, for one person to find a scent pleasant, another to findit extremely unpleasant, and still another to not notice the scent at all. Nor, un-fortunately, is it uncommon for a person who finds a scent pleasant to expectthat everyone else should find it pleasant also.

Not only do individuals differ in their responses to scents, but there isalso evidence that scent is influenced to some extent by gender. Women andmen may perceive odors differently.

Scents are invisible messages. What they communicate, as with other ver-bal and nonverbal messages, depends on the way the receiver perceives them.Scents are powerful messages and often determine whether communicationwill be initiated, continued, or terminated. Our reactions to others may betriggered by our conscious or unconscious awareness of the scents around us.The following sections review scent and smell in relation to attractiveness,touch, and environment.

SCENT AND ATTRACTION. Some popular writings today suggest that there is alink between smell and attraction between sexual partners. Dr. Robert Henkin atGeorgetown University’s Taste and Smell Clinic found that 25 percent of peoplewith olfactory disorders lose interest in sex. He isn’t sure why but suggests that a similar thing happens when the olfactory sense of animals and insects is impaired. Alex Comfort, who wrote The Joy of Sex, suggests that thecombined natural scents of a woman— such as her hair, breasts, skin, armpits,and genital region—may be a greater asset than her beauty.

Some researchers are trying to figure out whether males and females excrete something like animal pheromones that attract them to one another.Some people believe that alpha androstenol, a chemical found in male urineand sweat, might affect attraction. Androsterone, a male sex hormone thatalso is found in male urine, might also have an effect. Others are looking at thepossibility that women exude scents from their genitals that attract men. Theresearch here is sparse and inconclusive. At this point, the search for humanpheromones has yet to find anything even remotely similar to animal hor-mones in communicative power.

The desire to find such an element, however, appears strong. As an example, Burton (1976) suggests that there is evidence supporting the idea thatmale pheromones might attract females. He cites the following apocryphal tale as evidence: “A young man was reputed to have great success with girls.After a dance he would wipe the perspiring brow of his partner with a hand-kerchief that had been carried in his armpit. Apparently his body odor acted as an aphrodisiac, and the young man claimed that his technique was highlysuccessful” (p. 113). This is obviously weak evidence that human malepheromones can attract females. Until we have far better evidence than this,we should presume that pheromones are one thing that separate us from otheranimal life.

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As suggested earlier, we use a variety of artificial scents to attract othersor to make ourselves appealing. We are the most scent-conscious culture in theworld. However, olfaction also is a very important means of communication inother cultures. As Hall (1966) notes:

Olfaction occupies a prominent place in Arab life. Not only is itone of the distance-setting mechanisms, but it is a vital part of acomplex system of behavior. Arabs consistently breathe on peoplewhen they talk. However, this habit is more than a matter of differ-ent manners. To the Arab good smells are pleasing and a way ofbeing involved with each other. To smell one’s friend is not onlynice but desirable, for to deny him your breath is to act ashamed.Americans, on the other hand, trained as they are not to breathe inpeople’s faces, automatically communicate shame in trying to bepolite. (pp. 159–160)

We spend billions of dollars trying to smell appealing to others. The perfume in-dustry employs people to be smell testers in order to pinpoint the smell that willsell. These people are sensitive to more odors than the normal person and cansense odors that are appealing or unappealing. In the perfume business, “the nosehas it.” All fragrance companies have one goal in mind: to convey some messagethat sells their product. Check out your bathroom or makeup kit, and you willfind various messages given by colognes and perfumes. The perfume and cologneindustry definitely knows how to communicate with the American public. Theseindustries often relate scent to sexiness, sexual arousal, attraction, and life.

Some researchers suggest that perfume and attraction are related.However, the relationship, if it exists, must be very complex. For example, tobe perceived as attractive, the woman who dresses elaborately may not requireas much perfume as the woman who dresses down. Does Miss America needto wear perfume to be seen as attractive? Will a homeless person be attractiveif he or she wears cologne? The research in this area is insufficient to be sure,but we are reasonably certain that the impact of perfume and cologne is lessthan the advertisers would have us believe.

The norm of our culture is that if someone doesn’t smell appealing, weare not attracted to them. However, what attracts one person might offend an-other person. Overpowering perfumes and colognes offend some people’ssenses; whereas, others are turned on to the scent. We need to remember tostay within the norms of our culture and try to have a scent that is attractive toothers. People can react very negatively to bad scents. A professor at a south-western university rarely took a bath and insisted on wearing wool jacketsyear-round. He seldom if ever took the jackets to the cleaners. He hung themoutside a few times a year and stated that “wool cleans itself.” Finally, stu-dents started to complain, and faculty members became offended. Some facultymembers refused to sit near him in faculty meetings. They felt that they couldnot say anything about his odor. A colleague started placing cans of deodorantin the professor’s mailbox. It helped. The professor started bathing more and

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using the deodorant. Do not expect that the “subtle” approach will alwayswork. Most people who smell very bad to others do not think they smell bad,and often it is hard to change their minds.

SCENT AND TOUCH. Consider the following: An older man is lying in the hos-pital bed looking worn, shallow, and weak. His eyes are closed and his breath-ing is shallow. As you reach out to touch his arm, he inhales deeply and ex-hales breath into your face and simultaneously flatulates. Will you touch him?Will you unintentionally draw away? You may run.

People approach things and persons who are attractive. Therefore ifsomeone looks unpleasant or has bad breath or body odor, it is unlikely thatwe will want to touch them. Some parents refuse to touch their babies whenthey have vomited or messed their diapers, because of the odor. In nursinghomes and hospitals, the attractive patients get more and better care from thestaff. Attractive people in society receive more touch. Attractiveness is relatedto scent. Those who smell attractive, pleasing, and good are much more like-ly to receive more touch than those who smell unattractive, unpleasant, andfoul.

Hospitals are notorious for their distinctive scents and odors. Often, thestaff and doctors are insensitive to them. The odors in hospitals can make pa-tients feel bad and visitors feel frightened. Many hospitals are trying to im-prove their atmospheres by using scents that cover up the “hospital odor.”They have to be cautious, however, so that the scents they use do not triggerpeople’s allergies.

SCENT AND THE ENVIRONMENT. Our environment is flooded with a variety ofodors that assault our olfactory senses. We have pollution in the air, cigarettesmoke, strong perfumes, scented toilet tissue, scented underwear, scented yardsprays, and scented house and carpet cleaners.

Some things smell better (or worse) than other things!

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All environments in this culture are flooded with a variety of scents.Some scents are worse than the original odors. It is difficult to purchasean unscented product on the market, and when they are available they areusually 10 to 15 percent more expensive. We must pay to keep the manufac-turer from putting in the perfume. Oddly enough, some unscented productsactually have a natural scent, but they contain scents to make them seemunscented.

Many people suffer from scent-related allergies or breathing maladies.Because we have so many scents in the environment, it can take an allergistdays and several types of tests to determine what someone is allergic to andwhere the scent is. In this culture, we are very sensitive to odors and may evenreact to them violently. In 1979 (before the federal ban on smoking on domes-tic flights), a smoking war took place on Eastern Airlines flight 1410.Smoking and nonsmoking passengers got into an argument over the contami-nation of the air on the plane by the smoking passengers. Both wanted theirrights to the air. The nonsmokers did not want their air contaminated bysmoke, and the smokers wanted to smoke. The plane had to make a forcedlanding because of the confrontation that followed. This might seem amus-ing, but in a sense it isn’t. Each of us feels that we should have a right to con-trol the air in our space; when that air is invaded by undesirable scents, weare willing to fight to get clean air. There are many stories of people becomingangered and enraged at others for flooding the environment with undesirableodors. Recall that one form of territorial invasion is contamination. Whenour air is fouled, our territory is fouled. We are likely to respond with thefight response.

What we need to remember is that all people do not prefer the same scents.A scent that smells good to one may smell foul to another. We must be sensitiveto others around us and how our scents and the way we use environmentalscents can affect others. Some people spray their homes with disinfectants anduse strong carpet cleaners to hide pet odors. Their visitors think the place justplain stinks.

We are flooded with environmental odors that communicate things to usabout others. We react to environmental scents. We may even make judgmentsabout others based on the scents they allow in their environments.

EFFECTS OF SCENT AND SMELL. Scent clearly is a means of interacting withothers. We can use our scents to increase our communication with one another.We can also use our scents to guarantee that others do not communicate with us.Therefore, scent is a powerful although invisible component of the nonverbalcommunication process.

First, scent can be used to increase perceived attraction betweentwo people. People are attracted to others who exude pleasant odors.Heightening one’s positive scent may entice or repel others. Be careful whatyou do.

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Second, scent can also influence the attractiveness of food. Often, smell isprimarily responsible for creating flavor. Sometimes taste actually takes on asecondary role. Therefore much of our taste experience depends on how goodor bad, pleasant or unpleasant something smells. Unpleasant-smelling foodsmay never be tasted, much less eaten. We may know something will taste badbecause it smells awful.

Taste sensations tend to be intense and acute when we are young; as weage, our taste sensations tend to decline. This is why many older people losetheir appetite for foods they previously enjoyed, and why many children hatepungent cheeses and spicy foods.

Although smell plays a dramatic role in what we taste, there are otherfactors that must be considered. Other things that influence our preference forfoods beside smell are our expectations, our personality, the color of the food,the texture of the food, and the frequency of ingestion.

Third, scent and smell can evoke meanings and memories of things, peo-ple, and environments from the past. Smell is one of the best senses for helpingus form meanings and to recall past events. People who have smell blindnesscannot detect certain odors and scents, may be unaware of the scents aroundthem, and cannot form certain meanings and memories of things and people.

Fourth, we daily use what is called smell adaptation. This means that weadapt our sense of smell every time we enter a new environment. For example,when we enter a chocolate store, we instantly inhale the pleasant aroma ofchocolate. Smell adaptation permits us to have pleasant scents linger longerand to keep unpleasant scents from lingering.

Fifth, we experience what is called smell memory, the phenomenon bywhich scents and smells trigger spontaneous recall of events that are associat-ed with them. We may recall the smells in our parents’ home and the pleasantmemories they evoke. Smell blindness, smell adaptation, and smell memoriesare very important in finding our meanings and evoking memories.

Sixth, scent and smell can be used to educate students about the worldaround them and to stimulate the learning processes of deaf and mute stu-dents. Winter (1976) reported that when researchers paired long lists of wordswith odors that matched the words, students could retain the words for a longperiod. The Braille Institute of America and the Perkins School for the Blinduse scratch-and-sniff labels with learning tools that are written in braille.

Seventh, smell and scent have recently become of scientific concern inmany medical communities. The diagnosis of disease by smell is not a newtechnique but one long practiced. Several patient odors have been associatedwith particular diseases. Yellow fever smelled like the butcher shop. Scurvyand smallpox had putrid odors. Typhoid fever smelled like freshly bakedbread. Diphtheria had a very sweet odor, and the plague had the odor of ap-ples. Many of these diseases do not exist in the United States now, but peopleshould still be aware of the power of scent in diagnosing an illness. As a func-tion of more recent research, for example, doctors can determine what type ofalcoholism a patient is suffering from, what type of poison a patient swal-lowed, and whether a patient is in a diabetic coma (by the odor of acetone). Allof the above can help a physician in making a diagnosis.

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Glossary of Terminology

Chromadynamics is the study ofthe physiological effects caused byobserving color.Fixed-feature space is space that isfixed or immovable, such as thephysical features in our homes, offices, rooms, schools, and even thelayout of our cities and towns.Olfactics is the study of scents andsmells and how people perceive andprocess information about them.Olfactory signature is the individu-alized, unique scent that each personhas.Perceptual characteristics of environ-ment are formality, warmth, privacy,familiarity, constraint, and distance.Pheromones are chemicals that ani-mals excrete to attract other animalsfor mates. The term originated fromthe Greek pherein (to carry) andhorman (to excite or stimulate).Pressure area, or the business-transaction area of an office, is centered on the desk of the office’s

occupant. It is here that firm deci-sions, hard negotiations, and toughbargaining take place.

Semifixed-feature space includesthe movable objects in our environ-ments, such as furniture and acces-sories that adorn, accent, highlight,and personalize the physical areas inour world.

Semisocial area is used primarily todelay or placate an office visitor, tosocialize, or to conduct less demand-ing talks, decisions, and bargaining.Smell adaptation is the ability toadapt from one smell to the other,particularly from one strong scent toa stronger scent or to a weaker scent.Smell blindness is an anatomicaldefect of the nose that impairs a person’s ability to detect or distin-guish certain scents.Smell memory is the phenomenonby which scents and smells can trig-ger spontaneous recall of events thatare associated with them.

In summary, environmental factors are important in human communica-tion. Whether it is attractiveness, color, lighting, temperature, or scent andsmell, these factors can affect our reactions to others, our emotional states,and our perceptions. If we understand the environmental factors present in agiven situation, we may be better able to understand the communication thatoccurs in that situation.

9CHAPTERTouch and Communication

Tactile communication is the earliestand probably the most basic form ofcommunication. The most primitive

life forms rely almost exclusively on touchto interact with the environment aroundthem. Humans depend on tactile sensitivityas their first and possibly most importantform of contact with other human beings(Argyle, 1975; Dolin & Booth-Butterfield,1993; Fromme, Jaynes, Taylor, Hanold,Daniell, Rountree, & Fromme, 1989;Glausiusz, 2002; Jones & Yarbrough,1985; Mehrabian, 1971; Montagu, 1978;Richmond, 1997, 2002). Even before the

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infant is born, it is nurtured, caressed, and usually held secure in the mother’swomb. The omnipresent heartbeat of the mother provides a comforting liferhythm that soothes and satisfies the infant (Clay, 1966; Maurer & Maurer,1988).

The five senses are sight, hearing, smell, taste, and touch. But while sight,hearing, smell, and taste are located in specific parts of the human body, thesense of touch is found all over the body. Our sense of touch originates inthe bottom layer of our skin, called the dermis. The dermis is filled with tinynerve endings that send information to the brain about things that our skincontacts. The nerve endings communicate if we are hot, cold, or in pain. Someparts of our body are more sensitive to touch than others. For example, the leastsensitive part is the middle of the back. The most sensitive parts are the hands,lips, face, neck, tongue, fingertips, and feet. Since these parts of the body aretouched most often by other people, we are continually receiving signals abouthow others feel about us from their touch.

In the previous chapter, we discussed the idea that human beings use spa-tial orientations to communicate various messages. Proxemic behavior inhumans tells us a great deal about relationships, attitudes, and feelings. Theproxemic phenomenon that we have reserved for this chapter is probably oneof the most important and controversial of all nonverbal codes associated withthe process of communication. Called haptics, it is the study of the type,amount, uses of, and results of tactile behavior. Touch and body contact pro-vide rich and powerful tools for communication and are vital to the survivaland normal development of animals and human beings.

Furthermore, touch is important because it is the most effective means tocommunicate our feelings and emotions. Body contact is a signal of liking andacceptance. The withholding of touch, on the other hand, may communicatean assortment of negative feelings such as resentment, hostility, anger, or dis-trust. Touching others can help fulfill our need for closeness. Can you imaginehaving a romantic relationship with someone without the assistance of a gooddose of touching?

In their book on interpersonal communication, Adler and Towne (1975)stressed that touch was essential to life itself:

Besides being the earliest means we have of making contact withothers, touching is essential to our healthy development. During thenineteenth and early twentieth centuries many children born everyyear died of a disease then called “marasmus,” which translatedfrom the Greek means “wasting away.” In some orphanages themortality rate was nearly 100 percent, but even children in the most“progressive” homes, hospitals, and other institutions died regu-larly from the ailment. . . .They hadn’t enough touch, and as a resultthey died. (pp. 225–226)

Other writers have emphasized the extraordinary function of touch in the rela-tionship between parents and children. Even the unconscious feelings of parents

176 C H A P T E R 9 Touch and Communication

are received by children through touch and can sometimes create confusion andconflict. Many experts contend that touch deprivation may eventually lead to amyriad of problems related to communication, such as reduced learning ofspeech and symbol recognition (Boderman, Freed, & Kinnucan, 1972; Davis,1978; Despert, 1941; Johnson & Edwards, 1991; Morris, 1971, 1976; Thayer,1986).

Hall (1966) contends that the study of touch is an integral part of keep-ing people within the context of their culture. He laments that much of theresearch “has failed to grasp the significance of touch, particularly activetouch. They have not understood ‘how important it is to keep the personrelated to the world in which he (she) lives’” (p. 57). The point Hall was mak-ing is important. How we touch, the amount we touch, and what we use touchfor are largely a consequence of our culture’s norms.

In this chapter, we discuss the impact of touch on the process of commu-nication in several ways. First, we discuss a section on life-span developmentand touch. Second, we present the functions of touch and touch norms, partic-ularly in our society.

LIFE-SPAN DEVELOPMENT AND TOUCH

Tactile stimulation is a highly necessary form of interaction throughout the lifespans of animals and humans. In this section, we discuss the nature of touchduring human development. Much of the early research on touch was donewith animal populations. It provided considerable insight into the effects oftouch on growth and development.

Touch in Animals

We suggested earlier that tactile communication is the primary if not the onlymeans of interaction for many basic forms of animal life. Consider the commu-nication among social insects such as bees and ants, which is highly dependenton touch. Through their antennae, these insects transmit the messages thatensure the smooth operation of their microsocieties. Touch signals in most ani-mal species generally are coupled with chemical signals detected through smell.

Two important tactile phenomena that occur among various species aregentling and licking. These are kinds of touch adult animals use with their off-spring just after birth. Gentling behavior is the stroking and touching of ani-mal newborns. Licking is used in the animal world to clean the offspring.Licking also plays an important role in stimulating the physiological functionsof newborn animals and therefore contributes dramatically to their survival.

Some of the most notable research concerning the effects of touch on ani-mals was conducted by psychologist Harry Harlow and his associates usingmonkeys (Harlow & Zimmerman, 1958; Harlow, Harlow & Hansen, 1963).Harlow was interested in the bodily contact between mother monkeys andtheir offspring. Under tightly controlled laboratory conditions, the investiga-tors observed that infant monkeys separated from their mothers grew fond of

Life-Span Development and Touch 177

gauze pads attached to their cages and essentially attached themselves to them.Upon removing the pads, Harlow and his colleagues noticed that the infantmonkeys became violent. They also found that infants reared in bare wire-mesh enclosures had considerable difficulty surviving during the first severaldays after birth.

In a later study, the researchers placed two surrogate mothers in the cageswith the infant monkeys. One surrogate mother was made of terry cloth with alight bulb behind the head to give off heat. The second surrogate mother wasconstructed out of wire-mesh material. The cloth mother “lactated” through abottle in half the conditions, and the wire mother “lactated” in the other half.The baby monkeys had equal access to both mothers and were allowed tospend any amount of time they wanted with either. The results were somewhatsurprising. Even when the wire mother lactated, the infant monkeys preferredthe cloth mother. The researchers concluded that the attraction to the clothmother was due to the tactile comfort she provided. Harlow and his colleagueswere surprised to observe that the affection and love stemming from the tactilecomfort seemed to far exceed the need for the infant monkeys to nurse. At leastin some circumstances, touch may be more important than food.

Human Development

CHILDREN. Just as touch is crucial for animals, it is also important for humangrowth and development. Knapp and Hall (1992) have commented on thevital role touch plays in human communication:

Tactile communication is probably the most basic or primitiveform of communication. In fact, tactile sensitivity may be the firstsensory process to become functional. In fetal life, the child beginsto respond to vibrations of mother’s pulsating heartbeat, whichimpinge on the child’s entire body and are magnified by the amni-otic fluid. . . . In one sense, our first input about what “life” isgoing to be like comes from the sense of touch. (p. 231)

The implication of these remarks, and those of other experts, is that tactilecommunication in the early stages of life may establish the foundation of allother forms of communication that humans later develop. As we suggested atthe beginning of this chapter, touch in the infant years is necessary for the sub-sequent development of the abilities to learn speech and recognize symbols.

Around the turn of the century, marasmus, the “wasting-away disease”(often referred to today as “failure to thrive”) among infants, was determinedto be the result of a lack of tactile stimulation. However, it was not until yearslater that the medical community accepted touch as a treatment. A dramaticillustration of how important touch was to the survival of infants occurredshortly after the end of World War II in Europe. The death rate among babiesin orphanages was extremely high, although they were well fed and technicallywere well cared for. (The babies had received a lot of instrumental touch but

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little expressive/caring touch because of the large number of infants and fewstaff persons.) When older women, many of whom were widowed or childless,were hired to hold, rock, and feed the babies, however, the infant death ratedropped to almost zero. Touching, holding, rocking, and caring for the babiesliterally saved their lives. Additionally, the older women, many of whom hadlost their entire families to the war, survived and thrived much better than theyhad prior to coming to care for the infants.

As infants, we receive more touch from other human beings than at anyother time of our lives. Both the frequency of touch and the duration of touchbetween mothers and their infants are at their peak between the ages of four-teen months and two years. Touch decreases consistently after this period.Although male infants actually receive more touch than females in the first sixmonths, females receive more touch after this time and are encouraged toengage in greater amounts of touch than are their male counterparts. This sug-gests that as early as the first year of life, parents are socializing their children’stactile behavior to conform to the expectations of adult gender roles. Boys areencouraged to play away from parents; whereas, girls are often rewardedfor doing the opposite (Clay, 1966; Glausiusz, 2002; Harrison-Speake &Willis, 1995; Montagu, 1978; Morris, 1976; Nguyen, Heslin & Nguyen,1975, 1976; Patterson, Powell, & Lenihan, 1986; Thayer, 1986; Willis &Briggs, 1992; Willis & Hofman, 1975).

As the child moves from infancy into later childhood, the frequency withwhich he or she gives and receives touch appears to decline steadily. Willis andHofman (1975) found this trend among children from kindergarten to sixthgrade. Once adolescence is reached, the amount of physical contact falls toabout half that observed in the early elementary grades. These writers note,however, that even adolescents touch each other more frequently than adultsdo. In short, children experience less touch as they grow older, but they alsoexperience more of it than they will for the rest of their lives. Some writers sug-gest, however, that adolescence brings with it a latency period during whichtouch is greatly reduced. Once sex becomes significant, physical contact

Peters, R. M., Hackeman, E., & Goldreich, D.

(2009). Diminutive digits discern delicate details:

Fingertip size and the sex differences in tactile

space acuity. Journal of Neuroscience, 29,

15756-15761.

One interesting notion about touch sensitiv-ity is that women are more sensitive totouch than are men. The researchers in thisstudy hypothesized that the reason that thisis so is because the women generally havesmaller fingertips. They first measured thesize of the fingertips of 50 men and 50women. They were all tested on a “tactilegrating orientation task.” They found thattactile perception (at least in the fingers)improves with the decreasing size of the

fingertips. They concluded that their studyexplains the sex difference because mostwomen have smaller fingertips than do men.

Life-Span Development and Touch 179

increases sharply (Fromme, Jaynes, Taylor, Hanold, Daniell, Rountree, &Fromme, 1989; Johnson & Edwards, 1991; Morris, 1971, 1976; Nguyen,Heslin, & Nguyen, 1975; Pines, 1984; Pisano, Wall, & Foster, 1985; Sigelman &Adams, 1990; Thayer, 1986; Willis & Briggs, 1992; Willis & Hofman, 1975).

ADULTS. When humans reach adulthood, tactile behavior becomes consider-ably more restricted. Much of the adult’s touch is restricted to greetings andgoodbyes. Furthermore, it appears that touching becomes more rule-governed.Most or all societies hold adults accountable for the amount and type of touchthey use. As a result, our culture requires that grownups exercise caution inengaging in physical contact with others. It is during adulthood that culturesenforce their touch norms. Violation of these norms can have extensive socialconsequences (Boderman, Freed, & Kinnucan, 1972; Jones & Yarbrough,1985; Schutz, 1971; Willis & Hofman, 1975). It is also during this stage thatthe cultural differences become prominent (Remland, Jones, & Brinkman,1991; Shuter, 1976). A particular restriction on physical contact, according tomany writers on nonverbal communication, is placed on touch between twoadult males in our society (Roses, Olson, Borenstein, Martin, & Shores, 1992).

Many more women than men today are involved with the physical careof children and others in their surroundings; they are less likely to have nega-tive feelings about touch. Unlike most men, many women perform touchbehaviors such as bathing, drying, powdering, kissing, dressing, undressing,lifting, carrying, combing, grooming, feeding, holding, smoothing, caressing,and comforting on a routine basis. Men who share equally in such touchingroutines may be less fearful or anxious about touch.

As adolescents move into adulthood, tactile communication graduallygives way to other forms of communication. Because adults may experience agreat deal of frustration from lack of physical contact with others, it is com-mon to see them resort to a variety of substitutes. According to Morris (1971),adults often use the services of licensed touchers to fulfill the body contactneeds that result from decreased adult contact in our society. We hire masseusesand masseurs, barbers, and beauty specialists, and may sometimes evenincrease our visits to the doctor merely to get a good dose of tactile medicine.

Many American adults are so touch-starved that they may resort to avariety of different forms of substitute touch. Some use substitutes such asdogs or cats. In addition, some of us “suck our thumbs or smoke cigarettes; wedrink out of bottles that are the same size as baby bottles, we will hug our-selves when we’re in distress . . . attempting to get back some kind of infantilecomfort” (Rosenfeld & Civikly, 1976, p. 130). This touch-starved orientationstill holds true for our culture.

Substitute touch is how many adults meet their touch needs. Your family’spet may be more important to the daily comfort of the grownups than it is forthe pleasure of the children. It is not uncommon for pets originally purchasedfor a child to become more Mom’s or Dad’s. Usually it is explained that thechild is negligent in caring for the pet, so the adult is forced to step in. One maywonder which came first, the child’s negligence or the adult’s caring.

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As humans grow older, the decline in touch continues. Senior citizens, forthe most part, have begun to decrease even the sexual contact that gained fullstrength during early adulthood. One study investigating touch among seniorcitizens found that the rules governing touch may be more restrictive at thisage than at any other. Results of a study of older persons in senior housing ledto the following conclusions: When the elderly are touched, it is far away fromthe genital area; touch is highly restricted between residents and staff membersof the other sex; the initiator of any touch is usually of high status; and resi-dents who are physically impaired received less touch. The researcher notedthat extremely impaired males in such institutions are the least touched of allbecause most staff members are female. One might question whether theimpairment presaged the lack of touch, or the reverse. Without a doubt, oursenior citizens are the most touch-deprived of any age group in our culture.This acute lack of touch in the later years is a major contributor to seniors’growing feelings of isolation (Watson, 1975; Willis & Hofman, 1975;Harrison-Speake & Willis, 1995).

CATEGORIES OF TOUCH

Morris (1971) distinguished between touching others and touching one’s self.He concluded from field observation that there are “457 types of body contact”(p. 92). He also suggests that there are 14 major types of public contact thatcould occur between two people. He refers to these as tie signs, because thiscontact signals that some type of relationship is present between the two per-sons. Table 9.1 lists Morris’s major categories of touching.

Our touch behavior functions in a variety of ways. Depending on ourinterpersonal relationships with others, how we touch and the amount we touchserve different functions. The following discussion centers on five categories oftouch, each of which serves different functions: professional-functional, social-polite, friendship-warmth, love-intimacy, and sexual-arousal (Heslin, 1974).

Professional-Functional Touch

We have all experienced being examined by a physician, chiropractor, or den-tist, or having a haircut. In such professional interactions, the professionalmust touch the patient to provide a thorough examination. Often, theseencounters involve body contact that in any other situation might appearextremely intimate and inappropriate. However, we generally accept physi-cians’ probing and jabbing as necessary; likewise, hair stylists’ handling ourhead and hair. In situations such as these, touch is used on an impersonal level.

Professional-functional touch is impersonal, business-like touch used toaccomplish or perform some task or service. It is not only in medical contextsthat professional touch occurs. It may occur when you are trying on shoes, whenyou visit your hair stylist, or when you are exchanging money with others.Touch is also used in sport. Kneidinger, Maple, and Tross (2001) studied touch-ing among players of college sports during their games and found that females

Categories of Touch 181

TABLE 9.1

Morris’s Major Categories of Touch

Category Description

1. The Handshake

2. The Body Guide

3. The Pat

4. The Arm-Link

5. The Shoulder Embrace

6. The Full Embrace

7. The Hand-in-Hand

8. The Waist Embrace

9. The Kiss

10. The Hand-to-Head

The strength of the tie or desired tie between theparticipants often can be observed by watchingthe nonshaking hand.Here, touching is a substitute for pointing. Theperson guiding the other’s body is frequently incharge during the encounter.Morris says when adults pat other adults it isoften a condescending gesture or a sexual one.The well-known exception is the congratulatorypat (often on the buttocks) following a successfulperformance in team sports.This form of touching may be used for supportwhen one person is infirm, but it is also frequentlyused to indicate a close relationship. The person incharge, says Morris, is less likely to be the persongrasping the other’s arm.This half embrace is used in romantic relation-ships as well as to signify buddies in male-malerelationships.This gesture, sometimes called a hug, frequentlyoccurs during moments of intense emotion, sportingevents, romance, greetings, and farewells. It is alsoused ritualistically to show a relationship closerthan a handshake would indicate.When adults hold hands with children it isdesigned for support, to keep the child close, orto protect the child. As adults, hand-holding(because both parties are performing the sameact) suggests an equality within the relationship.It is often thought of in opposite-sex relationships,but same-sex hand-holding is not uncommon,particularly in groups.This, according to Morris, is frequently substitutedfor the full embrace when the participants wishto signal more intimacy than hand-holding or ashoulder embrace yet still remain mobile.The location, pressure, duration, and openness ofa kiss help to signal the closeness or desiredcloseness of a relationship at a particularmoment.Given the highly vulnerable nature of the headarea, letting someone touch you on the head showsa trusting and often intimate relationship.

(continued)

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touched one another more, males touched more at away games, females touchedmore at home games, and females performed more touching after negativeevents. All these situations have in common the fact that the touch is incidentalto the purpose of the transaction between you and the other person.

Social-Polite Touch

The type of touch known as social-polite touch serves to communicate a limitedform of interpersonal involvement. When this form of touch is used, we touchanother person as more than a mere object. Rather, our body contact serves toacknowledge the other in a social role, as during a greeting. Social touch, how-ever, follows strict cultural rules. As a result, we find that cultures may differwidely about what is considered proper social touch. In U.S. culture, the hand-shake is a largely accepted way to acknowledge another person; however, thelength of time one holds another person’s hand can signal more than politeness.Therefore it is critical that the handshake say only, “Hello, nice to meet you.” In

TABLE 9.1 (continued)

Category Description

11. The Head-to-Head

12. The Caress

13. The Body Support

14. The Mock Attack

Two people touching heads renders them incapableof regarding other ongoing activities in a normalmanner, so this form of touching is usually thoughtof as an agreement by both parties to shut out therest of the world, a condition common to loversespecially.This is a signal associated with romantic feelingsfor one’s partner; although, like any signal, it canbe used by nonintimates who are trying to deceiveothers about the depth of their relationship.As children, our parents often support us bycarrying, lifting, or letting us sit in their lap.As adults, such support may be sought in playfulsituations or when one person feels physicallyhelpless.These are aggressive-looking behaviors performedin a nonaggressive manner, e.g., arm punches,hair ruffling, pushes, pinches, ear nibbles, etc. Wesometimes allow or even encourage such gestureswith friends to show the range of behavioralunderstanding between us. And sometimes thesemock-attack touches are substitutes for moreloving touches that, in the case of some fatherswishing to show love for their sons, may be tooembarrassing.

Adapted from D. Morris (1977), Manwatching. New York: Abrams.

Categories of Touch 183

other cultures, we see shoulder clasps, kisses on each cheek, and perhaps kisseson the cheek or mouth serving the same function. Social touch is a form of tac-tile behavior that neutralizes the status differential between two persons.

Friendship-Warmth Touch

Friendship-warmth touch lets another person know that we care for, value,and have an interest in her or him. This form of touch is probably the most dif-ficult to interpret, both for the receiver of the touch and for an outsideobserver. One reason is that relationships in which friendship touch occurs areoften so close as to be confused with intimacy and sexual attraction. Anotherreason is that this type of touch often is unique to the relationship itself.Interpersonal involvement at this level sees interactants touching for morethan professional or social reasons. Here, two people touch one another aspeople, not objects, and as people who know each other, not as strangers pass-ing in the night.

More cross-cultural variability occurs with friendship touch than anyother type. In our culture, for example, touch that signals friendship-warmth ishandled with great care. Because we are members of a noncontact-orientedsociety, we appear to have many unwritten rules that dictate when it is appro-priate to use touch in this fashion. In this culture, when close friends are alonetogether, there is substantially less friendship touch between them than inother cultures. This is because in our culture we tend to associate touching inprivate with intimacy and sexuality. In an open public area, as with twofriends meeting at an airport after months or years apart, this type of touch ismore appropriate. Later, when the two are alone, it seems less appropriate. Insome other cultures, men touch men much more in public and in private set-tings than do many North Americans, male or female.

Love-Intimacy Touch

In relationships between intimate lovers and spouses, touch takes on moreimportant characteristics. Love-intimacy touch may include caressing thecheek, holding another person around the waist, hugging, embracing, kissing,and many other gestures that signal a particularly close and involved associa-tion between individuals. Intimate touch is highly communicative, expressingcaring, love, and emotional and affective attachment. Intimate touch is accom-panied by many other nonverbal cues to make sure its intent is clear. We alsouse love-intimacy touch to satisfy the touch needs of our loved ones, even if weourselves are inconvenienced in doing so.

Intimate touch can convey some of our most important interpersonalmessages. Through this kind of touch we complement and validate our verbalmessages that say, “I love you,” “You are very special to me,” and “You are avery important part of my life.” An important point to remember is that inti-mate touching does not necessarily involve sexual activity. The sex is not whatmakes two people intimate. This confusion has led many couples to become

184 C H A P T E R 9 Touch and Communication

dissatisfied with their special relationships. One of them may not understandthat frequent sexual contact does not fulfill the needs of the other.

Sexual-Arousal Touch

As implied above, sexual arousal is often equated with intimate touch. Thinkabout it for a moment. Can you have sexual intercourse with someone withoutbeing intimate? How about the prostitute and her or his client? The client may besatisfying an intense personal drive; whereas, the prostitute views the entire expe-rience purely as a business transaction. Furthermore, the prostitute most likelywill see the touch involved as professional in nature. We could hardly describethis encounter as loving and intimate. How about another purely sexual phenom-enon called the one-night stand? Although it is possible for a one-night stand toinvolve a temporary form of “instant intimacy,” most are strictly pleasurableexperiences. The relationship between the participants can barely be described asfriendship, much less intimacy. Sexual-arousal touch is the most intense form oftouch. It may also be the most communicative. Many therapists believe that effec-tive sexual intercourse is the ultimate in communication. We feel that many ofthese therapists may be correct if they are looking to the ideal (Sloan, 2002).

TOUCH NORMS AND COMMUNICATION

What is normal touch? The answer depends on many factors. Your concept ofnormal may not be mine, especially if we are not from the same culture, are notapproximately the same age, are not of the same gender, and so on. Normaltouch is highly individualized, which has made research in this area so difficult.

Close, very close.

Touch Norms and Communication 185

One of the most widely cited researchers in this area is Sidney Jourard(1966a). In his first study on the touch behavior of humans, he devised a body-accessibility survey and administered it to unmarried American college stu-dents. This survey instrument included figures of human beings that weredivided into several areas. The subjects were asked to indicate the amount oftouch they received from significant others, such as parents and close friends,in each of the body areas, and the extent to which they touched others in thoseareas. Jourard’s investigation revealed, not surprisingly, that the hands, arms,shoulders, back, and head were most frequently involved in touch. Otherinteresting results included the following: Males in the study touched theirmothers less than they were touched by their mothers; people (both maleand female) who considered themselves unattractive indicated that theywere touched less in all body areas; and Jewish females reported less touchwith their boyfriends than did Protestant and Catholic females (Jourard,1966a, 1966b, 1968, 1971; Jourard & Friedman, 1970; Rosenfeld, Kartus &Ray, 1976).

To ascertain whether the touch norms had changed over the years, agroup of researchers conducted a study similar to Jourard’s much later (Jones,1999). They found much the same results concerning touching between sub-jects and their mothers, fathers, and same-sex friends. However, two majordifferences in the results of this study did emerge: Males had increased theamount of touch they initiated with female friends in the body areas rangingfrom chest to knees; and females touched their male friends more frequentlyabout the chest, stomach, and hips. It is speculated that these differences are areflection of changes in our culture and are reflected in the behavior of youngpeople.

Jones (1999) notes that there can be a blueprint for touching. Hisresearch revealed 18 different meanings of touch, which are grouped intoseven types: positive affect (emotion), playfulness, control, ritual, hybrid(mixed), task-related, and accidental touches. Last, he and other researchershave made it clear that there are nonvulnerable body parts (NVBP) in our cul-ture. These NVBPs are the hand, arm, shoulder, and upper back. He suggeststhere are also vulnerable body parts (VBP). These VBPs are all other bodyregions. When in doubt, touch only on the hand, arm, shoulder, and upper back(Richmond, 1997).

Touch norms depend on the type of situation in which interpersonalinteractions take place. Touching is likely to be more frequent in some situa-tions than in others. The contexts in which touching is more likely and morefrequent include the following:

■ Attempting to persuade rather than being persuaded■ Getting “worry” or “concern” messages from others rather than sending

them■ Engaging in involved and deep conversation rather than superficial and

casual conversation■ Signaling excitement and enthusiasm rather than receiving such messages

186 C H A P T E R 9 Touch and Communication

■ Giving rather than asking for advice■ Giving rather than taking orders■ At social gatherings (as at parties) rather than in professional settings

such as the office

If these situational constraints seem normal to you, it is a sign that you haveassimilated the norms of the culture around you. If they do not, you may findyour touching behavior (or lack of it) communicating something very negativeto others (Goldberg & Rosenthal, 1986; Henley, 1973, 1977; Patterson,Powell, & Lenihan, 1986; Pines, 1984).

Cultural Differences

What is considered normal in the amount and type of touch an individualgives or receives depends not only on the situation but also on the culture inwhich he or she lives. According to Argyle (1975), several types of tactilebehaviors are common to western culture. Table 9.2 summarizes the types oftouch and the areas of the body usually touched, as shown in Argyle’s work.

Studies have shown that body contact is less frequent among NorthAmericans, British, Germans, Finns, and Japanese than among individuals inother cultures. North Americans are often called noncontact oriented. A study

TABLE 9.2

Type of Touch

Type Body Region

Patting Head, backSlapping Bottom, hand, facePunching Chest, facePinching CheekStroking Hair, face, upper body, knee, genitalsShaking Hands, shouldersKissing Mouth, cheeks, breast, hand, foot, genitalsLicking Face, genitalsHolding Hand, arm, knee, genitalsGuiding Hand, armEmbracing Shoulder, bodyLinking ArmsLaying-on HandsKicking Legs, bottomGrooming Hair, faceTickling Almost anywhere

Adapted from M. Argyle (1975). Bodily Communication. New York:International Universities Press.

Touch Norms and Communication 187

by Jourard (1966a) found that the rates of touch per hour among adults inseveral cultures differed considerably. His results showed that, while observedin coffee shops, adult couples in San Juan touched 180 times per hour; in Paris,110 times per hour; in London, 0 times per hour; and in Gainesville, Florida,2 times per hour.

Although North Americans are not frequent touchers compared to mostother cultures, at least one study has shown that we engage in body contactmore often than do the Japanese. Barnlund (1975) conducted a study using asimilar technique to that used by Jourard. He asked both Americans andJapanese to indicate the amount and frequency of touch they give and receivein various body areas. The results showed that for nearly all areas, Americanstouched their partners more.

We stereotypically view macrocultures as either contact or noncontactoriented. One such stereotype is that all Latin Americans touch frequently.Research has shown, however, that even within the culture of Latin America,subcultural differences for touch are evident. Shuter (1976), for example,observed the three Latin American cultures of Panama, Costa Rica, andColombia. According to this study, the amount of touching and holdingbehavior decreases the farther south the culture is. Before this research, therewere some who argued that there was a worldwide pattern of touch. The beliefwas that the closer a culture is located to the equator, the more its peopletouch. Although this was an interesting speculation and many cultures con-form to this pattern, the Shuter study indicates that touch patterns are morecomplex than that.

Gender Differences

In general, if the person touching one is a close friend or lover, then there areusually no “no-go areas.” However, touch behavior differs between males andfemales in our culture. Not surprisingly, women usually are seen as more touchoriented than men. This has been a general and consistent observation(Andersen & Leibowitz, 1978; Larsen & LeRoux, 1984; Fromme, Jaynes,Taylor, Hanold, Daniell, Rountree, & Fromme, 1989; Richmond, 1997).What is more interesting, however, is that the two sexes perceive touch differ-ently. Women discriminate among their body parts in terms of touchabilitymore than men do. Females feel that hand-squeezing is a sign of love andfriendliness, and they do not see the squeezing of their chests as playful. Males,on the other hand, are not as concerned about specific parts of their bodies.Males are not as likely to apply specific meaning to specific kinds of touch butare more concerned about the type of touch they receive than about the areasof the body that receive the touch. Women may engage in more self-touchingto fulfill their need for touch. Women who marry touch-resistant men willoften engage in sexual relations to be held and cuddled. Some conclusionsabout men, women, and touch follow.

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Relationship Conclusion about Being Touched

Close friend of opposite sex: Women: all overMen: anywhere between head and just belowthe knees

Close friend of same sex: Women: head, neck, arms, hands, upper backMen: back of head, arms, hands, below theknees, upper back

Stranger of the opposite sex: Women: no part of the bodyMen: back of head, shoulders, arms, hands,chest, back, upper thighs, knees

Stranger of the same sex: Women: arms and handsMen: back of head, upper shoulders, upperback, arms, hands

Touch Apprehension

In this section, we review the concept of touch apprehension. Andersen andcolleagues speak of a similar construct referred to as touch avoidance. Muchof the touch apprehension review is based on the early works of these investi-gators (Andersen & Leibowitz, 1978; Andersen & Sull, 1985; Guerrero &Andersen, 1994, 1999).

Do you have some friends who touch you and others constantly, withoutregard for personal space or touch norms? We shall call this group thetouchers. The touchers constantly touch and sometimes are told by others,“Stop touching!” Despite the situation or the person, these touchers touch oth-ers. They do not seem to be aware of the touch norms of others around them,nor do they seem to realize that their constant touching can be annoying tothose they touch.

On the other extreme, do you have some friends who rarely touch anddo not appreciate it when others touch them? We shall call this group theuntouchables. They are very conscious about whom, when, and where theytouch or receive touch. Again, it matters little with whom they interact orwhat the situation is; these people generally avoid touching. They are calledtouch avoiders.

Are you a high toucher or touch apprehensive? Does it depend on thepeople and situation? Please complete the measure of touch apprehension(Figure 9.1), and you will know how your score categorizes you. Rememberthis is your perception, not another person’s perception of you.

A certain pattern of behaviors is referred to as touch apprehensive. Whena person seldom or never initiates touch and prefers that others not initiatetouch with her or him that person, most likely, is touch apprehensive.Research on touch apprehension is sparse. However, what is available showsthat males typically are more touch apprehensive than females with members

Touch Norms and Communication 189

of the same sex. Females, on the other hand, are more touch apprehensive thanmales with individuals of the other sex. Religious affiliation and age are alsorelated to touching behavior. Protestants, for example, are more touch-avoidant than non-Protestants. Also, individuals who are older and marriedtend to be highly avoidant of members of the opposite sex. Approximately 20percent of the North American population is touch apprehensive.

Individuals who are not touch apprehensive are more likely to initiatetouch with other people and are more comfortable when receiving touch fromother people. These persons are also more talkative, outgoing, cheerful,social, and less bound by societal norms on touching. Touch avoiders (highlytouch-apprehensive) people are more likely to reject touch from others and are

FIGURE 9.1Touch Apprehension

Directions: Complete the measure based upon how you feel about touching others andbeing touched. Please indicate the degree to which each statement applies to you bymarking in the blank beside the item: (5) Strongly agree; (4) Agree; (3) Are undecided orneutral; (2) Disagree; (1) Strongly disagree.

_____ 1. I don’t mind if I am hugged as a sign of friendship.

_____ 2. I enjoy touching others.

_____ 3. I seldom put my arms around others.

_____ 4. When I see people hugging, it bothers me.

_____ 5. People should not be uncomfortable about being touched.

_____ 6. I really like being touched by others.

_____ 7. I wish I were free to show my emotions by touching others.

_____ 8. I do not like touching other people.

_____ 9. I do not like being touched by others.

_____10. I find it enjoyable to be touched by others.

_____11. I dislike having to hug others.

_____12. Hugging and touching should be outlawed.

_____13. Touching others is a very important part of my personality.

_____14. Being touched by others makes me uncomfortable.

Scoring: Step 1: Add responses to the items underlinedStep 2: Add responses to the items not underlinedStep 3: Complete the following formula:

TA = 42 + Total of step 1 − Total of step 2

Score should be between 14 and 70>53 Approach Oriented (Approacher)<31 Avoidance Oriented (Avoider)

190 C H A P T E R 9 Touch and Communication

less likely to touch others than the normal person. These highly touch-appre-hensive persons are likely to be less talkative, more shy, emotionally fragile, andsocially withdrawn.

Sorensen and Beatty (1988) had research assistants approach and touchsubjects to study the perceptions that these subjects then developed. Using theTouch Avoidance Measure developed by Andersen and Leibowitz (1978) to iden-tify touch avoiders and high touchers, they found that the high toucher consis-tently rated the research assistants who touched them more positively, and touchavoiders consistently rated them negatively. Sex differences were also found. Ingeneral, touch from females was seen as more acceptable than touch from males.

WHAT DOES TOUCH COMMUNICATE?

Touch and Emotion

Tactile communication is an effective means by which we communicate emo-tion. Immediacy is closely related to touch. As with other immediacy cues, wesee more touch occurring between individuals who like one another and agreater amount of avoidance behavior between persons who dislike oneanother. Touching, like other immediacy cues, tends to increase interpersonalattraction (Richmond, 1997, 2002).

Touch also tends to increase between persons when the situationbecomes more emotional. Observations of people in airports found that whenit came to greetings and goodbyes, 60 percent of those observed engaged intouch (Knapp, 1978). Other studies have shown that touch enables us to bet-ter discriminate among the emotions of others.

A variety of interpersonal attitudes can be communicated through physicalcontact. Touch can signal sexual interest, affiliation, friendliness, and even nega-tive attitudes such as aggression, disrespect, or disgust. It should be noted, how-ever, that the specific emotional messages communicated may depend to a largeextent on the individual. Recall the earlier discussion on gender differences. Whatmay be perceived as playfulness, friendliness, love, or sexuality depends on thegender of the individual as well as the area touched and the kinds of touch (pat,stroke, or squeeze, for example). Generally, however, we tend to associate strokingwith love, warmth, and sexual desire; whereas, the pat is usually perceived as play-ful (Boderman, Freed, & Kinnucan, 1972; Goldberg & Rosenthal, 1986; Henley,1973, 1977; Johnson & Edwards, 1991; Jones & Yarbrough, 1985; Montagu,1978; Morris, 1971, 1976; Nguyen, Heslin, & Nguyen, 1975, 1976; Patterson,Powell, & Lenihan, 1986; Pines, 1984; Pisano, Wall, & Foster, 1985; Watson,1975; Willis & Briggs, 1992; Willis & Hofman, 1975).

Touch and Status

Henley has advanced three general conclusions concerning the literature ontouch and status:

1. Individuals have certain expectations about touching and being touchedin particular role relationships. For example, individuals expect to touch

Effects of Touch Deprivation 191

subordinates more than they touch superiors, and to be touched more bysuperiors than by subordinates.

2. Touching depends on the situational context.3. Touching and dominance are related. Specifically, dominant persons are

more likely to initiate touch.

Consistent with Henley’s conclusions, it has been observed that people whoinitiate touch are more likely to be attributed higher status. We would thenexpect the professor rather than the student and the manager rather than theassembly-line worker to be the initiator of touch (Storrs & Kleinke, 1990).

Touch and Self-Intimacy

Have you ever found yourself in a traumatic situation and realized that youwere in some way attempting to comfort or reassure yourself by self-touching?Morris (1971) suggests that these self-intimacy behaviors represent a psycho-logical need whereby people soothe themselves during moments of crisis.These behaviors are quite similar to the self-adaptor behaviors discussed ear-lier. They generally are most prevalent when we feel nervous, lonely, fright-ened, or depressed. According to Morris and other writers, self-touchingincludes shielding actions (covering ears or mouth), cleaning actions (wiping,rubbing, picking, scratching), and self-intimacy (hugging yourself, holdingyour own hand, masturbating).

Intimate self-touching may indicate a need or wish to be held by some-one. Touch is such a strong need of humans. If that need is not satisfied by oth-ers, we may be driven to satisfy it ourselves.

EFFECTS OF TOUCH DEPRIVATION

We conclude this chapter by summarizing what we believe may be one of themost acute problems of human beings and their interactions. Throughout thischapter, we have referenced a variety of ways in which physical contact influ-ences communication. The effects of touch deprivation, however, go farbeyond social exchange itself. Lack of touch can negatively affect the ability todevelop normal speech, reading skills, and symbol recognition; furthermore,many have claimed that touch deprivation in early life can result in a variety ofhealth problems, including skin diseases and allergies.

Skin hunger is a strongly felt need for touch, just as regular hunger is astrongly felt need for food. It results from insufficient body contact for psycho-logical and possibly physical well-being. Touch deprivation can not only lead topsychological problems, but may also negatively influence the ability to with-stand stress. Hite (1977) reports the work of Seymour Levine, who studied theeffects of three conditions of touch on a sample of newborn rats. In the firstcondition, the infant rats were allowed physical contact with their mothers. Inthe second, the rodents were completely deprived of touch. In the third condi-tion, electric shocks were administered to the infant rats. After a period of timehad elapsed, the touch-deprived group was found to be weak and suffering

from illness. The rats allowed to have physical contact with their mothers, onthe other hand, were healthy and vital.

What most surprised Levine was the condition of the rats that had beenshocked. They were as lively and healthy as those in the mother-contact group!These findings may suggest a rather startling effect. Could it be that “bad”touch is better for normal biological development than no touch at all? Thatmay be a bit farfetched, but these dramatic results illustrate that touch depri-vation certainly is not good.

192 C H A P T E R 9 Touch and Communication

Glossary of Terminology

Friendship-warmth touch letsanother person know that we carefor, value, and have an interest in heror him.Gentling behavior is the strokingand touching of animal newborns.

Haptics is the study of the type,amount, uses of, and the results oftactile behavior.

Licensed touchers are professionalswe hire to fulfill the body-contactneeds that result from decreased adultcontact. They include masseuses andmasseurs, barbers, beauty specialists,and even doctors.

Licking is used in the animal worldto clean newborn offspring.

Love-intimacy touch is touch thatexpresses emotional and affectiveattachment and caring. It is usuallya hug, caress, or stroke.

Marasmus is the wasting-awaydisease among infants that wasdetermined to result from a lack oftactile stimulation.

Professional-functional touch isimpersonal, businesslike touch used

to accomplish or perform some taskor service.Sexual-arousal touch can be a partof love-intimacy, but it can also bedistinct. Sexual-arousal touch caninclude the use of a person as anobject of attraction or lust, or evenmonetary gain.Skin hunger is a strongly felt needfor touch, just as regular hunger is astrongly felt need for food. It resultsfrom insufficient body contact forpsychological and possibly physicalwell-being.Social-polite touch affirms oracknowledges the other person’sidentity. This type of touch followsstrict cultural codes. In NorthAmerica, social-polite touch is exem-plified by the classic handshake.Touch apprehensive is when aperson seldom or never initiatestouch and prefers not to be touched.Touch avoiders are people whodo not like to receive touch or beexpected to reciprocate touch inmost situations.

Chronemics refers to how we per-ceive, use, study, structure, inter-pret, and react to messages of time.

Moore, Hickson, and Stacks (2010) saythat the study of chronemics is a “signifi-cant area of nonverbal communication be-cause we generally perceive our actions andreactions as a time sequence” (p. 284). TheNorth American concern with time is evi-denced in everything a person says anddoes. We have nonverbal elements of timeeverywhere.

10CHAPTERTime

193

Big Ben has kept the time in London, England,for over 150 years.

194 C H A P T E R 1 0 Time

Americans are schedule-driven people. Much of our communication,both verbal and nonverbal, is a result of a time schedule. We can see our sched-uling mania in a variety of ways. For example, our schools, classrooms, andbusinesses are on schedules; it is the rare institution that is not. Our work-places have schedules. We schedule appointments with others and for our-selves. We eat at a certain time. We sleep at a certain time. We vacation at acertain time. If we miss that time, we miss our vacations because the other timefactors have priority. We set priorities based on how much time a person orelement in the work environment deserves.

Our oral language clearly makes time an overriding force. Let’s look at afew of the things we say on a daily basis that reference time. “Time is runningout.” “How much longer will this take?” “What time is lunch?” “I don’t havetime for that.” “I will make time for that.” “Time got away from me.” “Wherehas the time gone?” “I need more time.” “Where did the time go?” “The timewas well spent.” “I sure wasted a lot of time today.” “I wish I had more time.”“Can I get the deadline extended?” “You do it this time, and I’ll do it the nexttime.” “Time is money.” “I simply can’t afford the time.”

Time has become a part of nonverbal and verbal communication to suchan extent that it rules what we do and when we do it. We are subordinates totime (Bloomfield & Felder, 1985; Brophy, 1985; Fine, 1990; Gonzalez &Zimbardo, 1999; Lakein, 1973; Levine, 1989; Office Hours, 1999; Potter,1980; Richmond, 1997).

TIME ORIENTATIONS

Hall (1959) has written that we should examine the kinds of time we have. Hestates, “As people do quite different things (write books, play, schedule activi-ties, travel, get hungry, sleep, dream, mediate, and perform ceremonies), theyunconsciously and sometimes consciously express and participate in differentcategories of time” (p. 206). This section reviews the three time orientations towhich Hall (1959, 1972, 1973, 1976, 1984) refers, psychological, biological,and cultural, and their impacts on communication.

Psychological Time Orientation

The psychological time orientation is how people feel, think, or perceive timeand how it influences their daily communication and lives. Individuals and cul-tures have different orientations in terms of psychological time. Throughoutthe study of psychological time, three orientations have emerged: past, present,and future. We discuss each orientation here.

1. Past-oriented people place high regard on the past, the reliving of pastevents, and cherishing past happenings. Their motto could be “Rememberthe past,” or “Use your hindsight.” Cultures that have a past-oriented phi-losophy tend to view new situations in the context of past events. They usethe past to shape the present. These societies have respect for older per-sons and listen to what their seniors have to say regarding the past. The

Time Orientations 195

traditional Chinese culture is very much a past-oriented society. They usethe words of the elders to guide them. Native American tribes also placegreat value on the past and tradition. They exert great effort to transmitthe wisdom of the ages to the young. In general, one develops more of apast orientation as one ages, regardless of the general culture in which onelives. It seems that it is normal for people to value the learning they havegained from their own experiences.

2. Present-oriented people live for today. Their motto could be “Eat, drink,and be merry, for tomorrow we may die.” They live for the present. Theywork for the present. They go to school for the present. They invest forthe present. It is easy to understand why people in some impoverished na-tions would adopt such an orientation. It makes little sense to ponder thedistant future if you are not sure where your next meal is coming from. Incultures with a strong present orientation, seniors may receive less respectthan they do in past-oriented societies. In fact, some younger persons saythings like, “What do they know? They lived back in the dark ages.”Some students feel this way about their teachers. Some children feel thisway about their parents. American industry is coming under increasingcriticism for its often overly present-oriented organizational culture.Critics claim that too many business decisions are made to enhance imme-diate profits at the expense of the company’s long-term well-being.

3. Future-oriented people base today’s behavior on what they believe willoccur in the future. The future-oriented motto could be “Tomorrow is justaround the corner: be prepared.” Future-oriented people believe that tomor-row is what we should work and strive toward. For example, they work sothat their children can have a better place to live, play, and work. Future-oriented people tend to rely on what they think the future will bring. Manyclaim that this is the orientation with which most immigrants identifiedwhen they came to this country. It represents a save-and-build approach tolife, which many cite as the explanation for the country’s success.

Differences in time orientation can create many differences in communica-tion. Let’s look at a fictitious example of past-, present-, and future-orientedexecutives trying to decide together how to sell a new product called “Moments.”Moments is a fragrance that is supposed to put one’s significant other in themood for love and affection. The discussion might go something like this:

PAST-ORIENTED EXECUTIVE: Let’s look at the past advertisingcampaigns and see what we can use. Perhaps we should talkwith Mrs. Gwinn, who was with the company when it startedthirty years ago. Some of those old campaigns were real classics.They made the company what it is today.

FUTURE-ORIENTED EXECUTIVE: I don’t think we need to confer withMrs. Gwinn. Let’s determine what people will want in the future.The Internet is is the wave of the future. Let’s have ads that are simi-lar to the most popular sites. This is the trend of future advertising.

196 C H A P T E R 1 0 Time

PRESENT-ORIENTED EXECUTIVE: Wait a minute, you two. What we needis something that will sell today. Who cares about next year? Ifwe don’t sell Moments now (this moment!), we won’t have a jobnext year! Let’s have a current, up-to-date, cool person be ourspokesperson. We need someone who is hot to sell our ideas.

With these diverse time orientations, our fictitious executives might neveragree, and the product might never be marketed. Because of their different psy-chological time orientations, they are making completely different assumptionsbased on different values. They cannot communicate to make good decisionsbecause their differing views of time place their definitions of good decisions indifferent points in time. People need to be aware of these differences and theirimpact on communication. The psychological time orientation of a person or aculture can determine the potential success of a communication transaction(Moskowitz, Brown, & Cote, 1997).

Biological Time Orientation

The biological time orientation is how people feel and react physically to timeand the effects of time on physical well-being. A popular biologically basedtime orientation is biorhythms. These come in three cycles: the physical cycle,the sensitivity cycle, and the intellectual cycle. Biorhythms vary in length. Thephysical cycle of an individual averages twenty-three days; the sensitivity cycleaverages twenty-eight days; and the intellectual cycle averages about thirty-three days. It is suggested that biorhythms begin at birth and are with us month-ly until our deaths. According to biorhythm theory, a person’s energy is high inthe first half of all three cycles and low in the second half.

During the first phase of the physical cycle, we are at our strongest; ourenergy is at its height. We can accomplish more in less time. We work hard andfeel good about working hard. We can expend a lot of energy and not feelexhausted. During the second phase of the physical cycle, we are at a low. We

Cooperrider, K., and Nunez, R. (2009). Across

time, across the body: Transversal temporal

gestures. Gesture, 9, 181-206.

This study incorporated the relationshipbetween one’s perception of time and howone transmits that concept to others.Temporal (time) gestures illustrate pastand future as well as such notions as“hurry up.” Such gestures are usuallyco-speech gestures—when we speak andgesture at the same time. The authors dis-cuss what they call transversal temporalgestures “in which time is conceptualizedas moving from left to right across the

body” (p. 181). Five types of these gesturesare analyzed: placing, pointing, duration-marking, bridging, and animating. Theauthors suggest that these gestures areculture specific.

Time Orientations 197

do not have much energy and spend a lot of time trying to get up the energy todo something.

During the first phase of the sensitivity cycle, we experience positiveemotions and have a positive outlook on things. We get along with people bet-ter during this phase. During the second phase of the sensitivity cycle, we areless positive, less cheerful, less happy, and have a less-than-positive outlookabout others. We may even be grumpy and short-tempered with others. Wespend a lot of time bolstering our emotional energies.

During the first phase of the intellectual cycle, we are more alert, atten-tive, and responsive to information. We process information better, retrieve itbetter, and apply it better. During the second phase of the intellectual cycle, weare slower at processing information, have difficulty retrieving it, and are lessalert and less attentive. We may even have to force ourselves to concentrate.Our mental capacities are at a low ebb. In this phase, we spend time trying torecharge our mental capacities.

Advocates of biorhythm theory suggest that people can have criticaldays. These critical times are the days on which a cycle shifts. When a person’ssensitivity cycle is shifting, he or she may be moody. When a person’s intellec-tual day is shifting, he or she may have difficulty processing information.When a person’s physical cycle is shifting, he or she may have less energy orseem tired.

Some people go to great lengths to chart their biorhythms so they canplan their lives to avoid making mistakes on critical days. Although it is a sci-entific fact that humans do have biological cycles, the evidence that such chart-ing enables a person to plan communication better is less than solid.

We think there is a much more important distinction to be made about bio-logically based time orientations. This is the difference between people who arebiologically more active in the evening and those who are biologically more activein the morning. This difference has been euphemistically called the differencebetween “owls” and “sparrows.”

Our own orientation in this regard is quite easily determined by most ofus, in contrast to the difficulty most people have in figuring out their own bio-rhythms. Additionally, the orientations of our acquaintances can be judged fairlyaccurately by most of us. This distinction has been the subject of some socialscientific research. The self-report measure we use to determine this orientation,measure of time orientations (MTO), is presented in Figure 10.1. Circle yourresponses to the items on this scale and compute your score, using the instruc-tions. An average score on the MTO is 48. If your score is much higher than 48,you probably exhibit more owl than sparrow tendencies. In contrast, if yourscore is much lower than 48, you probably exhibit more sparrow than owl ten-dencies. Owls are at their best in the late afternoon and evening. Sparrows are attheir best in the morning. This simple distinction has extensive implications forbusinesses and schools.

Owls are often punished by the 8-to-5 or 9-to-5 time schedule most of usare expected to follow. Owls have great difficulty functioning in the morning.They are just starting to be truly functional by noon. In other words, they do

198 C H A P T E R 1 0 Time

Directions: Below are a series of questions concerning your time orientations. Pleaseanswer honestly. There are no right or wrong answers. Use the following to determinethe time orientation that most closely approximates your feelings.

SA = Strongly AgreeA = AgreeN = Neutral or UndecidedD = Disagree

SD = Strongly Disagree

S D N A SA

1 2 3 4 5 1. I really dislike getting up in the mornings.

1 2 3 4 5 2. I like taking afternoon classes.

1 2 3 4 5 3. I prefer morning classes.

1 2 3 4 5 4. I am at my worst in the mornings.

1 2 3 4 5 5. I really like getting up in the mornings.

1 2 3 4 5 6. I dislike taking afternoon classes.

1 2 3 4 5 7. I am very irritable in the mornings.

1 2 3 4 5 8. I am very alert in the afternoons.

1 2 3 4 5 9. I am very irritable in the afternoons.

1 2 3 4 5 10. I am very alert in the mornings.

1 2 3 4 5 11. I rarely do well on tests in morning classes.

1 2 3 4 5 12. I usually do very well on tests in afternoon classes.

1 2 3 4 5 13. I usually do very well on tests in morning classes.

1 2 3 4 5 14. I rarely do well on tests in afternoon classes.

1 2 3 4 5 15. I like to do my studying late at night.

1 2 3 4 5 16. I like to do my studying early in the day.

Scoring: Step 1: Add the numbers you circled for items 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 11, 12, and 15.(Your score must be between 8 and 40, or you have made a mistake.)Step 2: Add the numbers you circled for items 3, 5, 6, 9, 10, 13, 14, and 16.(Again, your score must be between 8 and 40.)Step 3: Add 48 to your score from Step 1.Step 4: Subtract your score in Step 2 from your total in Step 3. This is yourMTO score. (It must be between 16 and 80, or you have made a mistake.)

FIGURE 10.1Measure of Time Orientations

Time Orientations 199

not do their best work between 8 and 11 a.m. Owls are the workers who wantto work late and the students who like evening classes. Owls try not to do any-thing important early. They have learned that they do not function well in themorning. This is a biological fact. Even with the help of several cups of coffee,an owl’s heart just does not beat strongly until later. What does the dominanttime orientation in this culture do to owls? We force them to be in school and atwork by 7 or 8 a.m. We force a heavy workload on them in the early hourswhen their eyes are just beginning to open and their ears are just barely able torecognize sounds. It is no wonder that many owls do poorly in school and havea hard time holding a regular job.

We have had the opportunity to observe and talk with hundreds of owlschoolchildren and employees. The overwhelming majority say that they domuch better work in the afternoon. The schoolchildren suggest that theirconcentration and retention skills improve. They say that they do better on as-signments and tests in the afternoon, and they express a preference for their af-ternoon teachers. They also say that their afternoon teachers like them better.We think this is simply because teachers do not like or respond well to childrenwho sleep or appear to be asleep in class. Owl children often fall asleep inmorning classes; if they manage to stay awake, they do not function well.Therefore their morning teachers do not respond to them as well as do their af-ternoon teachers. By afternoon, the young owls are ready to answer questionsand be responsive.

Sparrows, in contrast, do their best work in the mornings. Whereas owlsare just waking up in the morning, sparrows are at their peak. Sparrows comeinto work or school at 6, 7, or 8 a.m., chirping loud and clear, while owls arebarely functional. However, sparrow children do not do as well in afternoonas they do in morning classes. They are less attentive, more tired, and do notdo as well on tests and assignments in the afternoons. Evening classes aredifficult for these sparrows.

As we can see, this can have a broad impact on communication. The owlteacher has difficulty responding to the chirpy sparrow; whereas, the sparrowteacher has difficulty responding to the attentive owl in the afternoon. The owlsupervisor has difficulty responding to the chirpy sparrow employee; whereas,the sparrow supervisor has difficulty responding to the attentive owl employeein the afternoon. Our time orientations determine how effective a communica-tor we can be at various times of the day. Most people have learned to functionfairly well between 9 a.m. and 5 p.m. We call these people sprowls. They areneither sparrows nor owls. Much of the population fits into this sprowl timecategory, but at least 20 percent are owls and 20 percent are sparrows. Thismeans that two in five persons is either an owl or a sparrow. Businesses arejust starting to recognize the impact of time scheduling. Many corporationsare using flextime, which allows the individual employee to establish her or hishours within certain parameters. Organizations doing this have found thatproduction increases and employee morale improves. In other words, owls canwork owl shifts, and sparrows can work sparrow shifts, and there are still lots

200 C H A P T E R 1 0 Time

of sprowls to hold down the fort. Many of our schools are attempting to letchildren enroll in classes that correlate with their body times. This shouldimprove student production and teacher morale. College students have the ad-vantage in that they can generally, after their first year, choose a schedule thatfits their biological time orientation.

Our biological time orientation influences our communication with oth-ers. It affects how we perceive others and how they perceive us. If we areaware of when we function best, we can make modifications in our schedule tocapitalize on those times. We may also make strategic choices of when to talkwith others if we can figure out their biological time orientations. It is the wisestudent who avoids asking owl parents for money at the breakfast table.

Biological influences on time orientations not only affect people on a day-to-day basis but can also determine how people react to the various times of theyear. Persons with seasonal affective disorder (SAD) often do better in thespring, summer, and fall but do not cope well or respond well to the dark, longermonths of winter because of the shorter days and lack of daylight time. They dotheir best work when days are longer and lighter (Howard, 2002/2003).

Cultural Time Orientation

Cultural time orientation deals with how cultures perceive and use time.Understanding the time orientations of various cultures is not an easy task.Hall (1959) suggested there are three different cultural time systems: technical,formal, and informal time. We address the first two now and the third later.

Technical time has the least correlation with interpersonal communica-tion. It refers to precise, scientific measurements of time counted in precise,logical sequences. An example of technical time is the means of tracking timeused by NASA. Technical time is a very ordered, scientific method of keepingtime. It is noninterpersonal and nonemotional.

Formal time is the way in which a culture keeps track of time. For exam-ple, we keep track of days, months, years, and so on. This is not scientific liketechnical time, but it is somewhat precise in that cultures have traditionalmeans of keeping track of time. Farmers use formal time when planting cropsand go by the seasons. People who live near the beach might go by the tidetime. Therefore each culture has a means of tracking time, and because culturesvary so much, their use of time varies.

Hall identified seven components that distinguish formal time from othertypes. He suggested that the way one uses ordering, cycling, valuation, tangibil-ity, synthesisity, duration, and depth all contribute to distinguishing formal time.

Ordering deals with the nature of time as fixed concerning the orderingof events. For example, “a week is a week not only because it has seven daysbut because they are in a fixed order” (Hall, 1973, p. 145). Hall notes that or-dering of events can vary from culture to culture. Therefore communicationabout the ordering of events can lead to some misunderstandings. For exam-ple, some people say that Monday is the first day of the week; others say thatSunday is. Still others claim that it is Saturday.

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Cycling focuses on the North American need to have time flowing in cy-cles. We group days into weeks, months, years, and so on. These units of timeare cyclical; they are limited, and eventually the cycle starts over. Some othercultures do not believe in cycling. For example, Pueblo Indians are taught thatthings occur only when the time is right, so they wait until the time is right.They do not do things on a cyclical basis. While the Pueblo understand whenthe time is right, visitors can rarely understand why this is so.

People in the United States place great emphasis on the next three com-ponents: valuation, tangibility, and synthesisity of time. Valuation is the valuethe culture places on time. Tangibility is the culture’s consideration of time asa commodity. Synthesisity is the culture’s desire or need to synthesize or addup time. For example, sixty minutes make an hour, twenty-four hours make aday, and so on. Hall suggests that U.S. culture places great value on time andhow it is used and spent. We also consider time a valuable commodity thatshould be used wisely. Lastly, we synthesize time and use time to decide howwe synthesize other elements in our culture. Hall wrote, “We are driven by ourown way of looking at things to synthesize almost everything” (p. 147).Therefore we have great difficulty communicating with people who don’tplace the same value on time as we do. We have great difficulty communicat-ing with people who do not feel that time is a commodity and do not synthe-size time and events the way we do. We often have misunderstandings abouttime and synthesis because of our inability to adapt to others.

Duration is usually measured by a clock in this culture. Duration may berelevant in other cultures, and it may not. For example, the European traditionsays that time is something that occurs between two points. The Hopi definesduration as follows: It is what happens when the corn matures or a sheep growsup, a characteristic sequence of events (Hall, 1973, p. 146). In other words, theduration of length of time is considered differently by different cultures. Smallchildren certainly have different meanings for duration from adults in anyculture.

Last, Hall reviews the depth of time. He suggests that depth is when thepresent emerges from some past. Even people in the United States feel that thepresent is heavily influenced by the past. Every time we have a presidential elec-tion, politicians and pollsters draw on the past to predict the outcome.Stockbrokers try to predict future financial trends based on past trends. Sportsfans try to predict outcomes of present and future games based on past games. Inmost cases these predictions based on past events are less than perfect predictorsof what happens later.

To sum up, components of formal time determine how we use and per-ceive formal time. They also determine how we communicate with othersaround us. We cannot assume that others around us place the same value ontime that we do. If we often presume this, we may find that it is not so. Wemust also remember that children usually do not have a good grasp of theaspects of formal time in their culture until they are about twelve years old. Bythe age of twelve, they usually develop or are developing the norms of theirculture concerning time.

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Now we turn to the third time system found in cultures: Informal timeis the most difficult cultural time orientation to understand and learn touse. This type of time can vary greatly from culture to culture. It is the casualtime employed by a culture. It is often unconscious and determined by the sit-uation or context in which it is used. For example, when we say, “we will ar-rive in a minute,” we might mean “in a while” or “in a little bit.” These infor-mal, unwritten time orientations are the most difficult for people, particularlychildren, to learn and understand. There is no precision or logic to them. To aperson from another culture, when we say “in a minute,” it could mean in aday. Take a few moments and list many of the informal casual time statementsthat you have used or heard others use.

Eight levels of duration exist in our informal time system. They areimmediate, very short, short, neutral, long, very long, terribly long, andforever. Exactly how can we communicate these durations precisely? A super-visor communicated with her secretary on several different occasions that sheneeded a letter sent as soon as possible. The secretary who performed this dutyknew precisely what the supervisor meant because they had worked togetherfor five years. Immediately meant “yesterday” to this supervisor. Immediatelyto others could mean “in a while,” “shortly,” or “tomorrow.”

The term forever has a very imprecise meaning. When students say, “Ithought that class would never end. I felt like I was in there forever,” what dothey mean? Terribly long? Or terribly boring? Probably both. Their way ofexpressing it was by saying “forever.” What does the phrase “I’ll love you for-ever” mean? To some people, it means “until death do us part.” To others, itmeans “for tonight!” Our use of informal time is not only confusing to us inthis culture but also confuses others outside the culture. We need to rememberthat informal time is also very confusing for small children, so we need to havepatience in dealing with others who do not understand our use of this concept.

Punctuality

Punctuality (or the lack of punctuality) has long created communication prob-lems in our culture. When we say we want someone to be punctual, we meanon time if not a little before. Punctuality is not a form of informal time, but itis often used in the informal sense. People seem confused about what punctualmeans. Little children do not understand the importance of being on time orpunctual. After they are late several times and told by adults to start being ontime or punctual, they learn what punctual is. Watch small children as theyleave home to go to school or are on their way home from school. Most ofthem meander along without a care in the world. Their mothers or fathers areat home anxiously waiting for them to arrive. The child is late, and the moth-er cannot understand why. Time has little meaning for small children. By agesix, most American children know the days of the week. If they do not knowthem by six, they will learn when they enter school. By age eight, children usu-ally can tell time by a watch or clock and have learned the seasons and whatthey mean. All of you can probably remember when you were small and your

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parents or brothers or sisters helped you get ready for school. One of thebiggest concerns was that you would be late. They probably said things like,“Hurry up and eat”; “Don’t miss the school bus”; “Please hurry—teachersdon’t like it when you’re late.” This is how the idea of punctuality is learned.

Hall suggests that there are two ways of viewing punctuality: as a “dis-placed point pattern” and as a “diffused point pattern.” The point is the timea person expects others to arrive for a social event. Presume the point here is8 p.m. People who view time as “displaced” will arrive before the appointedtime. In other words, they will arrive between 7:30 and 7:57, with the majorityarriving about 7:55. People who view time as “diffused” will arrive between7:55 and 8:15. These people do not consider time to be as fixed as do the oth-ers, so they arrive in a somewhat diffused pattern. This can be disconcertingfor people who expect others to arrive “on time.” Sometimes, to arrive pastthe appointed time can be perceived as an insult or lack of respect. Variablesthat influence people’s use of the time point are the type of social occasion,what food or drink is being served, the status of the individuals involved, andthe individual’s personal way of handling time. It is the rare person who wouldarrive late for a meeting with the president of the United States. However, thepresident might arrive late and no one would think much about it.

Trying to beat the informal time rules can lead people into mistakes that aresomewhat amusing, although not immediately so. The authors of this book wereonce invited to what was announced as a two-hour, get-acquainted social gather-ing. They did not want to be the first to arrive, so they intentionally set out to belate, assuming that they would miss the formal aspects of the gathering but couldtalk with friends on their arrival. Approximately two hundred people were invit-ed, so they knew they would probably not stand out if they arrived thirty minutesafter the appointed hour. When they arrived thirty minutes late, no one appearedsurprised or upset. However, they quickly learned that they had missed the cock-tails, shrimp, lobster, and crab hors d’oeuvres. But they were there “on time” tolisten to the thirty-minute welcoming speech.

People make judgments about one another based on their use of time andpunctuality. For most Americans, it is almost unforgivable to be more than fif-teen minutes late for any appointment without a good excuse. Many teachersrespond to this. If the student’s excuse for being late was not a life-threateningissue, the teacher will be uncompromising about allowing the student to makeup work. Businesses often deduct money from an employee’s paycheck forlateness or tardiness. To be perceived in a positive manner in this culture, onemust always be on time, if not a little early (Bloomfield & Felder, 1985;Brophy, 1985; Fine, 1990; Lakein, 1973; Levine, 1989; Richmond, 1997).

Monochronic and Polychronic Time

Even if we are on time, there are two aspects of informal time that character-ize how we use our time. Hall and Hall (1990) refer to these aspects asmonochronic time and polychronic time. Monochronic time (M-time) is thenorm in our culture. M-time emphasizes the scheduling of activities one at

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a time, the segmentation of work, and the promptness of work. Monochronictime means doing one thing at one time. Therefore, people in the general U.S.culture believe that things should have order, scheduling, and organization sothat one thing is being worked on at a time. There is little room for flexibility.

Polychronic time (P-time) is the norm for many Latin American cultures.P-time emphasizes the involvement of many people and is less rigid about theordering of events and scheduling. People functioning on P-time believe inhandling several transactions at once. In parts of Latin America, it is usual tofind several business meetings taking place simultaneously in the same roomwith many people involved. The person in charge is often walking from groupto group and transacting business.

In our culture today, many people are beginning to engage in what hascome to be called multitasking. This has arisen out of use of personal comput-ers that allow numerous connections to be “open” at the same time. Youngpeople who have grown up with this technology appear to have little difficultytransferring this capability in their use of computers to other facets of theirlives—they can operate in the polychronic world. Older people in this culture,however, have great difficulty even coping with the multitasking on the com-puter, much less transferring it to other parts of their lives. Once a person isacculturated to be monochronic or polychronic, it is difficult to adjust to theother orientation. Also, one tends to become quite intolerant of the behaviorof people from the “other” culture.

This difference in time orientations can create some serious communica-tion problems. American business executives are insulted when they areexpected to meet with several other groups simultaneously in the same roomto transact business. They find the situation confusing, irritating, and insult-ing. Latinos, or Latin Americans, find monochronic business practices toorigid. They cannot understand the one-meeting, one-time, one-room mentalityof the U.S. business executive. They like to involve lots of people. Some Arabcultures have similar time norms for business meetings. Often NorthAmericans, Arabs, and Latin Americans have very unsettling and stressfulbusiness transactions because of the differing time orientations.

Clearly time talks, as Hall suggested. In fact, it talks so loudly that peoplemisperceive others because of their differing uses of time. We expect others toconform to our time ideals. Often they do not. We must learn to understand thetime orientations of others around us to become more effective communicators.

EFFECTS OF THE USE OF TIME

It is clear from the above discussions that time can influence our communica-tion and perception of others. How we use time, or let it use us, determinesnumerous things.

First, time communicates our status to others. Higher-status persons aregranted more time deviancies. They can be early or late for functions; whereas,the rest of us cannot. For example, teachers can make students wait for them,but students do not have the luxury of being late to class.

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Second, time expresses liking. Studies reveal that the amount of time wespend with a person is an indication of the amount of liking we have for thatperson. Of course, this is referring to time we choose to spend, not time we are as-signed to spend with them. People can tell from the time we give them how we feelabout them. If we consistently tell someone, “I have only a few minutes,” theyeventually will get the message. Parents must be careful not to do this with chil-dren. Children need to know that they are important enough to warrant time withthe parent.

Third, studies suggest that time may be an important variable, althoughnot the only one, in the physician-patient relationship. The amount of time aphysician spends with a patient is related to the patient’s willingness to contin-ue the physician-patient relationship. The amount of time the patient is given totalk to the physician may determine the patient’s feeling about whether thephysician is concerned or cares about him or her. The actual amount of time inan interaction is less relevant than whether the patient feels that the amount oftime taken is enough. Being rushed in and out of the physician’s office willprobably lead to the perception that the physician did not spend enough time.Improving physicians’ encoding and decoding of nonverbal behavior is criticalto an effective physician-patient relationship. Time is one variable that can beused to improve that relationship.

Fourth, the use of time communicates our cultural orientations. It is easyto tell the cultural upbringing of others by their use of time and how they valuetime. We can also learn to understand others if we learn more about their timeorientations.

Fifth, time communicates our personality and background orientations.For example, Perry, Kane, Bernesser, and Spicker (1990) and Cinelli andZiegler (1990) found some interesting results concerning type A and B person-alities. The student with a type A personality (aggressive, impatient, hostile,achievement-oriented, and time-urgent) was more likely to cheat on an examthan the student with a type B personality. In addition, type A students weremore likely to have more daily problems than type B students. It seems thattype B people are time-conscious but not time-driven; whereas, type A peopleare time-driven and often drive others, too.

Sixth, Levine (1989) found that the 36 fastest-paced cities also reported thehighest rates of heart disease. Levine defined pace based on the walking speed ofpedestrians; how long it took bank tellers to give change; how long it took postalclerks to explain the differences among regular mail, certified mail, and insuredmail; and whether people wore watches. The following cities (presented from 1to 36) had faster speeds, more watches worn, and higher coronary heart-diseaserates: Boston, MA; Buffalo, NY; New York, NY; Salt Lake City, UT; Columbus,OH; Worcester, MA; Providence, RI; Springfield, MA; Rochester, NY; KansasCity, MO; St. Louis, MO; Houston, TX; Paterson, NJ; Bakersfield, CA; Atlanta,GA; Detroit, MI; Youngstown, OH; Indianapolis, IN; Chicago, IL; Philadelphia,PA; Louisville, KY; Canton, OH; Knoxville, TN; San Francisco, CA;Chattanooga, TN; Dallas, TX; Oxnard, CA; Nashville, TN; San Diego, CA; EastLansing, MI; Fresno, CA; Memphis, TN; San Jose, CA; Shreveport, LA;

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Eventually time runs out for all of us.

Sacramento, CA; and Los Angeles, CA. Of course, many of these cities have sev-eral things in common: major highway and freeway systems, large and diversepopulations, major businesses, major mass-transit systems, and stimulus over-load on a daily basis.

Last, we can teach and learn timing. This can help us to become bettercommunicators. When is it a good time to ask for a day off from work? Get toknow your boss’s time orientation, and decide what is the best time of the dayto ask. Timing is a most critical component of the communication process. Ifyou don’t know how to time your communication, you might be perceived asan ineffective communicator.

Glossary of Terminology

Biological time orientation is howpeople feel and react physically totime and the effects of time on physi-cal well-being.Chronemics is the study of how aculture perceives, uses, studies, struc-tures, interprets, and reacts to mes-sages of time.Cultural time orientation refers tothe ways in which different culturesperceive and use time.

Formal time is the way in which aculture keeps track of time.Informal time is the most difficultcultural time orientation to under-stand and learn; it varies greatly fromculture to culture. It is the casual timeemployed by a culture. It is often un-conscious and determined by the situ-ation or context in which it is used.Monochronic time (M-time) is thenorm in the North American culture.

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M-time emphasizes the scheduling ofactivities one at a time, the segmenta-tion of work, and the promptness ofwork.Polychronic time (P-time) is thenorm for many Latin American cul-tures. P-time emphasizes the involve-ment of many people and is less rigidabout the ordering of events andscheduling. People functioning on P-time believe in handling severaltransactions at once.Psychological time orientation ishow people feel, think, or perceive

time and how it affects their dailycommunication and lives. Both indi-viduals and cultures vary concerningpsychological time orientations.Seasonal affective disorder (SAD) isa negative psychological reaction toshort days and lack of sunlight.Technical time refers to precise, sci-entific measurements of time. It hasthe least correlation with interper-sonal communication.

11CHAPTERFemale-Male NonverbalCommunication

From a nonverbal perspective, the com-munication that females and malesshare with same- and opposite-sex

friends has a wealth of information for bothresearchers and practitioners. “The waysthat males and females characteristically usenonverbal cues helps them develop their dis-tinct gendered identities (Gamble & Gamble,2003, p. 96).

Two children, both four years old, arewalking down a street. Both are about thesame height, both are wearing similar cloth-ing, and each has the same length hair. Theirfaces are not visible, only their backs. ChildA moves with a swagger down the street,

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with arms swinging, and takes long strides. Child B sways down the street, withthe whole body engaging in one smooth, swaying motion. Can you tell the sex ofeach child? If you said child A is male and child B is female, you are tuned in tocommon differences in the nonverbal walking behavior of most males and fe-males. As early as age three or even sooner, there are distinct nonverbal differ-ences in the behavior of males and females. Males tend to exhibit a typical malewalk, and females tend to exhibit a typical female walk, as in the four-year-oldsdescribed here.

Males and females differ with regard to these and many other nonverbalbehaviors. Given that such differences occur, our concern in this chapter isthreefold. First, what is the difference between sex and gender? Second, howdo males and females develop different nonverbal behaviors? Third, how dothese different behaviors affect communication?

DEFINITION ISSUES: SEX AND GENDER

Sex is the biological and genetic difference between girls and boys, men andwomen. In other words, this is the biological sex we are born with.Anatomically, sex is expressed in the distinct sexual organs of men and women(Bate & Bowker, 1997; Bem, 1974; Canary & Dindia, 1998; Eakins & Eakins,1978; Gamble & Gamble, 2003; Hall, 1984; Hickson & Stacks, 1993; Knapp& Hall, 1992; LaFrance & Mayo, 1978; McCroskey & Richmond, 1996;Tannen, 1994).

Gender is the psychological, social, and cultural manifestations of whatpeople perceive to be the appropriate behaviors of females and males. Thesemanifestations may or may not be representative of a person’s biological sex.In other words, not all men exhibit the stereotypical cues of the masculineman. Not all women exhibit the stereotypical cues of the feminine woman.Some men will have a feminine or responsive side, and some women will havea masculine or assertive side (Bate & Bowker, 1997; Bem, 1974; Canary &Dindia, 1998; Eakins & Eakins, 1978; Gamble & Gamble, 2003; Hall, 1984;Hickson & Stacks, 1993; Knapp & Hall, 1992; LaFrance & Mayo, 1978;McCroskey & Richmond, 1996; Tannen, 1994). Therefore this chapter fo-cuses on the nonverbal—possibly biological—sex differences between femalesand males. It also examines the nonverbal gender differences between femi-nine and masculine behaviors.

DEVELOPMENT OF NONVERBAL BEHAVIOR IN FEMALES AND MALES

Research suggests three theoretical explanations for why males and females gener-ally develop different nonverbal behaviors (Bate & Bowker, 1997; Birdwhistell,1970; Canary & Dindia; 1998; Eakins & Eakins, 1978; Gamble & Gamble,2003; Henley, 1977; Kalbfleisch & Cody, 1995; Mehrabian, 1971, 1972). Thecausal factors are believed to be genetics, modeling of older males and females,

Development of Nonverbal Behavior in Females and Males 209

and conditioning or reinforcement provided for certain behaviors within a givenculture.

GENETICS. Some scholars suggest that genetics plays no role in the develop-ment of differing male and female nonverbal behavior, but we disagree.Biological research has shown that males and females inherit different bonestructures and body types. It is even possible to identify the sex of a personwhose skeleton has been buried for hundreds of years. These skeletal differ-ences are critical in the performance of some nonverbal behaviors. Inheritedtraits such as body type and structure usually cannot be significantly altered.They tend to determine our walk, gestures, and posture and can influenceother nonverbal behaviors such as our smile. The shape of our bodies deter-mines many of our nonverbal behaviors. For example, the average womantypically has larger breasts than the average man. This influences a woman’sposture. A man usually has a larger shoulder span than a woman. This is acontributing factor in determining the man’s posture. Genetics provides a fullexplanation for some differential development of nonverbal behavior in malesand females. This fact, of course, does not deny the existence of other causalfactors.

MODELING. If you ask parents how their children develop nonverbal behav-ior, many will give the explanation of modeling. We learn many of our behav-iors by observing others and imitating their behavior. This is modeling.Children are very careful observers of their parents, siblings, teachers, andpeers. Little boys and girls learn how to act like “big” boys and girls byobserving others in their environment and modeling their behaviors. A littlegirl may try to model her mother, and a little boy may try to be like his dad.

This modeling explanation of differences in nonverbal behavior of fe-males and males suggests that children observe the behavior of others andattempt to emulate it. This theory certainly helps to explain why children inone culture grow up with behavior typical of the adults in that culture; where-as, children in another culture grow up with different behavior typical of theirculture. This also explains, at least in part, why females and males differ intheir nonverbal behavior within a single culture. Research has not confirmedthat modeling is the primary reason for the development of female and malenonverbal behavior. However, it is probable that modeling makes a significantcontribution.

REINFORCEMENT OR CONDITIONING. Another popular explanation for thedevelopment of different nonverbal behavior by males and females is re-inforcement or conditioning. The basic premise of reinforcement theory is thatbehavior that is reinforced or conditioned will increase, but behavior that isnot reinforced will decrease. If a role model reinforces a child for walking likea man or woman or for wearing clothing suitable for his or her sex, the childis likely to continue the behavior. If a child is not reinforced for the walk orclothing, the behavior might not continue. The culture in which we live

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reinforces or punishes children for appropriate or inappropriate behavior.Little boys often are punished for playing with dolls, but little girls usually arenot. Little girls often are punished for playing with trucks, but little boys usu-ally are not.

Although reinforcement plays a large role in the development of nonver-bal behavior of females and males, it is not the definitive explanation. As muchas many people wish it were otherwise, there is no single definitive explanationfor these differences. All three explanations outlined above—genetics, model-ing, and reinforcement or conditioning—are credible explanations, and no oneexplanation precludes the validity of the others. Most likely these factors allcontribute to the development of nonverbal behavior of females and males.The degree to which each contributes is unknown and, for the present at least,unknowable.

DISTINCTIVE AND SIMILAR CHARACTERISTICS: THE DILEMMA

Simply to distinguish female nonverbal behavior from male nonverbal behav-ior is no easy task. One must first look at the characteristics of females andmales that determine why each sex employs certain nonverbal behavior.

Many writers believe that we must understand the different gender-roleexpectations that cultures have for men and women before we can understandtheir different nonverbal behaviors. Such role expectations are primarily afunction of culture, and as such can change only as a culture changes. Writersdescribing U.S. culture say that expectations for women in the United Statesare characterized by reactivity; whereas, expectations for men are character-ized by proactivity. This means that women in our culture are expected to besensitive, responsive to others, emotionally expressive, and supportive. In con-trast, men are expected to be assertive, independent, self-assured, confident,and decisive.

Mehrabian (1981) suggests that the male in this culture is expected tohave a dominant social style; whereas, the female is expected to have a submis-sive social style. He concludes that women generally have more pleasant, lessdominating, and more affiliative social styles than men. Males are more ag-gressive and dominant in their social styles. In a similar vein, Henley (1977)and Eakins and Eakins (1978) suggest that nonverbal behaviors differ betweenwomen and men because men in this culture generally have been in superiorpositions and women have been in subordinate positions. Society expects sub-ordinates (women) to behave submissively (to perform the subordinate role)and supervisors (males) to behave in a dominant manner (to perform the supe-rior or assertive role). Other writers are quick to note that the study of howsex differences might affect the way that people communicate presents a diffi-cult research undertaking (Canary & Dindia, 1998). They note that many au-thors suggest that the differences between men and women are not as strong ordefinite as once thought (Canary & Dindia, 1998). We hasten to note that weare not advocating the desirability of such stereotypical gender-role identifica-tions (after all, the senior author of this book is female). Rather, we are

Distinctive and Similar Characteristics: The Dilemma 211

presenting this information in the hope of identifying where these stereotypescome from. Many people, both female and male, may wish that such stereo-typical norms would just go away, but they will do so only if the culturechanges sufficiently to make such stereotypical behavior dysfunctional ineveryday life. That has yet to happen.

The distinctive differences between male and female communication be-havior seem to be based on what are deemed the appropriate societal roles ofwomen and men. Men tend to be more assertive and women to be more respon-sive. Years ago, Bernard (1968) said: “Women are expected to stroke others andgive reassuring smiles and silent applause.” Currently, there is still, whether welike it not, a strong cultural, societal bias for women to be the supportive personsand men to be the assertive persons in this culture. Therefore the stereotypicalgender roles (assertive or responsive) may explain the gender differences in

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It is notunusual formen andwomen todisplaydifferentseatingbehaviors.

Source:

Photo by C. PriceWalt

nonverbal behavior. The remainder of this chapter reviews the differencesin nonverbal behavior of men and women that result from these culturallydefined assertive and responsive functions.

Appearance and Attractiveness

In this society, the person who is perceived to be physically attractive and hasan attractive appearance is more highly rated than one who is not attractive,despite the sex of the person. This society does not value unattractiveness.Although beauty is in the eye of the beholder, there are still several conclusionsthat can be drawn from the research on general attractiveness of femalesand males (Widgery & Webster, 1969). As said earlier, attractive people areperceived by others as more sociable, more outgoing, more likeable, moreintelligent, and happier. Less attractive people, on the other hand, are per-ceived as less sociable, less extroverted, less likeable, less intelligent, and notvery happy.

Culturally, females may have to meet higher attractiveness standards tobe perceived as credible than do males. Eakins and Eakins (1978) found signif-icant differences as a function of attractiveness of males and females present-ing a well-reasoned talk. They had two women and two men give persuasivespeeches about the merits of debate. Each gave her or his speech twice. Once,the speaker was made to appear attractive; the next time, the speaker wasmade to appear unattractive. Clothing was held constant. The talks were setup as follows: The first speech favoring debate was cogent and well reasoned;the first speech opposing debate was poorly reasoned and dogmatic; the sec-ond “pro” debate speech was poorly reasoned and dogmatic; and the second“con” debate speech was cogent and well reasoned. The raters were collegestudents who had already completed a pretest on their attitudes on the speak-ers and would complete the posttest on the speakers.

The results revealed that differences in the attractiveness of each speakerdid affect the receivers’ acceptance of the speaker’s arguments. The results fur-ther revealed the following:

Both speakers of the well-reasoned talks had a greater persuasiveeffect when made up in their attractive state, as was anticipated. Aninteresting result was a difference in persuasiveness that occurred be-tween the females and males in their unattractive states, whetherthey gave the poorly reasoned or well-reasoned talk. The males madeup unattractively were only slightly less effective than in their attrac-tive state. However, there was considerable difference in the influ-ence of the females, depending on physical state. Unattractiveness inthe female caused a decidedly more negative reception of her views.In fact, in one of the videotaped versions, the unattractiveness of thefemale who delivered the cogent pro talk weighed so heavily that theattractive female who answered with the poorly reasoned and ill-constructed con speech had the greater impact on the listeners. Both

Distinctive and Similar Characteristics: The Dilemma 213

females and males seemed more accepting of arguments or viewsfrom an unattractive male than from an unattractive female. Maleswere most negative toward the unattractive female’s stand. (Eakins& Eakins, 1978, p. 166)

Notice that unattractiveness did have a negative impact on male speakers. Thedifference between male and female speakers was one of degree: both were hin-dered by unattractiveness, but the female more so. In other research, which in-volved ratings of the credibility of individuals based on their photos alone, itwas found that despite the gender of a speaker, attractive people are rated higheron the character dimension of credibility than unattractive people. Although theresearch in this arena is still sparse and does not permit precise conclusions, intheir classic study, Eakins and Eakins suggest that “the views of unattractivelymade-up males were accepted more readily than those of unattractively made-up females” (p. 167). Are such judgments still being made today? The answer isa definitive yes. Not only are women judged more harshly by society (by bothwomen and men), but the first conversational observation about a female mightconcern her appearance or dress, not her competence. Again, this orientationthat women have to be attractive to be acceptable or credible is alive and well.Yet interestingly, an overly attractive woman may suffer even more than an un-attractive woman at the hands of society. For example, the overly attractivewoman may be perceived by both women and men as a “sexual object” ratherthan a “credible human being.” For women, then, there is a constant nonverbaldilemma of “what to wear, how to look, and what does appearance communi-cate to others.” It is then safe to conclude that regardless of sex, one shouldalways try to present a good first impression, but even more so if one is female.The culture has not changed much in this regard over the last forty years.

Clothing styles change quickly, often before any conclusions can bedrawn about how one particular style affects communication, but it is safe toconclude that one should dress for the occasion. If the occasion demands abusiness suit, then wear whatever is appropriate for your sex. If the occasiondemands formal wear, then wear what your sex is expected to wear. If onechooses not to follow the norms on dress for one’s sex, one can expect toencounter ridicule and even expulsion from certain groups. To be perceivedas credible and sociable, one must wear the cultural garb expected for one’ssex role.

Gesture and Movement

As early as preschool, small children exhibit the body movements and gesturesof their biological sex. In preschool, little girls have more pronounced bodymovements when paired with little girls than when paired with little boys.When with little boys, they tend to act shy and to be more reserved in theirmovements. Gender differences in behavior are evident in preschool children.Children exhibit the behavior expected of young men and young women early(Birdwhistell, 1970).

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In the classic writings of Birdwhistell (1970), some of his studies ofyoung children concluded that sex-role differentiation begins at a very earlyage. He cites the following example:

One female infant . . . by the age of 15 months had learned por-tions of the diakinesic system . . . of the Southern upper-middle-class female. She had already incorporated the anterior roll of thepelvis and the intra femoral contact stance which contrasts sharplywith the spread-legged and posteriorly rolled pelvis of the 22-month-old boy filmed with her. (p. 49)

Males tend to use more dominant or commanding gestures and movementswhen communicating with females. Similarly, as compared to their male part-ners, females tend to use more compliant or acquiescent gestures. The resultsof several studies reveal that females may be predisposed to do the followingwhen communicating with males: take up less space, shrink or pull in theirbodies, tilt their heads while talking or listening, arrange or play with theirhair more often than males, put hands in lap or on hips, tap hands, cross legs,cross ankles, yield space, lower eyes, blink more, and keep legs and feet togetherwhile sitting. Males may be predisposed to do the following when communi-cating with females: stare more, point, take up more space, keep head straight,stretch hands, stand with legs apart, or sit with legs stretched out withankles apart, knees spread while sitting, stroke chin more, use larger and moresweeping gestures, more leg and foot movement, and hold arms away frombody more.

In female-male interaction there is a greater display of dominant ges-tures by males and a greater display of acquiescing gestures by females.These behavioral patterns do not seem to be simply each sex’s reaction to theother, because these same patterns are seen in both sexes while interactingwith another member of their own sex, but on somewhat a less extremescale. This observed pattern in male and female gesture and movement isprobably due in part to genetic tendencies and in large part to the role eachsex plays in society, cultural stereotypes, and perceptions of what is appro-priate for males and females. Essentially, members of each sex are predis-posed toward and learn the appropriate survival skills for the culture inwhich they live.

Face and Eye Behavior

Men tend to mask or hide their emotions more than women. It seems that ourculture allows the female to be facially expressive but punishes the male for thesame behavior. In one study, males and females were shown slides deliberatelyselected to arouse emotions and strong facial expressions. Included among theslides were images of burn victims, happy children, scenic views, and sexualdisplays. The study’s coders watched the subject’s facial expressions and thenjudged the emotion displayed. Coders found it much easier to code the

Distinctive and Similar Characteristics: The Dilemma 215

accurate emotion based on the women’s facial expressions. The men seemed tointernalize or hide their emotions. In other words, they did not display theiremotions on their faces. Researchers suggest that this is because our culturetells boys that it is not appropriate for them to cry or show emotion in public(Buck, Miller, & Caul, 1974). Therefore males learn to internalize their emo-tional responses; whereas, females remain free to externalize their emotionsthrough facial expressions.

Most of us have heard the song lyrics, “When you’re smilin’ . . . the wholeworld smiles with you” (Louis Armstrong, “When You’re Smiling”). Well, this ispartially true. Women have learned that in this culture they should smilewhether they are happy or not. Research suggests that women smile more oftenthan men in general, although both genders smile more when seeking approval.Women smile more than men when a woman and a man greet each other andwhen the two interactants are moderately acquainted. Women smile and laughmore than men, and women smile to mask or hide anxiety or nervousness.Research also suggests that women smile more than men even when the womenare alone (Berman & Smith, 1984; Bugental, Love, & Gianetto, 1971;Dittmann, 1972; Duck, 1998; Hall & Halberstadt, 1986; Henley, 1995; Trees &Manusov, 1998). Perhaps the best explanation for why women smile more oftenis that it is a means of being responsive and acculturating oneself. Our cultureexpects women to be sensitive and responsive. The smile is the international signof friendship and understanding. Therefore women are conditioned to smilemore often because it is the communication expected of them.

Children respond differently to male and female smiles. The reason forthis is that males smile primarily when amused or happy; whereas, femalessmile even while sending negative messages. Therefore children can interpret

216 C H A P T E R 1 1 Female-Male Nonverbal Communication

Men oftenmask theiremotionsmore thanwomen.

Source:

Photo by C. Price Walt

the male’s smile as one of friendliness, but they may have to completely un-derstand the situation to interpret the female’s smile correctly. Why dowomen smile more even when sending a negative message? Society has social-ized women to send negative messages with the public/social smile. Societyhas socialized women to send the public/social smile often, regardless of thecommunication situation. Simply watch visual clips of various presidents andtheir wives when receiving information. There are differences between thereactions of two sexes. This is not to suggest that these couples are the repre-sentations for all female and male communication behaviors. They are simplyeasier to view than many other couples. Their lives are very much in the pub-lic eye. In conclusion, women are conditioned to look pleasant and sensitive,not harsh and demanding. The smile is the form of socially ingratiatingbehavior that women have learned to use even when delivering negative mes-sages. Therefore women smile more often than men when they are scoldingtheir children.

The old saying “the eyes tell all” is somewhat true. The authors of thisbook have a friend who rarely makes eye contact with her friends and acquain-tances. In this culture, people find it frustrating to communicate with someonewho is looking everywhere but in one’s eyes. Our friend rarely looks at her stu-dents when teaching. They also find it equally frustrating and feel that she is anunresponsive teacher. Her behavior is not typical for females or males in gener-al. When someone is not looking at you while conversing, you feel as if you arenot really a part of the conversation. Males and females have similar functionsfor eye behavior; however, their use of eye behavior differs. It usually differs interms of amount, frequency, and duration.

Research reveals that women look more at the other person in a conver-sation than men do. They also look more at one another than men do and holdeye contact longer with another woman than men do with another man. Ingeneral, women look at their conversational partner more and longer thanmen do. As with facial expression, the primary explanation for this behavior isthat women feel this is a method of establishing and maintaining interperson-al relationships (Bate & Bowker, 1997; Gamble & Gamble, 2003; Hall &Halberstadt, 1986; Henley, 1977; McAndrew & Warner, 1986; Mulac,Studley, Wiemann, & Bradac, 1987).

Society expects women to be affiliative, and eye contact and gaze showaffiliative tendencies. Another explanation is that women are stereotyped asholding the subordinate position, and men are stereotyped as holding the supe-rior position. The person in the subordinate position is expected to give thesuperior position more attention, but the person in the superior position is notexpected to follow suit. An exception to this pattern occurs when the femaleand male are positioned at a considerable distance from one another. Bothmales and females look more when distance increases between them. This issimply an attempt to reduce the physical distance, but it tends to overpower theaffiliative situational demands that exist in closer proximity.

In interpersonal relationships, women gaze more and men stare more.Women lower their eyes when conversing with a male who is staring at them.

Distinctive and Similar Characteristics: The Dilemma 217

This seems contradictory to the above. If women look more and hold gazeslonger, then why do they lower their eyes more than males? The answer isquite simple. Most of a woman’s eye behavior consists of a mutual gaze. Thewomen break the mutual gaze but also engage in mutual eye contact morethan males. Women also tend to engage in fleeting glances at another person’sface while the other is gazing elsewhere. Because women are more often listen-ers than speakers in female-male interaction, they watch the other person morebecause eye contact is closely associated with attentiveness. In the acquain-tance stage of a relationship, the male is usually the one who establishes eyecontact with the female first. Rarely is it the other way around. Again, themale is seen as the asserter, the female as the responder.

Because males expect affiliative behaviors from females, ambivalence isseen as a negative. Heisel and Mongrain (2004) found that in conflict situa-tions, women who were ambivalent about an issue expressed more negativenonverbal facial expressions. When such negative facial expressions weremade, men countered with similar expressions of dislike and anxiety. In anoth-er study, Lee and Wagner (2002) had women talk about a positive or negativeexperience. When an experimenter was present, the women talked less abouttheir emotions, and they exaggerated those positive emotions that they didshow and reduced their negative expressions. Thus, again, women appear tohave a self-concept that supports the idea of expressing only positive feelingspublicly.

Of course one primary purpose of interacting is to determine whetheryou like another person and whether that person likes you. Ray and Floyd(2006) investigated that question using an eight-minute interaction (similar tospeed dating). Researchers were looking for nonverbal expressions (kinesicand vocalic). Outside observers also made evaluations of their liking for oneanother. They found that their confederates, their partners, and observers hadsimilar findings of liking and disliking. Thus, although most people are not“trained” to determine who likes them, they are pretty good at it.

Sternglanz and De Paulo (2004) attempted to determine whetherstrangers (as in the case above), close friends, or less close friends could ana-lyze the emotional expressions of another. They found that friends were bet-ter than strangers, but interestingly, they found that less close friends couldbetter analyze expressions than could close friends. While our abilities to an-alyze the expressions of others is good, as we get to know someone very wellwe tend to cover up our emotions more (Smith, Cottrell, Gosselin, & Schyns,2005).

Consistent with theories that females select the male, Reninger, Wade,and Grammer (2004) investigated male behavior at a bar. They found success-ful males had different body behavior than their less successful counterparts.The successful males exhibited more glances that were short and direct, more“space maximization movements, more location changes, more nonreciprocatedtouches of surrounding males, and a smaller number of closed-body move-ments” (p. 421).

218 C H A P T E R 1 1 Female-Male Nonverbal Communication

McAndrew and Warner (1986) studied male and female undergraduateswho were randomly paired in same-sex (male-male, female-female) or mixed-sex (female-male) dyads and were asked to maintain a silent mutual gaze foras long as possible over two or three trials. The students first completed theMehrabian Arousal-Seeking Scale. Then they were asked to engage in a star-ing contest. They were to look or stare into a partner’s eyes for as long as theycould without breaking the gaze. The length of visual engagement was timedwith a stopwatch. When one of the two subjects had “won” two out of threestaring encounters, the experiment was ended and the subjects debriefed.

The results yielded the following. When subjects were divided into “win-ners” and “losers” on their performance in the gazing encounter, it was discoveredthat in the “male-male dyads the person with the higher score on the arousal-seek-ing scale won the encounter 100% of the time, and that in the female-femaledyads the high arousal seeker won 90% of the time.” Only in 1 out of 20 dyadsdid the individual with the low arousal-seeking score come out the winner.Therefore, high arousal-seeking persons in same-sex dyads can hold gazes longerthan low arousal-seeking persons. This type of nonverbal gaze behavior can givethem a certain amount of power in a relationship.

In mixed-sex dyads (female-male), “this advantage of high arousal seek-ers over low arousal seekers did not hold up as well” (p. 170). In these dyads,high arousal seekers dominated only four of the ten dyads while low arousalseekers won six times. The influence of the arousal-seeking tendency may havebeen moderated in these dyads by an apparent advantage of females overmales in these encounters, as females were the winners in seven out of the tenpairs.

McAndrew and Warner (1986) concluded that “individual differences inarousal seeking do in fact predict how well a person can maintain mutual gazeswhen no one is speaking, especially in same-sex dyads.” High arousal seekers canhold the gaze longer in same-sex dyads. However, there seems to be a strong influ-ence of gender on this behavior.

Females look more than males on all measures of a gaze, especially mutualgaze. This would serve as an explanation for the mutual gaze situations being“less novel and unsettling” for females than males in the mixed-sex dyads, lead-ing to the females’ greater willingness to maintain eye contact. In same-sex dyadswhere this gender difference is absent, arousal seeking would become a moresalient variable (p. 171).

Women and men differ in their use of eye behavior. The differences in largepart are due to the cultural stereotypes of how males and females should behave.

Vocal Behavior

If we like the sound of a person’s voice, we are more attentive, more open tolistening, and more likely to engage in an extended conversation with that per-son. Some voices are more pleasant than others. Some accents are more pleas-ant than others. Some people find the Bronx accent (New York) to be strident

Distinctive and Similar Characteristics: The Dilemma 219

and offensive, and others find the southern drawl to be slow and dumb-sound-ing. We read people’s voices as indicators of their personalities, and—as wenoted earlier—to some extent at least, the voice is an accurate projection ofpersonality. However, the primary differences between female and male voicesare hormonal in origin, not personality-induced, as noted earlier concerningvocal changes during females’ fertility phases.

Children learn that their voices should sound as society says a male orfemale voice should sound. For example, our culture does not respond well tothe female with a deep bass voice. In a similar vein, our culture does notrespond well to the male with a high-pitched, feminine-sounding voice. Oursociety does not respond well to someone who uses incorrect grammar, infor-mal speech, or a regional accent. However, our society is less critical of themale who uses incorrect grammar, informal speech, or a regional accent than itis of females who exhibit these characteristics. Females begin talking earlierthan boys and acquire mature articulatory skills before boys. What then arethe acceptable vocal qualities for males and females?

In a classic and impressive study, Addington (1968) completed a mostcomprehensive examination of voice judgments. Two males and two femalessimulated nine vocal characteristics and listeners rated the personalities of thespeakers. Addington found that certain voice qualities were acceptable forboth males and females.

■ Both females and males could use increased rate and still be perceived ina positive fashion.

■ Nasality was perceived by listeners as having a wide array of socially un-desirable characteristics for both males and females.

■ The male who had a high-pitched voice was seen as dynamic, feminine,and aesthetically inclined. In contrast, the female with a high-pitchedvoice was seen as more dynamic and extroverted.

■ The female with the orotund vocal characteristic was perceived as hu-morless yet lively. The male with the orotund vocal characteristic wasseen as energetic, proud, and interesting.

■ The female with the throaty vocal characteristic was seen as ugly, boor-ish, and uninteresting; whereas, the male with the throaty vocal charac-teristic was seen as older, mature, and well adjusted.

■ The female with the tense vocal characteristic was seen as young andemotional. The male with the tense vocal characteristic was seen as olderand more unyielding.

■ Males and females with flat vocal characteristics were not seen in a verypositive light.

■ Females with a thin voice were seen as emotionally and socially imma-ture while simultaneously getting ratings of increased sense of humor.There were no significant correlations for the male with the thin voice.

■ Females with the breathy voice were seen as feminine and shallow; whereas,males with the breathy voice were seen as younger and more artistic.

220 C H A P T E R 1 1 Female-Male Nonverbal Communication

It is difficult to suggest any definite conclusions based on the above re-sults. These vocal differences exist whether a person is communicating withtheir own or the opposite sex and therefore are not a function of cross-sexcommunication. Clearly very different perceptions of females and males canbe based on the same vocal characteristics.

A few differences have been noted specifically within the context offemale-male interaction. These differences are, again, consistent with the dis-tinction in stereotypical sex and gender roles. Males tend to use greater inten-sity and talk louder than do females. Females tend to raise their pitch andspeak in quieter tones when talking to men.

Space

As early as the second grade, children are using the space norms of their culture.Elementary school children sit farther away from others and touch others lessthan preschool children. Lomranz, Shapira, Choresh, and Gilat (1975) had three-,five-, and seven-year-olds sit next to an unknown peer and perform a task. Thethree-year-olds sat closer than the other two groups and even touched the un-known peer. When children enter school, they start becoming more aware of theadult space norms. They find out it is no longer appropriate to sit in one anoth-er’s lap and that the teacher wants space of her or his own. Although childrenusually learn the space norms of their culture by third or fourth grade, males andfemales still use space differently.

Young boys seem to need more space than young girls. This may be ge-netically produced, because it occurs before the boys become physicallylarger than the girls. However, most parents and other adults in society re-inforce boys for playing with toys that require more space (trucks) thanthose girls play with (dolls). The type of toy often determines the amount ofspace needed for play. Therefore, boys may learn the need for more spacethan girls do. However, the possibility of a biological impact should not betotally rejected. Boys prefer to spend more time outside than do girls, playin more areas than do girls, and require as much as 50 percent more spacethan do girls. As boys and girls mature, these noticeable spatial differencesdo not disappear.

In a classic statement, Piercy (1973) may have described the spatial dif-ferences of males and females best when describing movement in a theater:

Men expanded into available space. They sprawled, or they sat withspread legs. They put their arms on the arms of chairs. They crossedtheir legs by putting a foot on the other knee. They dominated spaceexpansively. Women condensed. Women crossed their legs by put-ting one leg over the other and alongside. Women kept their elbowsto their sides, taking up as little space as possible. They behaved asif it were their duty not to rub against, not to touch, not to bump aman. If contact occurred, the woman shrank back. If a woman

Distinctive and Similar Characteristics: The Dilemma 221

bumped a man, he might choose to interpret it as a come-on.Women sat protectively using elbows not to dominate space, not tomark territory, but to protect their soft tissues. (p. 438)

These observations suggest that women require less space, protect their bodiesby using less space, and are more likely to have their space invaded. The rest ofthis section examines these behaviors.

Research on sex differences concerning space has revealed several inter-esting distinctions. The personal space bubble surrounding women appears tobe smaller than the personal space bubble for men. In public settings, femaledyads stand closer together than male dyads do. Male-female dyads, however,stand closest of all. The reactions of men and women placed in crowded versusuncrowded rooms for periods of one hour were found to be very different.Women felt the experience was pleasant, liked the others more, and foundthem to be friendlier than the men. Men found the situation to be an unpleas-ant experience, liked the others less, and found them to be less friendly. Inwaiting rooms, females in a pair sit closer to each other than males in a pair.Women are approached more closely than men by both males and females ininitial interaction situations.

It seems that women require less space than men do and do not becomeas upset if less space is awarded to them. This might be because womenare more used to having their space invaded or having to share their space. Inthe typical household, it is the mother who gives up space to the children andher husband. Rarely is it the man who gives up space. When a new child isborn, it usually is the mother who gives up her space and time to spend timewith the child. Another reason for women requiring less space could be that ofthe difference in the male-female status roles. By virtue of having been grantedhigher status in the society, the male may have been granted the right to morespace in the perceptions of men and women alike.

Given the abundance of research evidence showing major differences inthe use of space by males and females, it should come as no surprise that fe-males and males use space differently when encountering one another. In aclassic study, Silveira (1972) found that when male-female pairs approach oneanother on the street, the female is expected to yield the space. In observing 19mixed-sex pairs, it was found that in 12 of the 19 cases, the woman moved outof the man’s way. In 4 of the 7 remaining cases, both sexes moved to make wayfor the other. In only 3 of the cases did the man move to make way for thewoman.

So what does this body of research suggest? In typical female-male inter-actions, men command the bulk of the available space. The woman may notcontest for more of the space. Although in spatial-invasion studies involvingstrangers it is usually the woman who flees the scene, in female-male interac-tions the female is unlikely to perceive her loss of space during an interactionas an invasion. Perhaps women feel that to be perceived as affiliative they mustnot fight over space. Perhaps they feel it is easier to give in than to either fightor flee. Perhaps they simply need less space, so they do not even notice that

222 C H A P T E R 1 1 Female-Male Nonverbal Communication

the male takes more. In any event, the negotiation of space in female-maleinteraction usually is a smooth process, requiring the conscious attention ofneither person.

To the extent that occupation of more space reflects dominance, weagain find the male exerting a dominant position in interaction with the fe-male (Grady, Miransky, & Mulvey, 1976). However, much of this spatialdominance is changing as more and more women move into equivalent workpositions of men, and men move into equivalent work positions of women.For example, the female executive can command the best space and moreof it than the male subordinate; and the male nurse may still give up space tothe higher-status person, the physician. Therefore it may be the societalor work role the person holds, not her or his sex role, that determines the useof space.

Touch

It is sad but true that in this society human touch diminishes from infancy on.Think of all the songs associated with touch. Our culture sings a lot abouttouch, but people rarely engage in the act itself. This society is very selectiveabout whom, when, and where we touch. In the eyes of many, it is an invasionfor two males to touch each other except in the context of a sports event. Iftwo males touch in this society, people immediately read something negativeinto it. As early as infancy, differences are noted in female-male touch. Femalebabies receive more touch than male babies do, but that difference starts to di-minish around two years of age. In this culture, boys are encouraged to touchless and learn to need touch less.

Women seem to be more concerned about the type of touch they give orreceive than men are. In a classic study, Nguyen, Heslin, and Nguyen (1975)asked unmarried college students what a pat, a squeeze, a brush, and a strokemeant when directed to different body parts by someone of the opposite sex.The differences between the two sexes were striking. Males understood thedifferences among patting, stroking, and squeezing but were not concernedwith the body part being touched. Men felt that warmth, love, sexual desire,and pleasantness all had the same meaning. However, women were veryconcerned about the body part involved. They felt that touch directed tothe hands, head, face, arms, and back meant love and friendliness but thattouch in the genital areas or breasts was a sign of sexual desire. Hence,women interpreted the type of touch and part of body being touched to meaneither friendship or sexual desire. In contrast, men associated friendship andsexual desire with similar touch regardless of the body part. Such perceptualdifference in the meaning of touch portends problems within female-maleinteractions.

In male-female relationships, it is often the man who initiates the touch.Women are taught that for them to initiate the touch could mislead the maninto thinking that the woman was promiscuous. Society is quite clear on this.Men should be allowed to initiate touch, not women. In fact, when women are

Distinctive and Similar Characteristics: The Dilemma 223

approaching others, they often stop out of the touching range. In the male-femalerelationship, the man usually moves in on the woman and touches first. It israrely the other way around.

In conclusion, until our society eliminates some of its cultural taboos ontouching behavior (male touching male, female initiating touch with male) we willremain a very noncontact-oriented society. We have been conditioned from child-hood not to “reach out and touch someone” (although a very long-running ad fora long-distance telephone company implored us to do so). Touch between malesand females in this society is reserved mostly for intimate relationships, and thetouch is seen most often as sexual in nature. What little occurs outside this narrowrange generally is initiated by the male and accepted by the female. Unlike manynonverbal behaviors we have discussed in this chapter, however, touch is muchmore likely to occur at the conscious than the subconscious level. Touch betweenmembers of the opposite sex in this society carries such strong sexual overtonesthat it is virtually impossible for touch to occur without being noticed by one orboth of the interactants (Jones, 1986; Jourard, 1966, 1968; Jourard & Rubin,1968).

In this section we have enumerated many distinctions between femalesand males in nonverbal communication behavior. Table 11.1 provides a briefsummary of some of the more important distinctions. You may find it a usefulreview of this material.

224 C H A P T E R 1 1 Female-Male Nonverbal Communication

TABLE 11.1

Nonverbal Behaviors in Female-Male Communication

Performed Primarily by the Female Performed Primarily by the Male

Lowers eyes StaresSmiles FrownsTilts head Holds head erectDoes not point PointsMore positive gesturing Less positive gesturingTakes up less space Takes up more spaceMoves out of the way of his Moves in on her spacespace/yields spaceAccepts touch Initiates touchPulls body in Has erect postureStands/sits with legs together Stands/sits with legs apartBats eyelashes Initiates looksHands at sides or in the lap Hands on hipsCuddles StrokesLeans into Leans overTalks more softly Talks more loudlyLess likely to interrupt More likely to interrupt

LIKING AND COURTSHIP OF THE AMERICAN FEMALE AND MALE

Scheflen (1965) studied American courtship rituals and how they related toliking and disliking. He did a content analysis of films of various interperson-al encounters and found some similar behavioral patterns across encountersthat related to dating or courtship. He called these nonverbal behaviors quasi-courtship cues and classified them into four categories.

The first category Scheflen called courtship-readiness cues. He includedsuch things as reduced eye bagginess, higher muscle tone, reduced jowl sag, lit-tle slouching, no shoulder hunching, and decreased belly sag. He concludedthat both males and females engage in courtship-readiness behavior. After all,no one is attracted by a saggy belly in either a male or a female.

The second category is preening behavior, characterized by behavior suchas stroking one’s hair, fixing makeup, fixing clothes, looking in a mirror, leavingbuttons open on shirts or blouses, adjusting suit coats, pulling up socks, andadjusting a tie. Obviously both males and females engage in some of the above,depending on the situation.

The third category Scheflen called positional cues. These cues are reflectedin seating arrangements. A person positions herself or himself to indicate toothers that he or she is not open to conversation with anyone other thanwhomever he or she is already talking to. For example, the person arranges hisor her arms, legs, and body so that others cannot enter the conversation with-out great difficulty.

The fourth category Scheflen called actions of appeal or invitation. Theseare cues such as rolling the pelvis, casting flirtatious glances, holding another’sgaze, crossing a leg to expose one’s thigh, showing one’s wrist or palm, andflexing muscles.

Obviously all of the above categories are related to male-female quasi-courtship behavior. Both sexes use cues from each category to attract theother sex.

In a similar vein, Birdwhistell (1970) suggested that there are 24 stepsfrom initial male-female contact to a fully intimate sexual relationship,and that there is a sequence to the steps. For example, if a female does notreciprocate a male’s eye contact, then he should not progress to the nextstep. Both females and males are labeled as “fast” or “slow” depending onwhether they follow the steps. If steps are ignored or skipped, then someoneis labeled as fast. If someone does not respond to steps or chooses to ignoresteps, then he or she is labeled as slow. However, at certain steps it is expect-ed that the female will slow the process. For example, a man expects thewoman to block him, at least for a while, when he makes a move for herbreast.

Perhaps Morris (1971) gave us the most popular view of the courtshipritual. He suggests there are twelve steps that couples in western culture gothrough, from initial contact through intimacy. He indicates that the steps

Liking and Courtship of the American Female and Male 225

have an order and that this order usually is followed in female-male relation-ships. These connective steps are as follows:

1. eye to body2. eye to eye3. voice to voice4. hand to hand5. arm to shoulder6. arm to waist7. mouth to mouth8. hand to head9. hand to body

10. mouth to breast11. hand to genitals12. genitals to genitals

The person who skips steps or fails to respond to a step may be seen asfast or slow by another person. The first five of the twelve steps can be classi-fied as immediacy behaviors. The sixth may also fit in this group.

However, the last six are definitely intimate behaviors. Therefore, becauseimmediate behaviors often foreshadow subsequent intimate ones, immediacyoften can be mistaken for an overture to intimacy. Recognize that although wesee the first six steps as within the immediacy range, another individual may seeeverything from step three on as intimate. However, according to Tieffer (1978)step seven is often the defining step. She has written:

Deep kissing causes other physiological changes. The presence of alover’s tongue in one’s mouth induces the secretion of saliva, whichis under neural control (seventh and ninth cranial nerves) and thusappears in response to any stimulus in the mouth. Most societiesfind juicy kisses more desirable than dry ones, but they seek a bal-ance. Excessively wet kisses are unpopular (as the Danes say: “He’snice to kiss—when one is thirsty.”) but a dry, tight kiss is usually re-garded as either immature or inhibited. (p. 23)

We have taken the time to outline the Scheflen, Birdwhistell, and Morris exam-inations of male and female behavior not because of a particular interest incourtship behaviors but because many of these same behaviors frequently areused in female-male interactions that are not intended as courtship. Certainlythe first few of Morris’s steps and nearly all of the behavior Scheflen identifiedoccur in noncourtship encounters between females and males. They are com-mon behaviors exhibited every day in offices, stores, classrooms, libraries, hos-pitals, and virtually everywhere else where females and males come in contact.Clearly these behaviors are an invitation to communicate, even if they are notintended as an initiation of courtship. Rejection of such an invitation, if madequietly, by simply turning away, for example, usually terminates the invasivebehavior if it is unwelcome. Sometimes, however, the outcome is not so easy or

226 C H A P T E R 1 1 Female-Male Nonverbal Communication

positive. People differ greatly in their sensitivity to the nonverbal behavior ofothers. Some, as an extreme example, see sexual harassment in what others seeas a flirtatious glance. People are also sometimes insensitive to their own non-verbal behavior and cannot understand when someone else takes offense.

Avoiding Problems

How can verbal and nonverbal communication problems be avoided infemale-male communication? It is not likely that they can be avoided com-pletely. However, becoming aware that these behaviors exist and can be sub-ject to multiple interpretations goes a long way toward keeping the number ofproblems down.

■ Remember that meaning is in people’s minds. It is not in words, and it isnot in nonverbal behavior.

■ When we find a person’s words offensive, we can tell the person so he orshe can try to avoid the problem in the future, we can ignore the offenseand go on to something else, or we can avoid that person so that we don’thave future interactions with him or her.

■ We have similar options with offensive nonverbal behavior, whether ofothers or our own. If we or the person we offended chooses the con-frontation route, serious conflict is most likely to occur. The relationshipwill be damaged, possibly very severely, and friends of the parties mostlikely will become involved.

■ Obviously prevention is better than cure, and appropriate instruction innonverbal behavior and communication is the best preventive systemfound to date.

Nonverbal Sensitivity

We alluded to the fact that some people are more sensitive to nonverbal cuesthan others. Is it possible that one sex is more sensitive than the other?

■ Some observers claim that females are more sensitive to nonverbal cuesthan males. On at least one measure of nonverbal sensitivity, the Profileof Nonverbal Sensitivity test (PONS), females do score higher(Rosenthal, Hall, DiMatteo, Rogers, & Archer, 1979).

■ Various studies have indicated that women have been found to be moreaccurate in judging various emotional states than men.

■ Much of the literature suggests that women are more responsive nonver-bally than men. For example, they look at others more, give up space toothers, allow others to touch them more, and can interpret facial expres-sions more easily than men.

■ Are females more nonverbally sensitive than males? It seems that theymay be, but the reason for any difference is not clear. Perhaps males areless sensitive because they have not been encouraged in this culture to beresponsive. If men were encouraged to be more responsive, they might beas sensitive to nonverbal cues as women. Responsiveness in large part is

Liking and Courtship of the American Female and Male 227

cued to the nonverbal behavior of others, so it is hard to be responsivewithout developing nonverbal sensitivity.

■ Women tend to show emotions more than men do in this society. It is ac-ceptable for women to externalize their emotions but not for men to doso. Men are taught that to show emotions or to be expressive is a sign ofweakness or failure. Therefore men have learned not to be too expres-sive. Perhaps this is why men have more difficulty recognizing the impli-cations of the nonverbal behavior of others. They may simply see suchbehavior as meaningless and not in need of interpretation.

Throughout this chapter, we have alluded to the commanding male as the ini-tiator of more of the interaction between females and males. Could it be thatthe true initiator is the female? Mehrabian’s early landmark research on affil-iative tendencies and approach behavior indicates that women definitely havemore affiliative tendencies and approachable behavior than men. Affiliativetendencies are behaviors that show others how friendly we are. Women defi-nitely display more affiliative, responsive tendencies than men. Men displaymore dominating tendencies than women. But who really initiates and con-trols female-male interactions?

ADVANTAGES OF IMMEDIACY

Because males and females who appear to be more immediate are perceived asmore pleasant and friendly than males or females who appear to be nonimme-diate, they are perceived as more approachable. Males and females who ap-pear to be more immediate are also perceived as more likeable than males orfemales who appear to be nonimmediate. Others want to be closer to likeablepeople, talk to them more often, and even spend more time with them.

More immediate-seeming males and females are perceived as more popu-lar than are males or females who appear to be nonimmediate. Popular peopleusually appear to be more approachable and friendly, so immediacy increasespopularity.

Males and females who appear to be more immediate receive morecommunication from others than nonimmediate males or females. Peopleapproach and want to communicate more with people who give off cuesthat say they are approachable. The immediate person, through her or hisnonverbal behavior, says that he or she is open to communication and wel-comes it. The nonimmediate person discourages communication throughher or his nonverbal cues. For example, are you more likely to approachsomeone who has an open body position to ask the time or someone whohas her or his arms folded across the chest and is looking at the ground?Obviously, most of us would approach the open-looking person and askthe time.

Notice that all of these advantages are common to all kinds of relation-ships. They are not unique to female-male relationships. We reemphasize themhere, however, because immediacy is critical to the development of relationships

228 C H A P T E R 1 1 Female-Male Nonverbal Communication

between females and males. Immediacy in these relationships may also havecertain disadvantages.

DISADVANTAGES OF IMMEDIACY

Immediacy leads to more verbal and nonverbal communication. This is some-thing that many people do not want, however. Increased communicationmeans increased interaction with someone, regardless of sex. Therefore, if onewants to decrease communication in a female-male relationship, he or sheshould be nonimmediate.

Immediacy can lead to misperception. The nonverbal behavior of imme-diacy can be misjudged as cues suggesting an intimate relationship. For exam-ple, the female who smiles constantly at many males might be perceived as aneasy target; whereas, she may simply be immediate in her behavior. Think ofsome immediate behavior to see how such misunderstandings can happen.Imagine you are in a restaurant, and the person two tables away smiles at youand has direct eye contact. You might misperceive that behavior.

Immediate behavior can lead to negative perceptions for both males andfemales. For example, the immediate male might be perceived by other malesas effeminate or girlish; whereas, the immediate female might be perceived aseasy or friendly but dumb. One must be cautious not to be too immediate anddecide what situations dictate immediacy and what situations do not. Clearly,not all female-male relationships call for increased immediacy.

THE ANDROGYNOUS PERSON

The term androgyny is a combination of the Greek words andros, meaningman, and gyne, meaning woman. An androgynous person is one who can asso-ciate with both masculine and feminine characteristics. In terms of psychologi-cal gender orientation, this type of individual can adapt to a variety of roles byengaging in either responsive or assertive behavior, depending on the situation.At present, the responsive role in this society is primarily defined as the female’srole, and the assertive role is primarily defined as the male’s role. Androgyny isthe answer for those who want to be more assertive while still being responsiveand for those who want to be more responsive while still being assertive. Theandrogynous person can be warm, compassionate, sincere, helpful, sympathet-ic, and acquiescent in one situation and in another situation be competitive,risk-taking, assertive, independent, and dominant. An androgynous male mightbe a weight lifter (stereotypical male) who works in a home for underprivilegedchildren on weekends. An androgynous female might be a home economicsteacher (stereotypical female) who enjoys watching professional football andplaying pool.

Typically, the androgynous person is highly flexible in her or his behavior.The individual does not feel limited in her or his verbal or nonverbal communi-cation with others. He or she is fully aware of and adaptable to the affiliativeand control needs of others. Thus, the androgynous person can sense another’s

The Androgynous Person 229

needs and adapt to them. This type of person recognizes when an interactionpartner requires affiliative behavior and can provide it. He or she also recog-nizes when someone needs to be assertive and can adapt to that situation.People who are gender-role stereotyped (can only perform typical female ortypical male behavior) are not as flexible in their verbal and nonverbal commu-nication. They respond in the stereotypical ways. They are also less responsiveto the needs of others. In sum, the androgynous individual is likely to be moresensitive nonverbally than the stereotypical male or female.

Many have researched the area of androgyny, including Bem (1974);Richmond, Beatty, and Dyba (1988); Richmond and McCroskey (1989);Richmond and McCroskey (1990); Richmond and Martin (1998); and others.They have found that the androgynous male and the androgynous female aremore flexible and adaptive to situations than males and females who followthe traditional roles assigned by society. Societal norms dictate that the femalemust usually react in a responsive manner in some situations and do not allowfor assertiveness on her part. Similar norms dictate that the male must react inan assertive or dominant way in some situations and do not allow for respon-siveness on his part. People who follow these societal norms are sex-typed.Their communication behavior corresponds closely to the normative descrip-tions we have provided in this chapter.

Some individuals, however, find these norms to be an impediment to theirfull development as men or women. They see each of the stereotyped genderroles as representing only half a person. Unfortunately, the solution advancedsometimes is as bad as the problem. Females sometimes attempt to assume the

230 C H A P T E R 1 1 Female-Male Nonverbal Communication

Immediate or intimate?

behavior role of males, or males that of females. All that is accomplished insuch attempts is to exchange one half a person for the other half, and the newhalf usually does not work as well as the old one did.

There are situations that call for the male to be responsive and situationsthat call for the female to be assertive. One should remember that the tradi-tional roles developed because they were functional in some ways. There willremain situations where males should be assertive and females should be re-sponsive. Therefore individuals should strive to develop some nonverbal skillsthat help increase responsiveness in males and assertiveness in females,whichever is needed, without sacrificing the alternate skills that already havebeen developed. The androgynous person is much more likely to be able to re-spond appropriately across contexts than the gender-role-stereotyped individ-ual. To respond appropriately, one must be able to assess the situation. If thesituation calls for assertive behavior, then be assertive. If the situation calls forresponsive behavior, then be responsive. Competent communicators are capa-ble of both types of behavior and smart enough to know which is appropriate.

Glossary of Terminology

Androgyny is a combination ofthe Greek words andros, meaningman, and gyne, meaning woman.An androgynous person is one whocan associate with both masculineand feminine characteristics. Suchindividuals can adapt to a variety ofroles by engaging in either responsiveor assertive behavior, depending onthe situation.Gender is the psychological, social,and cultural manifestation of whatpeople perceive to be the appropriatebehaviors of females and males.These manifestations may or may

not be representative of a person’s bi-ological sex.Quasi-courtship cues are nonverbalcues used to show interest incourtship. They are classified into fourcategories: courtship-readiness cues,preening behavior, positional cues,and actions of appeal or invitation.Sex is the biological and geneticdifference between girls and boys,men and women. In other words,this is the biological sex we are bornwith. Anatomically, sex is expressedin the sexual organs of men andwomen, which are distinct for each.

Glossary of Terminology 231

12CHAPTERSupervisor and EmployeeRelationships

The relationship between supervisorsand employees is best characterizedby the dominant-submissive contin-

uum. This refers to the degree to which aperson feels in power, in control, or influen-tial versus feeling submissive, controlled, ordominated. In this culture and others,we can learn much about the relationshipbetween two people by watching their

232

approach or avoidance behavior. In many relationships, it is clear who is thesupervisor and who is the subordinate. The person of higher status is givenmore space, allowed to touch the person of lower status more, and is consid-ered the more dominant person in the relationship.

Status is a person’s rank or position in a group. Therefore, in most rela-tionships, someone is usually of higher status and someone is of lower status byvirtue of age, experience, training, education, or other factors (Richmond &McCroskey, 2001). Mehrabian (1971), citing Lott and Sommer (1967), suggeststhat it is easy to identify high- and low-status persons in a visitor situation:

The clue to status and dominance differences is the degree of hesi-tation and discomfort shown by the visitor at each stage as he orshe is about to approach the other person. If the status differentialis significant, the visitor must wait for permission before makingany major move in coming closer, or risk offending the higher sta-tus other. The visitor will be hesitant to presume familiarity bycasually dropping into a seat, as this implies relaxation and an in-tention to stay on. Indeed, even when invited to sit, the visitor willstill behave in a way that is consistent with her or his status in thesituation as he or she sees it. If there is more than one visitor’schair, the visitor will tend to sit at a distance from the host. If thetwo are intimate or are peers, however, the visitor will feel free totake a seat without being invited to do so, one close to the personbeing visited. (pp. 58–59)

Although we like to think all people are equal, we know better. Thereare high-status persons and low-status persons in almost any relationship. Forexample, in the teacher-student relationship, the teacher is generally perceivedas the higher-status person. In the work environment, the supervisor is gener-ally the higher-status person; the subordinate the lower-status person. Thischapter discusses supervisor-employee relationships in the work environment.It looks at the distinctive characteristics of the supervisor-subordinate relation-ship and reviews the nonverbal characteristics in such relationships.

DISTINCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS

Let’s look at the distinctive characteristics of the supervisor-employee relation-ship. First, a supervisor in the work environment has the legitimate right torequest that certain job responsibilities be carried out by the subordinate. A le-gitimate authority is often assigned a subordinate or subordinates as soon ashe or she achieves the role of supervisor. Legitimate or higher authority thengives the supervisor the right to request certain behaviors, even compliance,from subordinates. Most organizations have certain job responsibilities thatare delegated to each person, and each person must carry them out. Thereforethe supervisor in an organization can ask, will ask, and will expect his or hersubordinates to carry out certain tasks.

Distinctive Characteristics 233

Second, the supervisor-subordinate relationship demands that a certainamount of respect be given to the supervisor because of her or his higher posi-tion, title, and expertise.

Third, in supervisor-subordinate relationships, the supervisor can bestowrewards or punishments on the subordinate. Most organizations grant a super-visor certain rewards (e.g., bonus money) and punishments to use as motiva-tors for employees. For example, many organizations allow supervisors toreduce an employee’s pay if he or she does not complete a job. Many organiza-tions allow supervisors to rate employees on the quality of their work. If thequality is rated low, the subordinate might be asked to leave. Thus, the higher-status person in an organization generally has control over the rewards andpunishments distributed to lower-status persons. The higher-status person maynot be directly in control of rewards and punishments. However, he or shemay be asked to participate in assessing what types of rewards and punish-ments should be given.

Fourth, in supervisor-subordinate relationships, the supervisor is the per-son who has the most informational power. That is, the supervisor knows notonly her or his primary job but also commands information about other units,changes, policies, and so on, which often the subordinate needs to know to doher or his job well. Therefore, the supervisor once more can maintain controland status by either sharing or not sharing needed information with the subor-dinate. Without the needed information, often jobs can be difficult, tedious,and time-consuming. Therefore, when a supervisor has informational power, itis best to stay on her or his good side.

234 C H A P T E R 1 2 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

In many instances you can determinewho is the subordinate and who is the superior simply by observingnonverbal cues.

In summary, the four main distinctive characteristics in the supervisor-employee relationship in the work environment are as follows:

■ The supervisor has the legitimate right to ask subordinates to performcertain job responsibilities.

■ The supervisor has a right to higher status.■ The supervisor can often bestow rewards or punishments on the subordi-

nate.■ The supervisor can share or not share needed information with subordi-

nates (Richmond & McCroskey, 2001).

These unique relational characteristics establish the power (control-acquiescence)feelings in a supervisor-employee relationship.

ROLE OF NONVERBAL MESSAGES

Nonverbal messages primarily help in defining the work relationship. Nonverbalmessages such as gesture, touch, seating, tone of voice, use of time, and use ofspace, artifacts, and objects, all contribute to defining who’s the boss and who’sthe employee. They also help define how “big” the boss is and how low the sta-tus of the employee is. Korda (1975) described the power metaphor in the super-visor-subordinate relationship. He states:

It isn’t necessary to be six feet tall and built like a football tackle,but there are some physical signs that hint at power: certain immo-bility, steady eyes, quiet hands, broad fingers, above all a solidpresence which suggests that one belongs where one is, even if it’ssomebody else’s office or bed. (p. 19)

A visitor who understands status hierarchies when entering an organizationcan determine who is of higher status and who is of lower status by looking at thevarious symbols in use. Common status symbols are found in many organiza-tions: job titles, levels of pay, clothing, size and location of desk or office, type ofcar assigned (if cars are assigned), secretaries, privacy, furnishings, privileges(flextime, not having to punch a time clock), and ceremonies of induction.

The role of nonverbal messages in organizations is to define the statusof the individuals in an organization. This helps a newcomer to know how tocommunicate with others in the workplace. It is critical that status is some-what clear so that people can adapt their messages accordingly. When a higher-status person is offended by the communication of a lower-status person, itcan have dire consequences both for the lower-status person and the organi-zation. Flippo (1974) has illustrated how important nonverbal messages ofstatus are in organizations:

With the company, however, many of the symbols are within thecontrol of the management, and constitute the basis for many bloody

Role of Nonverbal Messages 235

battles. Executives have gotten down on hands and knees to measureand compare sizes of offices. Windows are counted, steps from thepresident’s offices are paced off, secretaries are sought, parkingspace is fought for, and company cars are wrangled. (p. 219)

Although we joke about status symbols, we are still uneasy about our ownstatus. Everybody wants some status. Those who say they want none are kid-ding themselves. Through nonverbal messages, we establish or communicate ourstatus to others. The rest of this section reviews each type of nonverbal messageand how that message communicates status or power (control-acquiescence) inthe supervisor-employee relationship.

Physical Appearance

First impressions may be lasting impressions. Often we are judged more by ourclothing than any other nonverbal factor. Cash and Kilcullen (1985) andKaiser (1997) support the idea that people judge others based on their clothingand general physical appearance in interviewing and hiring situations.

Two women enter the executive vice president’s waiting room. Both arethere to be interviewed for the same position: assistant to the executive vicepresident. They approach the secretary simultaneously. Applicant A is wearinga solid-colored gray suit with a pale-blue shirt and matching stockings andshoes. Applicant B is wearing a black and red plaid suit coat with a solid blackshirt and red stockings and shoes to match. The secretary says to applicant A,in a pleasant but professional tone, “Ms. Smith will be with you in a few min-utes. Please be seated.” The secretary says to applicant B, in a very sneeringtone, “Ms. Smith is very busy and will see you in a little while. You’ll have towait over there.”

Which applicant is likely to get the job? Applicant A has the edge overapplicant B because her dress and appearance fit the expectations of the organ-ization. Applicant B may be more qualified, but her flashy appearance is goingto hurt her chances. According to Korda, the “overriding essential of all cor-porate business clothing is that it establishes power and authority” (p. 230).Plaids do not establish power and authority. Solid colors do.

Clothing often determines how the receiver reacts to the wearer. Korda(1975) suggests that “people who look successful and well educated receivepreferential treatment in almost all of their social or business encounters”(p. 12). The employee who dresses for success is more likely to be successful.Bixler and Nix-Rice (1997) note that appearance can count not only in pro-motions but “often in cold hard cash” (p. 6). They suggest that, based on ourappearance, our salary offers could range from 8 to 20 percent higher, as a “re-sult of upgrading a mediocre business appearance to one that is polished andeffective” (p. 6).

Companies are willing to pay for employees who look the part. These“look-the-part employees” do not need training in appropriate business attire;thus, other, more critical job issues can be introduced to them earlier than toemployees who need training in “looking the part.” Because business clothing

236 C H A P T E R 1 2 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

establishes power and status, people who dress accordingly are much more likelyto be considered for better jobs, to get promotions, and to receive preferentialtreatment. We know that in the supervisor-subordinate relationship, the type ofdress worn by each party is often determined by the organization, the job in theorganization, and the status of the person. For example, a machinist will almostalways be seen in a pair of jeans. However, if he or she appears at a companyparty or function dressed in an outfit that denotes power and status, he or shemight be the next job boss in the machinist unit.

Granted, styles for men and women are not always the same, and styles fordifferent organizations vary. For example, a college professor can dress more ca-sually than an IBM executive. The professor also can dress more casually thancan her or his chairperson or a dean or president of the university. Employeesmust remember to dress for their role if they want to receive the proper respect.Clothing serves as a symbol of status. If people fail to dress as expected, their oc-cupational mobility may be hindered (Henley, 1977; Moore, Hickson, & Stacks,2010; Molloy, 1975, 1977, 1988, 1996; Richmond & McCroskey, 2001).People dress according to their jobs to impress others.

Others associate our clothing with socioeconomic status, achievement ofgoals, and satisfaction. In the 1970s, Molloy (1975, 1977) suggested that whatyou wear to the office suggests whether you are there for business or monkeybusiness. Molloy suggests that women who want to move up the executive lad-der should not wear sweaters, because sweaters denote lower status. Sweatersthat are soft and tight are also seen as sexy; few women want to get ahead bybeing seen as sexy. A sexy image will not get them the respect they might haveearned. Molloy suggests that for women in business, the matching skirt andjacket are the looks that say, “I am a professional and want to be treated asone.” Women, perhaps more than men, must be cautious about what they wearto the office. Primarily this is because the work world is just becoming used tothe higher-status female executive. Therefore, unless they own the businesses inwhich they work, women should strive to adapt to clothing norms of the pro-fessional businesswoman. Last, women and men should strive to dress similarlyto the next-highest-ranking person in the organization, unless that person hasunusual or idiosyncratic dress. The more we look like the person above us, thebetter our chances of being the person above us. When our supervisor moves upor out, we may have a chance at her or his job.

Men should also wear the clothing dictated by the organization. Everyorganization has an image to uphold. People who do not fit the image will notmove ahead unless they are unusually bright and irreplaceable. For example,the authors of this book have an eccentric friend who dresses rather casually:His shirt is always coming out of his slacks, usually unbuttoned too far, andhas food stains from lunch. This person is employed by a large organization asa computer expert and analyst. They put up with his idiosyncratic attire be-cause he is so good at his job. He is such an expert that they are not interestedin what he wears. This is an unusual case. His wife, on the other hand, is alsovery good at her job. She always wears a professional business outfit to work.This is because she is in an upper-level management position that few women

Role of Nonverbal Messages 237

ever have a chance to attain. Therefore, to command respect and liking fromher subordinates, she must dress in the professional style dictated by the or-ganization.

The color one chooses for clothing often denotes certain traits or moods.People who wear brighter colors typically want to be perceived as active. Timid orshy people often wear more drab colors so as not to call attention to themselves.However, research suggests that men and women should avoid unusually brightcolors in the work environment. Bixler and Nix-Rice (1997) suggest the followingguidelines on appropriate wardrobe colors: Warm colors are brown/black (blackis a wardrobe classic for everyone), camel, cream, teal, plum, olive, deep rust,coral, and tomato red. Cool colors are black, gray, white, navy/royal blue, royalpurple, hunter green, burgundy, pink, and ruby red.

We suggest that when in doubt about what to wear, stay with the basics:solid colors or pinstripes in classic black, navy, or gray and basic styles and ac-cessories. We suggest that the following should be avoided: unusually bright,neon, or garish colors; busy patterns such as plaids; unusual styles; too many ac-cessories; clothing that is too tight; and short skirts or slacks. Short skirts areacceptable on many television shows but not in the real world. Short slacks looktacky and often show too much sock.

In a survey, Bovee and Thill (1983) noted the top ten negative factorsperceived by an interviewer that may lead to rejection in an employment inter-view. Six of the ten are nonverbal factors. Below is their list:

1. Has poor personal appearance*2. Is overbearing, overaggressive, conceited, has a superiority complex,

seems to know it all*3. Is unable to express self clearly—poor voice, diction, grammar*4. Lacks planning for career—no purpose or goals*5. Lacks interest and enthusiasm—passive, indifferent*6. Lacks confidence and poise—nervous, ill at ease*7. Has failed to participate in extracurricular activities8. Overemphasizes money—interested only in the best-paying job9. Has poor scholastic record—just got by

10. Is unwilling to start at the bottom—expects too much too soon

The factors marked by * deal with various facets of nonverbal behavior, in-cluding physical appearance, kinesics, paralanguage and vocalics, chronemics,facial expressions, and eye behavior. These nonverbal behaviors are crucial forcompeting in the job market. The greatest faux pas that an interviewee canmake is to be late for a job interview. If one is late for the interview, one mightas well not go. Organizations usually rate interviewees who are late as uninter-ested and not time-conscious. Additionally, organizations usually rate intervie-wees who do not know how to dress as careless, uninterested, and more difficultto train.

Hickson, Stacks, & Padgett-Greely (1998) have suggested that the inter-viewee should not appear nervous. Biting one’s fingernails, tugging on clothing,

238 C H A P T E R 1 2 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

scratching or shaking one’s legs or feet all tend to make one appear nervous.While nonverbal communication is usually unintentional, we need to learn to beaware of the impressions that we make. There may even be other factors that wehave not considered. The interviewee should wear comfortable, well-fittingclothing. All efforts should be made to avoid sweating during the interview.A candidate should take a handkerchief in the event that he or she should feelthe need to sneeze. If the interviewee has a cold, he or she may want to seriouslyconsider rescheduling the interview. While annual reviews may not be as impor-tant as the job interview, employees should consider all of these factors duringthose interviews as well.

One’s body type might determine how one is treated in the work environ-ment. Endomorphs are often not hired because they are judged by their bodytype as lazy or unqualified. The ectomorph is usually perceived as intelligentand might have a better chance at a job. Being an ectomorph can have itsdrawbacks, however. People might perceive an ectomorph as high-strung andanxious. Mesomorphs are the most likely to be hired, promoted, and retained.They are perceived by employers as dependable and confident.

Artifacts such as briefcases, watches, eyeglasses, and jewelry also denotea person’s status or power in an organization. Higher-status persons usuallyhave more expensive briefcases and watches than do lower-status persons.Eyeglasses denote intelligence; if a person wants to look more serious andintelligent, he or she could wear glasses. As for jewelry, one must be careful notto overdo it. Too much jewelry detracts from one’s overall appearance.Although jewelry can be a sign of wealth, it can also be a sign that someone isinsecure about her or his position. Jewelry should be kept to a minimumfor both males and females in the work world. Higher status people are lesslikely to carry numerous electronic devices, such as laptops and cell phones, be-cause they have a person to handle other communications while they are inmeetings.

The employee who is generally attractive is more likely to get the betterpositions and opportunities. There have been instances where people have notreceived jobs because they were viewed as physically unattractive. Employeeswho are unattractive should strive to make themselves more attractive so thatthey can reap the same benefits as their attractive counterparts.

The following are conclusions that we can safely draw about appearanceand dress in the supervisor-employee relationship.

■ The higher people are in an organization, the more status their clothingdenotes.

■ The higher people are in an organization, the more idiosyncratic they canbe about their clothing styles and appearance.

■ Lower-status people must conform to the clothing and appearance normsof the organization more than higher-status people must.

■ The dress for males and females varies from one organization to another.■ More attractive personnel are more likely to receive preferential treatment.

Role of Nonverbal Messages 239

■ Less attractive personnel are more likely to receive negative treatment.■ The person who adapts to the image and appearance norms of the organ-

ization is likely to be accepted more readily, liked more, given betteropportunities, and given more preferential treatment.

Gesture and Movement

Types of gesture and movement can indicate the relationship between boss andsubordinate. When two strangers meet, it is relatively easy to figure out whichone is of higher status by looking at the posture of each. The person with the re-laxed body position is perceived as having higher status by both interactants. Inongoing relationships, similar postural cues suggesting relative status often arepresent also. The higher-status person in an organization (the supervisor) canassume a relaxed stance or posture. The lower-status person assumes a watch-ful, tense, cautious posture. The higher-status person is already in control; thelower-status person is trying to get some control over her or his own world.

When speaking with a higher-status person, a lower-status person is likelyto exhibit more adaptive nonverbal behavior. This is primarily because he orshe is anxious about communicating with a higher-status person. As the higher-status and lower-status persons become more familiar with each other, thelower-status person may exhibit fewer adaptors. People who exhibit too manyadaptors are perceived by others as anxious and tense. Therefore, whether oneis of higher or lower status, one should try not to exhibit adaptive behavior.Chewing on one’s nails does not convey confidence or competence.

In sitting positions, the higher-status person is allowed to assume the morerelaxed posture. For example, the higher-status person can slide back and relax inher or his chair; whereas, the lower-status person almost sits at attention. If thelower-status person is familiar with the higher-status person, he or she may sit ina more relaxed position. When in doubt, always assume the more rigid, uprightposture when communicating with someone of higher status. Relaxation by thesubordinate can be perceived by the higher-status person as a sign of disrespect orapathy. Relaxed posture can also be a sign of defiance or arrogance. However, ifan employee assumes the relaxed posture without knowing her or his supervisorwell, it usually is simply a sign that the subordinate does not know what isacceptable and what is not.

People with higher status usually keep their heads raised and shouldersstraight when conversing with people of lower status. People with lower statuslower their shoulders and may keep their heads lowered during the interaction. Inother words, the higher-status person projects the image of the more dominantperson, and the lower-status person projects the image of the less dominant per-son. The higher-status person might lean over the lower-status person if he or sheis seated. If both are seated, the higher-status person might lean backward in thechair while the lower-status person leans toward the higher-status person. Thisdoes not mean that the lower-status person looks cowed or belittled. It onlymeans that one assumes the role of dominance and one assumes the nonverbal be-havior of submissiveness. LaFrance and Mayo (1978) suggest that while sitting or

240 C H A P T E R 1 2 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

standing, the higher-status person will exhibit arm positions different from thoseof the lower-status person. The higher-status person will have one arm in his orher lap and the other over the back of the chair. Lower-status people sit with theirhands together or their arms at their sides. LaFrance and Mayo conclude:

The posture of the person with the higher status is marked by asideward and backward tilt of the torso, crossed legs, loosely ex-tended fingers, and the head resting on the back of a chair orcouch. The lower-status member of the encounter sits upright, withboth feet flat on the floor and hands clasping some object orclenched together. (p. 99)

Think carefully: When was the last time you interviewed for a job? Did you sitor stand casually, or did you sit or stand as if you were interested and attentive?Think of when you had to see a teacher about a problem you were having inher or his class. How did you sit or stand? Probably in a tentative, rigid pose,waiting for the teacher to set the pace of the interaction.

Persons of higher status are afforded the right to have a more relaxedbody position. Persons of lower status usually have a more tense body positionwhen interacting with someone of higher status and usually exhibit moreadaptive behavior. Lower-status persons who assume a relaxed or casual bodyposition in the presence of a person of higher status might be perceived as dis-respectful, uninterested, or defiant. Therefore, in the organizational environ-ment, until one is sure he or she knows what is acceptable with the supervisorand what is not, one should assume the nonverbal behavior that denotesrespect, interest, attention, and submissiveness.

Face and Eye Behavior

The face plays just as important a role in the supervisor-employee relationshipas it does in any other interaction. For example, the person who is consideredthe supervisor can express facial expressions more freely than the subordinatecan. The subordinate learns to mask or disguise certain expressions when talk-ing with a supervisor. For example, the subordinate learns not to look sad,bored, disgusted, or uninterested when the supervisor is introducing a newway of doing things in the work environment. If the subordinate looks inter-ested, he or she might be asked for information and can influence the supervi-sor about the decision. Someone who looks bored or uninterested is much lesslikely to be asked for ideas. Therefore facial expression can be used to the sub-ordinate’s advantage.

Higher-status people usually receive more direct and prolonged eye con-tact from persons of lower status than vice versa. Persons of high status look atpersons of lower status less and often avert their eyes in speaking with a lower-status individual. The higher-status person controls the eye behavior in aninteraction with a person of lower status. They control when it is the lower-status person’s turn to talk, to stop talking, to continue talking, or to remainsilent. A higher-status person also might use a steady gaze or stare to make the

Role of Nonverbal Messages 241

lower-status person uncomfortable or unsure. A higher-status person mightstare to reinforce the oral communication. Looking at a high-status personwhile he or she is communicating can be a means for the low-status person toshow respect and interest. Looking away can also be a means for the low-statusperson to show respect. However, if the low-status person looks away too long,he or she might be perceived as uninterested in what the higher-status person issaying. Thus, higher-status persons can control the supervisor-subordinate rela-tionship by using eye contact. They feel less compelled to look directly andlonger at some low-status persons; whereas, low-status persons feel more com-pelled to look directly and longer at high-status persons.

Vocal Behavior

One can use her or his voice to sound more authoritative and in control. Forexample, a lower-status person using a self-assured, confident voice is morelikely to be promoted and given preferential treatment than one who has athin, squeaky, mousy-sounding voice. Whether you are male or female, vocalqualities such as self-assurance, confidence, maturity, animation, and extro-verted tones denote authority. Shallow, nasal, whiny, and unhealthy-soundingvoices denote powerlessness. The voices that denote authority also denotehigher credibility and status; voices that denote powerlessness also denotelower credibility and status. People have been known not to be hired in certainprofessions because their voices did not fit the job. A man with a high-pitched,thin voice would not make a credible sports announcer. A woman with athroaty, deep voice might not make a good receptionist.

In communicating with a higher-status person, the lower-status person islikely to sound anxious and to have more filled and unfilled pauses than normal.A higher-status person communicating with a lower-status person will soundmore self-assured and authoritative. As anxiety decreases, the lower-statusperson will display fewer is disfluencies and fewer filled and unfilled pauses.

In discussing vocal behavior, the use of silence must always be consid-ered. Silence can mean many different things in a supervisor-employee rela-tionship. Generally, silence on the part of the subordinate suggests he or she ispaying attention to what the supervisor is saying. Silence can also mean thatthe subordinate knows better than to interrupt the supervisor. In most supervisor-subordinate relationships, the subordinate is generally silent more often thanthe supervisor, but there are exceptions. For example, if the subordinate pres-ents a new idea to the supervisor, he or she might be talking more than the su-pervisor. Silence from the supervisor might indicate that he or she is processingthe subordinate’s ideas.

In the work relationship, the supervisor is rarely judged on her or hisvoice qualities. However, the subordinate might be. The subordinate whosounds bored and lazy might be perceived negatively. Last, silence can be usedto improve the supervisor-subordinate relationship. Silence on the subordinate’spart might show respect or interest. Too much silence on the subordinate’s part,however, might show that he or she is timid or shy.

242 C H A P T E R 1 2 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

Space

Perhaps more than other nonverbal behaviors, the use of space defines who isin the dominant role and who is in the submissive role. Studies reveal thathigher-status persons within organizations are more likely to invade lower-status persons’ interpersonal space than vice versa. The organizational struc-ture informally says it is acceptable for the supervisor to invade or enter theemployees’ work area or personal space zone (Hall, 1966, 1973; Hickson,Grierson, & Linder, 1991; Hunsaker, 1980; Jorgenson, 1975; McCaskey,1979; Mehrabian, 1971; Remland, 1984; Richmond & McCroskey, 2001;Robinson, 1998).

In organizations, supervisors are responsible for and supposed to know howwell their subordinates are doing their jobs. Therefore they are given the power toinvade the subordinates’ domain and privacy. They may even invade their inter-personal space by standing closer to them.

Jorgenson (1975) found in one company that although pairs of employ-ees with equal or unequal status did not stand closer or farther apart, they diddisplay different body orientations. People of equal status faced each othermore and at a more direct angle; whereas, people of unequal status did not.Mehrabian (1971) notes that the “prerogative to approach the other belongsto the one with higher status” (p. 63). He cites several studies in support of thisconclusion. Sommer (1969) concluded that “higher-ups have more and betterspace, as well as greater freedom to move about” (p. 25). He suggests that thisis obvious not only in our interpersonal relations but in the physical layout ofbusinesses and corporations. This layout aspect is reviewed further in the sec-tion on environment later in this chapter.

Touch

The boss enters the employees’ work area and stops to chat with a few subor-dinates about how things are going. As the boss is leaving, he or she pats eachsubordinate on the shoulder or squeezes his or her arm. Is this sexual harass-ment or is it simply a boss being a boss? Most people would agree that it is thelatter. This supervisor is trying to let her or his employees know that he or sheis pleased with their work, and touch is one major means of doing so.

Recently it has become increasingly difficult for a higher-status person totouch a lower-status person of either sex (Cohen, 1983; Hickson, Grierson, &Linder, 1991). Touch has always been a means of letting subordinates know thatyou are pleased with them. Many supervisors complain that they are afraid to usetouch as a means to communicate with their subordinates. Sexual harassmentlaws and policies have made touch a touchy issue in the work environment.

How do you know sexual harassment when you receive it? Well, it’s likepornography; you think you know it when you see it, but there is no universalagreement on what it is. Let’s look at an example. Supervisor John walks intoJane’s office and saunters behind her desk and asks her how things are going. Asshe is answering, he puts his hand on her neck and caresses it. He then goes onto tell her she could do better in his organization “if you know what I mean.”

Role of Nonverbal Messages 243

Jane says “no,” while moving away from his touch. This is a case of sexual ha-rassment. If Supervisor John had entered Jane’s office and sat across from herand asked how things were going and touched her on the arm when she an-swered, this would probably not be sexual harassment. This is probably the caseof a higher-status person trying to encourage a lower-status person by touch.

That, of course, does not mean that Jane will see it that way. Conse-quently, our advice to supervisors is to keep hands off unless a very well-established, positive, but nonintimate relationship exists between you andyour subordinate. Although research from a couple of decades ago showedthat higher-status persons were freer to touch lower-status persons, times havechanged. There are many other immediacy cues that can be used to indicatereassurance and friendship. Touch is not required to accomplish this objec-tive, and in today’s organizational environment, its use invites needless risk ofmisperceptions.

Environment

This section views two major aspects of the workplace environment: how muchspace or territory is granted to people in organizations, and how furnishingsconvey status. Higher-status persons find positions from which to observe orview what is going on around them, and higher-status persons who seek such“head positions” or central positions are assumed by others to be of higher sta-tus or more dominant. In almost any organization in this country, you can enterany unit and distinguish the higher- from the lower-status positions. One organ-ization has a supervisor who has her office right in the middle of all the subor-dinates, and her office has glass walls. She can see every transaction that takesplace and is considered by all to have the highest-status position. Many of uswouldn’t want to be in the center of things, but she does. Many other supervi-sors have their territory protected by barriers such as surrounding offices andsecretaries to guarantee their privacy.

The higher-status person is more likely to move in on a subordinate’s spacethan vice versa. It is assumed that the higher-status person has the legitimateright to invade the space or privacy of a subordinate. Therefore the higher-statusperson often moves in on the subordinate’s space, and the subordinatethinks nothing of it. The higher-status person also has territorial rights to morespace than lower-status persons have. Those with more space are viewed by oth-ers as being of higher status. The higher up one is in an organization, the morespace one is granted (Hall, 1966, 1973; Heckel, 1973; Hunsaker, 1980;Jorgenson, 1975; Korda, 1975; Lott & Sommer, 1967; Mehrabian, 1971;Oldham & Rotchford, 1983; Richmond & McCroskey, 2001; Sommer, 1969).

Korda (1975) suggested that “office furnishings have strong symbolicvalue. . . . Power lies in how you use what you have, not in the accoutermentsper se” (pp. 230–231). We suggest that one can design an office or environ-ment to reflect power and status, immediacy, or both. The office that reflectsboth power and immediacy is the optimal environment. It allows one to as-sume a power or status position when needed, and yet it allows one to assume

244 C H A P T E R 1 2 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

an immediate, responsive position when needed. Most successful organiza-tional leaders have both qualities in one office.

In a large office, writers suggest, furnishings should be arranged so that aperson has to walk by several objects and walk the length of the office to reachthe supervisor. Additionally, Korda (1975) notes the following guidelines forsmall offices where people want to convey power:

However small the office, it is important to have the visitor’s chairfacing toward you, so that you are separated by the width of yourdesk. This is a much better power position than one in which thevisitor sits next to the desk, even though it may make access to yourdesk inconvenient to you. When a small office is very narrow (andmost are) it is often useful to have the desk placed well forward inthe room, thus minimizing the space available for the visitor, andincreasing the area in which it is possible for you to retreat, at leastpsychologically. (p. 232)

Earlier, we suggested that the optimal office allows one to assume a power po-sition or an immediate position. Korda (1975) has designed office space that herefers to as having semisocial space and pressure space. This is similar to ourconcept of the office that allows for status and immediacy. In the pressure area,people are focused strictly on business. In the semisocial area, people can bemore at ease and relaxed. Figure 12.1 gives an example of an office that in-cludes both an area of power or status and an area of immediacy. Note that thehigher-status person can stay behind the desk or come out from behind the deskand assume a more immediate role. This office is optimal for a higher-statusperson: it allows her or him to break down the status barrier or to establish thestatus barrier as needed when communicating with others. Other furnishings,such as the type of desk, the objects on the desk, the accompanying furnishings(such as chairs), windows, and color all enhance or inhibit status. People withlarge, imposing desks are usually perceived as having higher status. The objectson the desk also denote status, as do the pictures on the wall. The offices withwindows in most organizations are considered the higher-status offices. Thecolor, lighting, and carpeting in an office all denote the rank of its occupant inan organization. The higher-status persons in organizations generally havemore and better space than do the lower-status persons. American organiza-tions use this as incentive to strive to do better or as a reward when one hasdone a job well. As an example, in our department, the full professors get theirchoice of the offices before associates and assistants. They also get their choiceof furniture. When our department became computerized, the full professorsreceived the computers and word processors before the associates and assis-tants got theirs.

Not surprisingly, then, higher-status persons usually have better territorythan lower-status persons. Higher-status persons are usually given more spaceand better furnishings than lower-status persons. American organizations useoffice space and territory to reward employees for jobs well done.

Role of Nonverbal Messages 245

Time

Use of time communicates a person’s feelings and attitudes toward an organi-zation. Often, subordinates are judged by supervisors on how they managetheir time. Several years ago in our department, at the first faculty meeting ofthe year, the newest member of the department showed up a half-hour late andinformed the rest of us that he couldn’t stay more than an hour because hiswife was picking him up and he had to leave. No one said a word, but his ca-reer in the department was decided from that point on.

Gordon (1975) noted that during an interview, time can be a relevantfactor in judging the interviewee. If an interviewee is late for the interview, thiscan suggest a lack of interest on her or his part. Gordon also notes that an in-terviewer can use time to her or his advantage. The interviewer can use achronemic technique to control the length of pauses and rate of speech of heror his own remarks. He or she can also control the length of time to waitbefore responding to the interviewee’s comments. Gordon calls the first tech-nique pacing and the second technique silent probe. Both techniques might

246 C H A P T E R 1 2 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

FIGURE 12.1Status Area Versus Immediate Area

encourage the interviewee to talk more and thus give more information for theinterviewer to use in evaluating the interviewee.

Time is a respected element in most organizations. It is a means of judg-ing others. Those who are prompt are respected and rewarded. Those who arelate are not respected, are often considered lazy and unreliable, and are some-times ejected from the organization. The time clock (whether real or imagi-nary) is part of an everyday American’s work life. In business, time is money,and an employee who is casual about his or her use of time can cost an organ-ization a fortune. Therefore it is easier to fire and replace a time-waster than totry to train the person to use time wisely.

Time and status are related. Higher-status people are allowed to abusetime (be late or demand that others be on time) more than lower-status per-sons. Lower-status persons are expected to wait for higher-status persons. If alower-status person leaves before the higher-status person arrives (although heor she is already late), the lower-status person is more likely to be in troublethan the higher-status person. Hall suggests that Americans of equal statusallow a person five minutes of tardiness before an apology is expected. Thisculture demands that people be on time. Higher-status people are the onlyones allowed to deviate from the norm.

Higher-status people can also demand more time from lower-status peo-ple. For example, the supervisor can ask her or his employees to put in extratime on a project, but the employees cannot ask a supervisor to do the same.

In organizations that use flextime, which allows employees to organizetheir schedules around their daily lives, higher-status persons more than lower-status persons are allowed to choose the time schedules that fit them. For exam-ple, if a higher-status executive is a night owl, he or she will be allowed tochoose a later schedule; whereas, lower-status employees might still get thenine-to-five routine until they have earned the right to ask for a better schedule.This is common in hospitals, post offices, and similar organizations wherenight shifts are used. Most people do not want to work the schedule 11 p.m. to7 a.m., so the newest employees usually are assigned to those times.

Time communicates many messages about status in supervisor-subordinaterelationships. Higher-status persons are given more control over their time andtheir subordinates’ time and can choose better time schedules. Lower-status per-sons must adapt to the higher-status person’s schedule and are expected to devotemore of their time to the higher-status person’s assignments if asked.

CONCLUSIONS ABOUT SUPERVISOR-EMPLOYEERELATIONSHIPS

Table 12.1 illustrates the supervisor’s use of nonverbal codes that we havediscussed in relation to the employees’ use of them. The superior role belongsto the higher-status person or the one who is dominant or more powerful.The subordinate role belongs to the lower-status person or the one who is sub-missive or less powerful. It is clear from Table 12.1 that the dominant or higher-status person can control the nonverbal codes to assure they remain the more

Conclusions About Supervisor-Employee Relationships 247

248 C H A P T E R 1 2 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

TABLE 12.1

Superior and Subordinate Nonverbal Relationships

Nonverbal Code Superior (Higher Position) Subordinate (Lower Position)

Appearance Solid colors communicatepower. Looks successful.Clothing should establishhigher status. Can haveidiosyncratic dress.

Looks less successful. Clothingstates rank. Dress matchesorganizational standards. Mustdress for respect.

Gesture and Movement

Relaxed body position. Calm,relaxed stance/pose. Relaxedposture. Fewer adaptors.Relaxed when seated. Headheld high. Straight shoulders.Leans over others.

Tense body position. Watchfulstance/pose. Tense posture.More adaptors. Sits atattention. Slightly bowed head.Lowered/slumped shoulders.Folds into self.

Face and Eye Allowed to express facialexpressions more freely. Looksat others more and longer.Controls turn-taking witheyes. Allowed to stare.

Learns to mask facialexpressions (e.g., boredom).Gives more eye contact, butwill also look away/down first.Watches superior for turn-taking cues. Does not stare.

Vocal Behavior Sounds authoritative. Tries tosound like one with higherstatus and more credibility.Less anxious tones. Fewerdisfluencies. Uses silence tocommunicate authority.

Sounds submissive. Tries tosound interested in whatsuperior is saying. Moreanxious tones. Moredisfluencies. More filled andunfilled pauses. Uses silence toappear to be listening.

Space Invades subordinate’s spaceand privacy. Prerogative toapproach. More and betterspace. More freedom to moveabout organization.

Cautious about enteringsuperior’s space or invadingprivacy. Lets superiorapproach. Less and inferiorspace. Less freedom to moveabout organization.

Touch Initiates touch more. Controlsrelational touch. Freer totouch.

Receives touch from superior.Accepts touch. Never initiatestouch. Reciprocates touch whenappropriate.

Environment Territorial rights on space.Central positions. Headpositions. Erects barriers tokeep others out of territory.Given more space. Betterfurnishings. Large desk.

Takes what space is assigned.Assumes low status space.Space is invaded by superiors.Given less space. Leftoverfurnishings. Smaller desk.

Scent More freedom granted them on scents.

Less freedom granted them onscents.

(continued)

Immediacy in the Workplace 249

powerful. This has one big drawback: communication between supervisor andsubordinate will be influenced in a negative manner.

The greater the status differential between persons in an organization,the less effective the communication between supervisor and subordinate. Thesmaller the status differential, the more effective the communication betweensupervisor and subordinate. Status differentials are always needed, but theydon’t need to be so large as to create major communication barriers. Status dif-ferentials can be reduced to a manageable level through interpersonal solidaritybetween supervisor and subordinate.

Solidarity is interpersonal closeness that forms favorable perceptions of theother person and includes mutual trust. Higher solidarity exists when there is a highlevel of trust and mutual liking between persons. Therefore, as solidarity increases,effective communication increases between supervisor and subordinate. As solidar-ity increases, status decreases. We do not mean that one has to be buddy-buddywith one’s subordinates, but a closer, more communicative relationship will im-prove the information flow between supervisor and subordinate. How does one in-crease solidarity? By increasing liking and trust. A good method is the use of non-verbal immediacy. The supervisor who is immediate with her or his subordinates isperceived by them as caring, responsive, and trying to build solidarity while stillmaintaining her or his status. Let’s look at the advantages and disadvantages of im-mediacy in the supervisor-subordinate relationship (Powell & Hickson, 2000).

IMMEDIACY IN THE WORKPLACE

Advantages of Immediacy

Research shows that employees want a supervisor to be sensitive, warm, ac-cepting, responsive, and immediate. Subordinates feel they can work better forthat kind of supervisor. The supervisor who is immediate is more likely to gaincooperation from her or his subordinates without using coercive power.Cooperation is key to any organization’s success. Immediate supervisors gener-ate more cooperation (Hickson, Powell, Turner, Neiva, & Adams, 2002;Richmond, 2002; Richmond & Martin, 1998; Richmond & McCroskey,

Time Abuse and use time morecasually. Can arrive late orleave early. Freedom todeviate from time norm.Allowed to select optimaltime work schedule. Can callunscheduled meetings.

Must be prompt. Not allowedto abuse time. Must follow timenorms of organization. Followstime work schedule assigned.Must attend unscheduledmeetings.

TABLE 12.1 (continued)

Nonverbal Code Superior (Higher Position) Subordinate (Lower Position)

250 C H A P T E R 1 2 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

1998, 2000, 2001; Richmond, McCroskey, & Davis, 1986; Richmond,Wagner, & McCroskey, 1983; Richmond, Davis, Saylor, & McCroskey, 1984;Richmond, Smith, Heisel, & McCroskey, 1998, 2001, 2002; Robinson, 1998).

■ The immediate supervisor is perceived as more accepting, responsive,assertive, and sensitive.

■ A supervisor’s use of immediacy suggests an interest in and concern forthe employee. Subordinates usually respond similarly. Immediacy pro-motes immediacy. Most subordinates will never be as immediate withtheir supervisors as their supervisors are with them, because the statusbarrier still exists. Immediacy from the supervisor opens the channels forimmediacy from the subordinate.

■ Immediacy improves communication between supervisor and subordi-nate. The relaxed subordinate feels freer to express her or his feelings toa supervisor than does the anxious subordinate. Immediacy helps subor-dinates relax and feel more comfortable with the supervisor.

■ Immediacy will promote a more positive relationship between supervisorand subordinate. Additionally, subordinates of supervisors perceived asexhibiting higher immediacy will evaluate their communication morepositively.

■ Supervisors perceived as exhibiting higher immediacy will be perceivedby their subordinates as more competent and credible and interpersonallyattractive.

■ Last, supervisors perceived as exhibiting higher immediacy will havesubordinates who report higher job satisfaction and motivation.

Disadvantages of Immediacy

A supervisor who is immediate might be perceived by her or his boss as notbeing in control or being too easy with subordinates. This creates a doublebind for the supervisor. How can one be immediate without being perceivedas not being in control or too friendly with one’s subordinates? Simply put,do not be too immediate when the boss is near. Keep the status roles distinctbetween you and your subordinates. Resume immediacy when the bossis gone.

Some subordinates try to use the boss who is immediate to their advan-tage. They think that the immediate supervisor is a pushover and can be ma-nipulated. Remember, just because a supervisor is immediate does not meanthat he or she cannot carry out orders and reprimand others.

Last, immediacy opens the lines of communication. Therefore the super-visor might receive more communication than he or she can handle effectively.An effective supervisor has to learn what communication to handle and whatto delegate to others.

On balance, immediacy has more advantages for both the supervisor andthe subordinate than it has disadvantages. It is only when immediacy is takento excess that real problems are likely to arise.

Glossary of Terminology

Status is a person’s position orrank in a group or organizationalstructure.Subordinate is the employee.

Supervisor is the manager or boss,the one who monitors, controls, andsupervises others.

Glossary of Terminology 251

13CHAPTERTeacher-Student NonverbalRelationships

Early research on communication inthe classroom was primarily focusedon the verbal interaction betweenstudent and teacher. Within the past thirtyyears, however, researchers, scholars, andpractitioners have realized the relevance ofnonverbal communication in the classroomenvironment. The nonverbal component ofthe communication process normally is asimportant to the teacher-student relation-ship as the verbal component is, and oftenis much more important (Ambady &Rosenthal, 1993; Andersen, 1986; Andersen& Andersen, 1982; Buhr, Clifton, & Pryor,1994; Frymier, 1993; Kearney, Plax,

252

Teacher Roles 253

Richmond, & McCroskey, 1984, 1985; McCroskey, 1992; Kougl, 1997;McCroskey & Richmond, 1983, 1992; McCroskey, Richmond, Plax, &Kearney, 1985; Mottet & Richmond, 1998, 2002; Plax, Kearney, McCroskey,& Richmond, 1986; Richmond, 1990, 1997, 1999, 2002a, 2002b; Richmond &Martin, 1998; Richmond & McCroskey, 1984, 1998; Richmond, Gorham,& McCroskey, 1986; Richmond, Wrench, & Gorham, 1998; Richmond,McCroskey, Kearney, & Plax, 1987; Richmond, McCroskey, Plax & Kearney,1986; Richmond, Smith, Heisel, & McCroskey, 1998, 2001, 2002; Sidelinger &McCroskey, 1997; Smith, 1979; Thompson, 1973; Thweatt & McCroskey,1996; Wiemann & Wiemann, 1975).

TEACHER ROLES

The Teacher as Speaker

When we think of lecturing as a method of instruction, we often think firstof our college classes in which we frequently experienced lectures. Any timea teacher assumes the role of information giver, speaking with a structuredagenda, he or she becomes a lecturer. In this situation, the speaker holds thefloor. It is her or his responsibility to hold the attention of the listeners.

Lectures are an efficient use of instructional time. They can communicatea large amount of information to a maximum number of students without re-quiring much (if any) equipment. They allow teachers to present material notavailable in textbooks or other easily accessible resources and, if presented well,can motivate and excite students. Research has indicated that students taughtby lecture do as well as or better on tests of factual recall than those taught bydiscussion methods. Some students, such as those with a high level of commu-nication apprehension, prefer the relative anonymity of a lecture format, inwhich the fear of being called upon to speak does not interfere with their abilityto concentrate on the material being presented.

On the downside, lectures are not as effective as other methods in foster-ing higher levels of learning (application, analysis, synthesis, and evaluation)or in developing psychomotor skills. Students tend to be passive; according tovarious studies, their attention frequently wanes in fifteen to twenty-five min-utes, and their retention decreases by as much as 80 percent within about eightweeks. Lectures are a whole-group method of instruction, a form of mass com-munication, and must be structured with an assumption that all the studentsare at about the same level of initial understanding and have approximatelythe same ability to learn. Feedback is limited. Students who do not learn wellby listening are at a disadvantage.

Lectures demand that teachers practice the verbal and nonverbal skills ofeffective presentational lecturing and speaking. Students expect that:

1. The instructor will be knowledgeable enough to explain the topic in un-derstandable terms.

2. The lecture will be organized.3. The instructor will secure and hold their attention.

254 C H A P T E R 1 3 Teacher-Student Nonverbal Relationships

4. The lecture material will be selected with attention to its interest value.5. The instructor will be competent, caring, and enthusiastic.6. The instructor will demonstrate a sense of humor.7. The instructor will demonstrate effective instructional communication

skills.8. The instructor will be assertive and responsive to their needs.9. The instructor will be a professional role model.

10. The instructor will demonstrate the principle of immediate communication.

Violation of these expectations will diminish the students’ affect, for thespeaker, the course, and the subject area.

One way to maximize a lecture’s effectiveness is to abide by the generalrule (supported by research) that a speaker should plan to cover material foronly half of the allotted lecture time, and use the rest of the time to buttressand repeat information with pointed examples and illustrations that relate theconcepts to the students’ own experiences. Teachers should take the time to in-troduce humor, either as a clarifying device or simply to break up the seriouspresentation and reawaken attentiveness—students like teachers who have asense of humor, and that liking rubs off on the material. Where possible, teach-ers should also develop visual aids to enhance the lecture’s appeal. Studentslearn better if they know what they are about to learn. An effective lecturerwill provide advance organizers throughout the presentation to help studentssort the information into meaningful units. Students perform better on testswhen they have been given notes of some sort to refer to during lectures. Whenthe teacher provides an extensive outline of key points with diagrams, tables,and a place for students to record explanatory notes during the lecture, stu-dents learn more than when left to their own note taking. This technique alsogives the students a sense not only of where the teacher is going but also ofhow far he or she has to go before reaching closure. Anyone who has ever beencaught in a traffic jam and experienced the anxiety associated with not know-ing how long he or she will be stuck will understand the benefits of being ableto predict likely progress.

An alternative strategy for helping students organize their notes is theguided lecture procedure. Students are encouraged to simply listen and refrainfrom taking notes during the teacher’s lecture, which is planned for approxi-mately the first half of the period. They are then asked to write down whatthey recall from the lecture. The instructor takes five minutes or so to reviewmain points and answer questions, after which the students move into smallgroups to cooperatively prepare a set of notes that are shared among groupmembers. This procedure has the benefit of allowing students to see the bigpicture before trying to decide which of its components need to be recordedfor future reference, and it is a means of personalizing the class atmosphere byencouraging supportive interaction within smaller groups. The downside isthat only half as much material may be covered in a lecture. This is of less con-cern if we keep in mind that it is not the amount of material that the teachercovers that is important—it is the amount of material that the students learn.

Teacher Roles 255

Finally, effective lecturers must be careful not to allow the potentially im-personal strategy of lecturing to interfere with their attempts to establish animmediate teacher-student relationship. Using student names, incorporatingpersonal anecdotes and other means of self-disclosure, asking questions andencouraging students to talk, referring to the class as “our” class and to what“we” are doing, and using humor all contribute to immediacy, as do maintain-ing eye contact with the students, smiling, having a relaxed body position andusing animated gestures, moving about the classroom during the lecture,and—this point is very important to remember—using a dynamic, vocally ex-pressive style of delivery. These strategies have been shown to have both cogni-tive and affective learning payoffs. They help to personalize the instruction, tohighlight important points, and to maintain interest by presenting continuallyshifting visual and oral cues.

The Teacher as Moderator

Several studies of instructional strategies and classroom interaction have con-cluded that students develop a greater affect for subjects taught through classdiscussion than those taught strictly by lecture. Discussion allows students toformulate principles and applications in their own words, giving a sense ofownership of course concepts. Discussion also provides teachers with promptfeedback on how students are processing information. Richmond, Wrench,and Gorham (1998) have demonstrated effective teaching instructional skillsthat were related to classroom interaction: fluency in asking questions, rein-forcing student participation, using probing questions, using questions thataddress higher-level cognitive objectives, facility with divergent questions, ap-propriate use of nonverbal communication cues to reduce reliance on teachertalk, and using interaction techniques to reduce boredom and inattention.

As common as claims of desiring and encouraging class discussion are,many teachers find that getting students to talk is a difficult and frustratingtask. One of the problems teachers have in generating class discussion is theirassumption that the students should be the initiators. Most students, however,do not come to class with questions or observations, at least those they wish toshare. One of the keys to successful whole-class discussion is the teacher’s abil-ity to ask questions, not just to ask for them. Furthermore, the kind of questionthe teacher asks is central to her or his success in the role of moderator.

Closed questions, which have only one or a limited number of correct re-sponses, are a good way of keeping students on their toes but rarely foster dis-cussion. “What year did World War II begin?” “Can anyone explain how arainbow is made?” or “How would knowledge of immediacy cues be useful ina sales position?” address knowledge, comprehension, and application objec-tives and invite students to become active participants in class, but require spe-cific, correct answers.

Educators need to be careful not to make answering such questions athreatening experience. Students with a high level of communication apprehen-sion will often answer, “I don’t know,” just to avoid being called on again, and

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any student will suffer some degree of embarrassment if put on the spot with aquestion he or she can’t answer. For that reason, teachers should avoid callingon individual students who do not signal their willingness to participate. Whilecalling only on those students who volunteer may limit interaction to the moreextroverted students, the teacher should question her or his motives for insist-ing students answer questions when they do not want to. Is this important tothe instructional objectives for that unit? Or is this just another instance of the“Gotcha” game played by so many teachers?

Systems of questioning around a circle or down the rows are viewed withincreasing terror by many students as their time to look bad approaches. Allthat such systems are certain to accomplish is to reduce the cognitive learningof some students while generating negative affective learning. In any case, theteacher’s response to wrong answers and her or his sensitive use of appropri-ate, helpful prompts (rather than just “I’m waiting” or “Go on”) will improvea nonthreatening environment in using closed questions.

With closed questions, the teacher remains the primary focus of the educator-student interaction. It is the use of open questions that is most effective atshifting that focus to a genuine discussion atmosphere in which the teacher stepsback into a moderator’s role. Open questions are particularly appropriate forgetting at analysis, synthesis, and application objectives. At their best, openquestions motivate discussions among students when the teacher steps in only todraw closure or redirect the discussion’s focus. A classroom adaptation mightbe: “What if Romeo and Juliet had not been successful in killing themselveswhen they attempted suicide, but pulled through? What do you think wouldhave happened to them?” Posing this question to a class not only asks them todraw on what they know about Romeo and Juliet, their families, and otherinsights from the play they have read; it also invites them to draw on their ownexperiences with and attitudes about parent-child relationships, love, early mar-riage, suicide, and so forth.

Participation in classroom discussion can often be maximized by the useof buzz groups—small groups of students who put their heads together tobriefly discuss a question among themselves and then report their responses tothe class as a whole. With open questions, this technique gives more studentsan opportunity to express their ideas in a finite amount of time. With closedquestions, it takes the spotlight off individual students and encourages peerteaching. Most students are less apprehensive about communicating in a buzzgroup than they are in front of the class as a whole. A final recommendationregarding the teacher’s role as a moderator concerns wait time. It is extremelycommon to observe teachers answering their own questions, usually because astudent response is not immediately forthcoming. Students quickly learn thispattern and absolve themselves of any responsibility for participation.Questions are not perceived as real questions. Many of us have heard at onetime or another a teacher monologue that goes something like this: “OK, whoread the chapter? Anyone? What was it about? World War II. Anyway, whatwas that war about? It was about power, wasn’t it? Was it worth fightinga war over? I think it was. Does anyone disagree with me? Nobody does? Well,

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then, what was the first battle in World War II?” Most students enter classeshaving had little experience with participatory classroom norms and withteachers whose questions were primarily rhetorical. We have to spend sometime changing students’ expectations, and we have to give them time to think.It is estimated that as many as 70 percent of the students at the college levelnever participate in class discussion. Is it because they were taught not to askquestions by teachers who did not wait long enough for responses?

The Teacher as Trainer

Teaching psychomotor skills require that students have an opportunity topractice skills until they master them. Sometimes, as in learning to drive a car,students are highly motivated to repeat the same task over and over until theylearn how to do it. Sometimes students are not as highly motivated to contin-ue practicing and become bored with repetition. When faced with such a situ-ation, the effectiveness of skill lessons is enhanced by the teacher’s offeringways to vary the performance of the skill. For example, children who arelearning to write the alphabet may lose interest in writing letters over and overon lined paper, but remain excited about painting an alphabet mural, drawingletters in pudding with their fingers, creating alphabet people, being given theopportunity to write on the chalkboard or whiteboard, and so forth.

For teachers to effectively coach students until they master a skill, it is es-sential that they be able to break the performance of the skill into separatecomponents so that they can offer corrective instruction. One of the authorsclearly remembers years of physical education classes in elementary schoolwhere the teacher rewarded students for being able to do things and punishedthem for not being able to do them but never offered coaching. Having movedon to high school, the author was amazed that one didn’t have to simply bea good baseball player; one could become a better one by following some

Teachers and students canhave productivecommunication.

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corrective instruction in how to bat. Some students got better and better atbaseball just by getting more playing experience, but others simply repeatedineffective moves until they were pulled out of the game and allowed to con-centrate only on one aspect of play until they got the hang of it.

Teachers or trainers of highly skilled students are characteristically mas-ters of isolating and working on specific components of performance in theirtraining programs: the competitive golfer’s trainer will work on eliminating asmall twist of the wrist that compromises control; the violin prodigy’s teacherwill note that additional finger dexterity might enable the young musician toreach new heights, and therefore will assign dexterity exercises. Teachers whocan help students figure out why they are not mastering a skill have themselvesmastered a primary coaching skill.

The Teacher as Manager

Small-group projects typically involve two to six students working together ona common task. They provide an opportunity to maximize students’ active in-volvement in class, to develop their interpersonal communication and cooper-ation skills, and to reinforce their knowledge through peer teaching. Researchprovides evidence that students retain information longer when they have anopportunity to verbalize it, especially to their peers. Working in small groupstends to increase students’ motivation, partly because they enjoy the opportu-nity to interact with their peers and partly because they care about being re-garded positively by their peers and don’t want to let their classmates down byfailing to do their part.

Some teachers are uncomfortable with small-group activities, because theycannot monitor what is going on with all students at all times and feel loss ofcontrol over what is going on in the classroom. Some have observed that stu-dents spend too much of the time off task, that one or two group members tendto carry the others, and that grading individual contributions to group projectsis difficult. Some teachers are not exactly sure what they are supposed to dowhile students are working in groups and feel like they are abdicating their re-sponsibility to be teaching. The concern of these teachers is well founded, for ifthe teacher is not a good manager, group activities may be worse than useless.

The teacher’s role in small-group instruction is that of a manager of re-sources and of personnel. As a manager, the teacher should clearly define thetask at hand and provide guidance as to time lines and the organization of var-ious steps needed to complete the assignment. Some group tasks are designed tobe completed within a single class period, while others may continue for severalweeks or even months. In the latter case, it is particularly helpful to guide thegroups in determining short-term goals within the longer-term objectives.Giving students a list of resources and telling them “Do a report on effectivecommunication; see you in six weeks” is an ineffective management practice.Two of the primary reasons that groups flounder and spend time off task arethat they don’t know what they are supposed to be doing, or they don’t knowhow to go about doing it.

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As managers, teachers consider the composition of task groups and makestrategic decisions on how they will be formed. There are valid reasons to formhome groups that remain together throughout various projects: students get toknow one another and their individual strengths and limitations, and they tendto work more efficiently as time goes on, becoming a sort of interdependentminicorporation. And there are equally valid reasons to create a new mix eachtime groups are assigned: students develop broader sociological ties, andcliques are less likely to develop. There are valid reasons to mix motivatedwith less motivated students and equally valid reasons to let the motivated stu-dents work together and let the unmotivated ones work things out on theirown. At best, new leaders are discovered; at worst, the usual leaders don’t feelput upon. The choice of a grouping strategy will often relate to the educator’saffective objectives for a particular class. Once the groups are formed, theteacher-as-manager should monitor working relationships and intervene ifconflict is undermining the group’s ability to function.

As resource managers, teachers should be able to provide groups with ac-cess to the information and materials they require to accomplish their tasks. Theteacher will monitor the groups’ progress and suggest means of following up onideas, checking information, and presenting their products. It is often wise not toovermanage up front. If students are given all the resources needed at the outsetand a very specific model of what they are to come up with, much of the inciden-tal learning from the group’s process will be lost. The groups are then the educa-tor’s staff, working on the teacher’s project rather than on their own.

The Teacher as a Coordinator

The use of resources to supplement instruction can serve many purposes.Computer-aided instruction and other programmed instruction packages canbe created or purchased to be used as either a primary instructional strategy ora supplemental tool. Films, videotapes, audiotapes, instructional television,books, magazines, newspapers, demonstrations, guest speakers, simulations,PowerPoint presentations, and so forth can be used to complement other in-structional strategies or as the cornerstone of instruction.

Most of the time, resource-based instruction is supplementary. Resourcesare used within a traditional teacher-directed classroom to stimulate varioussenses, present information in alternative formats, and enhance text and lec-ture material. Sometimes they are used as a break for the teacher or as a re-ward for the students.

The key to using resource-based instruction effectively is to know exactly how the resource will be used to enhance instructional objectives.Whatever the type of resource, the teacher should experience it in its entiretybefore using it in the classroom, and should coordinate the logistics for its effective use.

Few instructional resources are so powerful that they work alone with-out some sort of setup and follow-up activities. Resource-based instruction is

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the most effective when teachers use resources rather than defer to them.Maximizing their effectiveness requires considerable logistical coordination onthe teacher’s part; however, it is usually worth the effort.

Employing a variety of instructional strategies appeals to various learn-ing styles and tends to keep both teachers and students from getting into a rut.The teacher’s preferences and individual strengths will influence strategic deci-sions, although the instructional objectives at hand should always be centralto selecting the most appropriate teaching role at a given point in a course ofstudy. In this section, we have suggested that a teacher might wear many hats:speaker, moderator, trainer, manager, and coordinator. Most teachers lookgood in all of them, and most students get tired of looking at the same hatevery day. The hat most students prefer on their teacher—whether the teacheris in speaker, moderator, trainer, manager, or coordinator mode—is the non-verbally receptive, expressive, supportive teacher.

The Teacher as Controller, Supervisor, and Helper

The teacher acts as a controller by getting students to acquire certain behaviorand knowledge. Teachers act as supervisors by selecting student activities anddeciding what is the student’s responsibility and what is the educator’s respon-sibility. Last, the teacher acts as helper by encouraging student understandingand expression of emotions and feelings. We would add to this list one otherteacher role: entertainer. Teachers must know how to present material in an in-teresting and entertaining fashion. Students will then attend to it and retain itlonger.

Educators have a bigger responsibility to be effective and affective com-municators than any other group we discuss in this book. They have controlover children who have not yet formed their attitudes and ideas. If teachers arenot effective and affective communicators, they cannot control, supervise,help, or entertain their students. In fact, they will turn many students off toschool. This turnoff can happen at any level. Teachers can either motivate orfail to motivate students by their communication.

It is no wonder that so many students become alienated from school. Inno other context within a free society are individuals required to spend morethan six hours a day, five days a week, for months at a time listening to oneother person. We expect one person to hold the attention and maintain the in-terest of all those captive listeners. He or she must ensure that those captiveslearn all they need to know to become contributing adults in our society. Aneasy task? Society must think so, for in many areas we pay our teachers lessthan we do sanitation workers. Unfortunately, effective communication in theclassroom may be the most difficult communicative task in society.Surprisingly, few teachers receive intensive training in communication. Mostreceive nothing more than an introductory class in public speaking if they re-ceive even that much. Only a small fraction receives any instruction in nonver-bal communication.

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ROLE OF NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION

As we learned in Chapter 1, nonverbal communication can function to re-peat, contradict, substitute, complement, accent, or regulate the verbal.This is especially true of nonverbal communication in the classroom. In asurvey of more than ten thousand teachers, we found that most teachers feelthat nonverbal behavior is a more effective communicative tool for improv-ing student-teacher relationships than verbal communication. They feel thisway because nonverbal communication permeates every facet of the class-room environment. In addition, many teachers are finding that nonverbalcommunication is more effective than verbal communication at helpingthem be better speakers, controllers, managers, helpers, and entertainers.Nonverbal communication is subtler and can be used more often. Studentsget bored with instructor talk and eventually ignore it. Teachers canuse nonverbal behavior to communicate to students without making a bigpoint of it.

Ambady and Rosenthal (1993) completed a landmark study titled “Half aMinute: Predicting Teacher Evaluations from Thin Slices of NonverbalBehavior and Physical Attractiveness.” These researchers conducted three stud-ies. In studies one and two, subjects were asked to rate college teachers’ andhigh school teachers’ nonverbal behavior and physical attractiveness based onten-second silent video clips. In study three, the researchers investigatedwhether strangers’ ratings of teachers would predict nonverbal behavior andphysical attractiveness from study one and two if even “more thinned slices ofthe video” were shown. The clips were reduced from ten seconds to five andtwo seconds. The results were astonishing; they revealed the following:

There were no significant differences in the accuracy of judgmentsbased on video clips 10s, 5s, and 2s in length. In addition, therewere no significant differences in the accuracy of judgments for thetwo samples of teachers. . . . Moreover, judgments based on 30s ex-posures (three 10s clips of each teacher) were not significantly moreaccurate than judgments based on 6s exposures (three 2s clips ofeach teacher). (pp. 437–438)

Ambady and Rosenthal suggest that the human ability to form impres-sions is strongly supported by their studies. In fact, as has always been suggestedin the nonverbal literature, impression formation takes place very early in arelationship. Often, these initial impressions determine the communication thatfollows. Ambady and Rosenthal conclude that, based on nonverbal behaviorsshown in very brief (less than thirty-second), silent video clips, we evaluate ourteachers as accepting, active, attentive, competent, confident, dominant, em-pathic, enthusiastic, honest, likeable, calm, optimistic, professional, supportive,and warm. Subjects observed specific nonverbal behavior such as symmetricarms, frowning, head nodding, head shaking, pointing, sitting, smiling, standing,

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strong gestures, head touching, upper torso touching, walking, and weak ges-tures. Ambady and Rosenthal conclude the following:

Teachers with higher ratings tended to be more nonverbally activeand expressive. They were more likely to walk around, touch theirupper torsos, and smile. Less effective teachers were more likely tosit, touch their heads, and shake rather than nod their heads. Theseresults suggest that teachers with higher ratings showed more non-verbal expressiveness and involvement than less effective teachers.(pp. 436–437)

They also suggest that teachers “should be made aware of the possibleimpact of their nonverbal behavior and perhaps even trained in nonverbalskills” (p. 440). The researchers caution, however, that these judgments aremost accurate for the affective side of teaching.

We have stated for years that the primary function of teachers’ verbalbehavior in the classroom is to give content to improve students’ cognitivelearning. The primary function of teachers’ nonverbal behavior in the class-room is to improve students’ affect or liking for the subject matter, teacher,and class, and to instill in them the desire to learn more about the subject mat-ter. One step toward that is the development of a positive affective relationshipbetween the student and teacher. When the teacher improves affect through ef-fective nonverbal behavior, then the student is likely to listen more, learnmore, and have a more positive attitude about school. Effective classroomcommunication between teacher and student is the key to positive affect to-ward learning. As communication improves between teacher and student, sodoes affect. When teachers are trained to use verbal and nonverbal communi-cation in the classroom more effectively, student-teacher relationships improveand so do students’ affective and cognitive learning. When positive affect ispresent, cognitive learning increases.

The nonverbal behavior of the teacher communicates meanings to stu-dents. For example, the teacher who rarely looks at a student when talking iscommunicating that he or she is not very interested in that student. Students’nonverbal behavior likewise communicates meanings to teachers. The studentwho is always yawning might be bored, tired, or both. The teacher should re-view the context and determine whether the student simply is tired or whetherthe teacher is so boring that he or she is putting the student to sleep.

The remainder of this chapter focuses on discussion of the various types ofnonverbal behaviors and how each affects the student-instructor relationship.We direct primary attention to the teacher’s behavior and how this might influ-ence communication with the student. The reason we take this approach is that itis the student’s perceptions of what the teacher does that determine how effectivethe communication is. If a student perceives that a teacher is using coercive power,then he or she will respond in a negative fashion. If a student perceives that ateacher is using immediacy, then he or she will be more responsive to the teacher.

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When a student perceives that a teacher does not like her or him, the stu-dent most likely will learn to dislike the teacher (Richmond, Wrench, &Gorham, 1998). The remainder of this chapter centers on how teachers andstudents can use nonverbal behavior to express affect and liking. All the exam-ples discussed can be applied to the typical classroom setting. The concept ofimmediacy is critical to communication in the classroom.

IMMEDIACY

Immediacy is the degree of perceived physical or psychological closenessbetween two people. The concept may be best understood in terms of the im-mediacy principle outlined by Mehrabian (1966, 1971, 1981), who intro-duced this concept. He stated that “People are drawn toward persons andthings they like, evaluate highly, and prefer; they avoid or move away fromthings they dislike, evaluate negatively, or do not prefer” (Mehrabian, 1971,p. 1). This social-psychological perspective suggests that positive affectcauses people to become more immediate, while negative affect reducesimmediacy.

While immediacy has received some attention from communicationscholars interested in interpersonal, organizational, and health communica-tion, it has been researched primarily in the context of the college classroom(Andersen, 1979, 1985; Barringer & McCroskey, 2000; Chesebro &McCroskey, 1998, 2001; Christophel, 1990; Frymier, 1994; Gorham, Cohen,& Morris, 1999; McCroskey & Richmond, 1992, 1996; McCroskey,Richmond, & Stewart, 1986; McCroskey, Sallinen, Fayer, Richmond, &Barraclough, 1996; Moore, Masterson, Christophel, & Shea, 1996; Mottet &Richmond, 2002; Plax, Kearney, McCroskey, & Richmond, 1986; Richmond,1990, 1997, 1999, 2002a, 2002b; Richmond & Hickson, 2002; Richmond &McCroskey, 1990, 1998, 2000, 2001; Richmond, Gorham, & McCroskey,1986; Richmond, Wrench, & Gorham, 2001; Richmond, Smith, Heisel, &McCroskey, 2001; Rocca & McCroskey, 1999; Thomas, Richmond, &McCroskey, 1994; Thweatt & McCroskey, 1998). Several studies have beenconducted looking at immediacy behaviors of teachers during instructionalcommunication with their students. These studies have found immediacybehaviors to be associated with more positive affect as well as increased cogni-tive learning and more positive student evaluations of teachers. This researchhas suggested the appropriateness of a communication principle that is thereverse of Mehrabian’s social-psychological principle: “The more communica-tors employ immediate behaviors, the more others will like, evaluate highly,and prefer such communicators; and the less communicators employ immedi-ate behaviors, the more others will dislike, evaluate negatively, and reject suchcommunicators.” We prefer to call this idea the principle of immediate com-munication. There are two primary forms of immediacy: verbal and nonverbalimmediacy. Each is discussed below.

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Verbal Immediacy

What people say can cause us to feel either closer to or more distant fromthem. Verbal immediacy is the use of language that increases immediacy be-tween interactants. Increased immediacy is produced by verbally immediate orverbally effective messages that show openness, friendship, or empathy withthe other person. Such simple things as the use of the pronouns we or us ratherthan you or you and I can increase the feeling of immediacy. For example,in trying to denote verbal immediacy to a peer, say “we can do this together”rather than “you should try this.”

One of the most important ways to increase immediacy in a relationshipis to send verbal messages that encourage the other person to communicate.Such comments as “I see what you mean,” “Tell me more,” “Please continue,”“That is a good idea,” “This is a team effort,” and “Let’s talk more aboutthis” create increased immediacy. Contrast these statements with the followingcomments: “Oh, shut up,” “You’ve got to be kidding,” “No way, I thought ofthat,” and “That is just dumb.” If you were to hear any of the latter, wouldyou want to communicate more? Probably not. You would not feel very closeto people who made such comments unless it was clear they were joking.

Nonverbal Immediacy

Most categories of nonverbal behavior can be used to increase or decreasenonverbal immediacy. Let’s consider each one.

Physical Appearance

As we have stated, one’s general physical appearance is a means of communi-cation. What is communicated varies depending on the attractiveness of theperson as well as his or her body, scent, hair, dress, and use of artifacts.

ATTRACTIVENESS. We know that attractive people are perceived by othersas more likeable, sociable, outgoing, friendly, popular, persuasive, successful,and happy than unattractive people. Research clearly shows that in most situ-ations attractive people are more likely to be responded to more favorablythan unattractive people. For example, the attractive male is more likely to getthe high-powered sales job than the unattractive male, particularly if theirqualifications are equal. There have even been reports of people being refusedemployment because they were too unattractive. Being perceived as attractivemight produce two nonverbal immediacy–related results.

1. Because attractive people are perceived by others as more likeable andsociable, they may also be perceived as more approachable. If they areresponded to in an immediate fashion by others, they will most likely re-spond in kind.

2. Because attractive people have been treated as if they were more responsiveand sociable, they are likely to exhibit more immediate behavior. For mostof their lives, attractive people have been approached by others, often

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simply because of their looks. Therefore they have learned to be immediatewith others, which makes them even more attractive. This is not to suggestthat unattractive people are not immediate. Many unattractive people havelearned that immediacy is one means of increasing their attractiveness.

Instructor Appearance

Appearance sends important messages in the classroom setting. An instructor’sattire influences the way students perceive that instructor. Teachers who dressvery formally are seen by students as competent, organized, prepared, andknowledgeable. Teachers who dress casually or informally (not sloppily) areseen as friendly, outgoing, receptive, flexible, and fair.

We have found that when teachers dress very formally, it makes studentsfeel as if the teacher is not receptive to their needs and not likely to communi-cate with them. The teacher is perceived as competent but not as receptive.The teacher who dresses casually is perceived as open, friendly, and moreimmediate but perhaps not as competent as the teacher who dresses more for-mally. Therefore our advice is to dress formally for a week or two or untilcredibility is established. Then dress more casually to project the image thatone is open to student interaction. The teacher who always dresses formallymay communicate that he or she does not want much student interaction, eventhough the dressing behavior may simply reflect the teacher’s clothing prefer-ences. Whatever the teacher’s motivation, the students’ perceptions are whatcounts (Gorham, Cohen, & Morris, 1997, 1999; Morris, Gorham, Cohen, &Huffman, 1996; Roach, 1997).

Unattractive instructors also have a more difficult time in the classroomthan attractive instructors. Students are more immediate and receptive to theattractive teacher and less immediate and receptive to the unattractive teacher.Therefore, the unattractive teacher must work harder at establishing credibility,similarity, and liking than the attractive teacher.

Teachers who are ectomorphic are usually perceived by students as anx-ious and less composed but perhaps intelligent. The endomorphic teacher isgenerally perceived by students as slow, lazy, underprepared, and not dynamicin the classroom. The mesomorphic teacher is perceived as credible, depend-able, likable, and competent but possibly also tough and dominant.

Student Appearance

Because instructors’ dress affects how students perceive them, how does stu-dents’ dress influence teachers’ perceptions? Teachers make very definite judg-ments about students based on their dress. The student who is always sloppilydressed, never put together well, and does not seem to take any pride in her orhis personal appearance is likely to be perceived by teachers as lazy, slow, andnot very interested in school. One teacher told us about a sixth-grade studentwho always dressed in a sloppy, disheveled manner. After several years ofbeing treated as if he were lazy and slow, he began to meet those expectations.The teacher found that he had above-average intelligence and exceptionally

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good reading skills. She started to reach him by letting him read whatever hewanted to read. Then she started getting him to pay more attention to hisschoolwork. By the end of the sixth grade, the student was a strong B student.She even managed to get him to take more care of his appearance and dress.Other teachers commented on how “something has really changed him” whenthey noticed his change of dress.

Students who dress in an unusual or weird manner might also be per-ceived in a negative manner by teachers. Teachers often punish or criticize thestudent who does not fit the norm of school dress. Sometimes they criticizethe student’s dress so much that it impairs the student’s learning and the com-munication between teacher and student. In the early sixties, many schoolshad very strict dress codes. These codes did not allow young women to wearslacks, and young men had to keep their hair short. We know of one situationwhere a boy was persecuted so often and so much by his teachers, peers, andprincipals that he never finished high school. His great sin was that his hairtouched his ears. He was suspended from school because the teachers and theprincipal felt he was a disturbance to the other students. Similar cases were re-ported across the United States, and many students were persecuted because oftheir appearance. Although appearance factors that are considered distractingtoday may differ from those of twenty years ago, the response of teachers andschool administrators often does not.

Students who have a neat, clean, acceptable appearance are generally ac-cepted by instructors, peers, and administrators. They are often given morelatitude than the sloppy or unusually dressed student. For example, studentswho dress as the teacher thinks they should dress are more attractive to theteacher and are likely to be helped more. The teacher will spend more time in-teracting with them and helping them with their assignments.

It is sad but true that attractive children are often given better treatmentthan unattractive children in the school environment. Unattractive children arediscriminated against in the classroom and the social environment of the school.The attractive child is communicated with more often by teachers than the unat-tractive child. Both teachers and peers interact more positively with the attractivechild. The unattractive child does not receive the amount or type of teacher-student interaction that the attractive child does. He or she is also perceived morenegatively by peers than is the attractive child (Richmond, 1997).

Often without realizing it, the teacher will avoid the unattractive childand display nonimmediate cues with the unattractive child while being imme-diate with the attractive child. Unattractive children are commonly ignored byteachers, given less time to answer questions than their attractive counterparts,encouraged less to talk, given less eye contact, given more distance, andtouched less by their teachers. This type of nonverbal behavior communicatesto the unattractive child that he or she is not as good as the other students.Unattractive children often receive lower grades than the other students. Muchof this is because of the different nonverbal treatment given them by theteacher. They feel that they are not liked or not as good as the other studentsand eventually tune out the classroom environment and learn less. We have

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heard teachers tell us hundreds of stories about this type of situation in theirschools. We have also heard students say things like, “Mrs. Jones doesn’t likeme.” When asked how they can tell, the student says, “I can tell—it’s the wayshe behaves” or “it’s the way she treats me.”

Body type determines, at least in part, how a person is perceived by oth-ers. The ectomorphic student is likely to be perceived by the teacher as high-strung, anxious, and nervous but probably competent. He or she might beperceived by peers as nerdy and generally not as a star athlete. The endomor-phic student might be perceived by the teacher as slow, lazy, and not too brightbut really nice and funny. Such students are not perceived as star athletes ei-ther. The mesomorphic student is usually perceived as being dependable, intel-ligent, competent, dominant, and appealing by the teacher. They are also oftenperceived as the best athletes.

The general appearance and attractiveness of a teacher or student canhave a major impact on student-educator communication. Generally, the moreattractive student or teacher is given preferential treatment. The unattractivestudent or teacher must work harder to be perceived as competent and like-able. Parents should be encouraged to help their children present a reasonablyattractive appearance in school. Many cannot accomplish this alone, and itdoes make a difference in student achievement.

HAIR. The length, style, and color of hair can be used to foster immediacy ornonimmediacy. For example, the person with the currently acceptable hairlength, style, and color is much more approachable than the person with theunusual length, style, and color. Many rock stars may be perceived by one seg-ment of the population as very approachable or immediate, but anothersegment of the population may perceive them as outlandish and unapproach-able. Much of it has to do with hair length, style, and color.

DRESS AND ARTIFACTS. Dress and the artifacts one chooses can communicateimmediacy or nonimmediacy. Informal but not sloppy dress usually communi-cates that one is approachable. People are often intimidated by very formaldress. Formal dress is one method of denoting higher status, and heightenedstatus decreases immediacy. In some situations, people want to be perceived ashaving higher status and want decreased immediacy. For example, during jobinterviews, interviewers want to establish who is the interviewee and who isthe interviewer. This is often accomplished by the interviewer’s style and qual-ity of dress.

Artifacts are items that adorn the body, such as jewelry, clothing, glasses,makeup, pipes, briefcases, books, and so on. There are instances when a per-son’s use of an artifact suggests that he or she is immediate or nonimmediate.For example, the person who wears a T-shirt that says “Take me, I’m cute andcuddly” is probably communicating something different from the personwhose T-shirt reads “Get outta my face.” Reflective sunglasses that do notallow you to see the wearer’s eyes also generally denote nonimmediacy.

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Gesture and Movement

Small children often use gestures and movements to explain what they cannotsay verbally. As they grow older, they tend to use fewer simple hand gesturesand increase their use of complex hand movements. In this culture, we tend touse more gestures when we are excited or giving complex messages. On theother hand, we use fewer gestures when we are bored or transmitting a simplemessage. Therefore, in the early grades, children are likely to use more gesturesand movements than verbal messages to communicate. However, about thetime children reach age 12 they should be acquiring the adult norms and usingmore complex gestures and a wider variety of verbal messages.

In the classroom, adaptors are probably the most common gestures usedby students. The classroom is an anxiety-producing situation for many children.Observe a typical classroom, and you will find students chewing pencils, bitingtheir nails, picking at their desks or notebooks, pulling at their hair, smoothingtheir clothing, and clicking their pens. A classroom that has an inordinateamount of student adaptive behavior is one in which the anxiety level is high orthe teacher is boring. Students use more adaptors in classes where they feel anx-ious or bored. These behaviors are often perceived as a form of misbehavior andare punished. The student who is constantly clicking her or his pen is perceivedby the teacher as disruptive. Students may not even realize they are engaging insuch behavior until they are reprimanded for it.

Adaptors are more prevalent during the first few days of school, nearholidays, and near the end of school. Students unintentionally use more adap-tive behavior at these times. Teachers also tend to use more adaptive behaviorduring the first few days of a new school year. It is anxiety-producing for mostteachers when they are meeting new classes for the first time. Teachers who usemore adaptors are perceived as nervous and anxious.

There are also people (both students and teachers) who gesture very littlein the classroom. Students and teachers who gesture very little might be per-ceived as boring and unanimated. Teachers should use illustrators and affectdisplays more with their verbal messages to keep the classroom lively and in-teresting. The teacher’s delivery style should be animated and dynamic, andgesturing is one method of achieving this. The animated and dynamic teachercan keep the class interested in the subject for longer periods of time.Nonanimated, boring teachers put their classes to sleep.

Instructors who assume an open body position communicate to their stu-dents that they are receptive and immediate, whereas teachers who fold in orkeep a closed body position are perceived as nonimmediate and unreceptive.Students using similar positions are perceived in similar ways by their teachers.Students who slouch in their seats when talking to the teacher are perceived asbored, rude, or even arrogant. Teachers expect students to look interested.One of the best indications of interest is body position.

Both students and teachers use adaptive gestures, but they should striveto decrease their reliance on them. Teachers should consciously work to bemore animated and dynamic. This will improve student-teacher interactionand make the classroom a more exciting environment (Richmond, 1997).

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Facial Behavior

The student or teacher with a glum, dour facial expression is perceived as lessanimated and less immediate than the student or teacher with a pleasing facialexpression. The use of facial expressions communicates a lot in the classroomenvironment. People cannot always hide their real feelings. The teacher canunintentionally express her or his real feelings about a student through facialexpression. Smaller children do not understand many facial expressions andsometimes perceive any expression that is less than positive as a negative one.The frown is often associated with negative facial affect. Children usually donot learn the range of facial expressions until around age 12. Before then, theyhave difficulty discriminating among the facial expressions of their teachers.Therefore, a small child might react to a teacher’s thoughtful expression as ifhe or she had done something wrong. Teachers need to be very careful in con-trolling their facial expressions with young children.

Students’ facial expressions also influence how teachers react to them.The student who is staring out the window and has a totally bored expressionon her or his face is not likely to be called on by the teacher, except as punish-ment. This student also is not likely to receive any preferential treatment fromthe teacher. One of the authors had a student who literally slept through sever-al sessions of his evening class. There were 146 students in the class, and thisstudent was the only one who looked bored. This bothered the teacher, untilone day the student approached the instructor and apologized for sleepingin class and looking bored. He explained that he worked at the post officefrom 11 a.m. to 7 p.m. and had difficulty staying awake in all of his eveningclasses.

Teachers’ facial expressions can affect how students feel about the class-room environment. The teacher who has a dull, boring facial expression whentalking is perceived by the students as uninterested in them and the subjectmatter. This type of teacher is likely to have more classroom disruptions be-cause students become bored with the teaching style. Teachers must havepleasing facial expressions that show that they are interested not only in thesubject matter but also in their students. Pleasing facial expressions are oftenaccompanied by positive head movements.

The teacher who uses positive head nods in response to a student’s com-ments is perceived as friendly, concerned about the communication betweenteacher and student, and immediate. An instructor who rarely nods, or usesmore negative head movements than positive ones quickly stifles teacher-student communication. Not many students volunteer to talk when they realizethat their educator will not respond in a positive or at least encouraging fash-ion. Positive head nods are a means of stimulating classroom interaction andstudent responses. Students who use similar head nods help promote student-teacher interaction and help the teacher to know whether the students haveunderstood the class content.

Smiling has long been associated with liking, affiliation, and immediacy.The teacher who smiles and has positive facial affect is perceived as moreimmediate and likeable than the one who does not. Students react more

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favorably to the teacher who smiles than to the teacher who frowns a lot ordoes not smile much. Similarly, teachers react more favorably to the studentwho smiles than to the student who frowns or does not smile much. They eachperceive the other as more open to communication. Therefore, the student-teacher relationship is improved by smiling. Students from kindergartenthrough graduate school respond better to teachers who smile.

Both instructors and students must use pleasing facial expressions. It im-proves the perceptions and the communication between teacher and student.The teacher or student with the pleasing facial expression is perceived as moreimmediate and approachable than the teacher or student who is dour or sour-looking (Richmond, 1997).

Eye Behavior

The instructor’s and student’s eye behavior can affect the interaction betweenthe two. Students who look away, avoid teacher eye contact, or look downwhen the teacher calls on them are perceived as uninterested, shy, or unwillingto communicate. None of these are very positive perceptions. We know thatpeople like to have eye contact in communicating with one another. Eye con-tact might be one of the biggest indicators of student interest in the classroomenvironment. Students who do not make eye contact with the teacher are per-ceived as uninterested. Teachers are the same as other people. They want thoseto whom they are talking to look at them and to make eye contact with them.If that does not occur, it is taken as rejection of their teaching content and as apersonal rejection as well.

Some instructors seldom make eye contact with their students. This usuallysuggests to the student that the teacher is not interested in her or him and thatthe teacher is not approachable. Teachers who make little eye contact with stu-dents often are very shy and probably should not be in the classroom at all.When there is little eye contact between students and teachers, students do notknow when to talk, when to ask questions, or how to approach the teacher.This is a common complaint on college campuses. It often is directed towardsome foreign-born instructors. The students complain that the instructor neverlooks at them when lecturing. This behavior may be the result of the instruc-tor’s cultural upbringing. In some cultures, it is considered inappropriate for in-structors and students to make direct eye contact.

There is one situation in the classroom that can cause deviant eye be-havior. This is test-taking time. Often teachers assume that students’ wan-dering eyes are a sign of cheating. This is not always the case. Test time is avery anxious time for most students. Teachers need to be cautious about ac-cusing a student of cheating because he or she looks around during a test.When processing information on a test, students have many conjugate lateraleye movements (CLEMs), which we discussed in Chapter 5. If a student isconsistently and constantly looking at another’s paper, we can safely assumethat he or she is cheating. When a student is glancing left or right or lookingup, he or she most likely is just processing information.

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Eye behavior is a significant indicator of the relationship between stu-dent and teacher. Students who make eye contact with their teachers areperceived as more interested and better students. Teachers who look at theirstudents are perceived as more animated, more interested, and more imme-diate (Richmond, 1997).

Vocal Behavior

Recently we surveyed students to determine the vocal qualities that students likedor disliked most in teachers. Overwhelmingly, students felt that the monotonevoice was a teacher’s most objectionable vocal behavior. They felt that the mono-tone voice projected the image of boredom, noncaring, and nonimmediacy. Theyalso said they learned less when the teacher had a dull or monotone voice, wereless interested in the subject matter, and liked the class less. Students want theteacher to have a lively, animated voice (Richmond, 1997).

Of all voice qualities, the monotone voice seems to draw the most nega-tive criticism from both teachers and students. Both say that they perceive theperson with the monotone voice as boring and dull. Students who use themonotone voice in class are not helping themselves at all. Instructors want toteach students who sound interested in the class.

An author of this book had a professor who taught the philosophy of ed-ucation. He droned on and on in a monotone voice for every class period. Theclass had more than a hundred people in it, and most dozed off. This teacherwas the worst model that an education department could employ to teachprospective teachers about how to be an effective and affective teacher. Themost significant criticism the students had about him was not his competencebut his monotone voice.

There should be a sign placed in all classrooms that says “Laughter is en-couraged in this class.” No one ever said learning had to be boring. A really goodteacher laughs with the students and encourages and allows laughter when some-thing occurs that all can enjoy. For example, one of the authors was lecturing oneday, and during the lecture she moved backwards to reach for her notes. Shetripped over the garbage can behind her, fell in, and got stuck. The class wasstunned and then broke up laughing. She also laughed and finally some studentshelped her out of the garbage can. Had she not laughed or had she criticized themfor laughing, the class would have suffered. Laughing also allows students to re-lease tension and to relax. In research completed as early as 1929, Barr studiedgood and poor social science teachers and found that good teachers laughedmore and allowed laughter in the classroom; whereas, poor teachers did not.Many things have changed since then, but it is certain that the role of laughter inthe classroom has not. Teachers who laugh and encourage laughter from theirstudents are still more immediate than those who do not.

Space

How a teacher or student uses interpersonal space with another interactantcommunicates how he or she perceives that person. The teacher who stands

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behind the desk or podium and rarely approaches students or allows them toapproach her or him is perceived by students as unfriendly, unreceptive, unap-proachable, and nonimmediate. This does not help to improve student-teacherrelationships.

The student who backs away when the teacher approaches or will notallow a teacher to stand or sit close to him or her will be perceived in a similarmanner by the teacher. The student might even be perceived as uninterested inlearning and hostile to the classroom environment. Some people simply do notlike being approached by others. These people are touch-avoidants. When some-one approaches them, they move away or back to avoid contact. We must becautious to not judge the person who draws away from interaction too harshly.He or she might simply be a touch-avoidant (Andersen & Leibowitz, 1978).

There is also some research that suggests students who are abused athome have greater space needs than those who are not abused, and they maybehave like a touch-avoidant. Some research also shows that disruptive stu-dents have greater spatial needs than students who are not disruptive. Theirdisruptiveness may stem from their feeling closed in and under pressure.

Differences in size might make a big difference in how students and teach-ers feel about their space. For example, elementary school teachers tend, even ifthey are rather short, to tower over their students. Hence, we suggest that a sim-ple means of getting closer without intimidating the student is to let him or herstand close while the teacher is seated. The teacher could also occasionally sit orkneel on the floor so that he or she is closer to the students. Likewise, students incollege and high school often tower over their teachers and should strive not todo this. Teachers do not like to feel as if a student were trying to intimidate them.The tall student is probably unaware of this. The easiest solution is for the stu-dent to stand farther away from the teacher. This reduces the towering-overeffect and makes communication easier for both.

In summary, space communicates in the classroom environment. Theteacher who withdraws from students is perceived as nonimmediate and non-caring. The student who withdraws from the teacher might be perceived as un-interested or hostile. We need to look beyond these perceptions to find outwhether another problem is present (Richmond, 1997).

Touch

It is unfortunate that there is very little expressive touch in our classroomstoday. Teachers are reluctant to touch students because of the insinuations thatothers might make. Students above the lowest grade levels have always beenreluctant to touch teachers because of the status differential.

Studies reveal that human touch helps people grow and adapt better insociety. However, our schools have adopted the noncontact philosophy thatour society perpetuates. If you survey most schoolchildren from kindergartenthrough the twelfth grade about the kind and amount of touch they receivefrom their teachers, most will say that they get less touch as they get older andmuch of what they receive is associated with a reprimand. Some students

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cannot recall the last time a teacher touched them in an expressive fashion.Touch is a form of communication that can be very useful in establishing andmaintaining an effective teacher-student relationship. Touch can be used by theinstructor to reinforce a student for a job well done. It can be used by theteacher to substitute for the verbal reprimand or control without ever saying aword. For example, the teacher who walks up and touches on the shoulder thechild who is misbehaving has gotten her or his attention. The child knows thathe or she should stop what he or she is doing. Touch should be an acceptableform of communication in the educator-student relationship. Touching a stu-dent on the arm, hand, shoulder, or upper back should be acceptable. Thistype of touch can be a very effective means of communicating a message with-out ever uttering a word.

In the early grades, touch is an essential component to establishing an ef-fective student-teacher relationship. Most small children are used to receivingmuch touch at home. They expect the same at school. The elementary schoolteacher is often seen as the surrogate parent, and the children expect touch fromthat teacher. There is nothing wrong in giving it. If a teacher does not touchthem, often the children feel as if there were something wrong with them,or they feel unloved. A teacher must be cautious not to touch one or two chil-dren more than the rest. Even small children see this differentiation and wonderwhy the one or two get more touch. Touch is such an important communicationvariable that one has to use it in a fair manner in the classroom environment.

The younger children may also touch the teacher in places that are unac-ceptable for the older child to touch. Children usually learn the adult touchnorms about age twelve. When a child is in the first grade, it is common for heror him to hug the teacher around the thigh. The teacher should be prepared forand accepting of such touching behavior. However, when the child is in the sev-enth grade or a sophomore in college, it is highly unusual and generally unac-ceptable to initiate such touch. In the upper grades, older children expect lesstouch and receive less. However, touch should still be used as a reinforcer.Older children can be touched on the back or shoulder for doing good work.

Teachers should remember that some students are touch-avoidant and arevery uncomfortable when touched. A teacher who encounters a touch-avoidantstudent should leave him or her alone and not try to relax the student. In addi-tion, some teachers are touch-avoidant and do not want to be touched. Theseteachers should not teach at the elementary levels. The touch-avoidant studentor teacher might be perceived as nonimmediate and perhaps even aloof. If a per-son is touch-avoidant, other nonverbal cues can be used to communicate imme-diacy and establish an effective student-teacher relationship (Richmond, 1997).

Teachers or students who withdraw from another’s touch might be per-ceived as nonimmediate or touch-avoidant. Teachers and students should beaware of the touch norms in schools and communities and be cautious aboutfollowing them. Teachers should use touch as a form of reinforcement, not aspunishment. Many classes such as physical education, art, and music allow fora great deal of touch. Teachers in these classes should use touch as a form ofcommunication.

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Environment

We acknowledge at the outset that many classrooms are not conducive to student-teacher interaction (Green, 1979; Ketcham, 1958; Richmond, 1997; Sommer,1997; Todd-Mancillas, 1982). We also acknowledge that many schools have draband dreary classrooms and very little can be done to improve the environment.Much of what we discuss here, however, can be adapted to any classroom in anyschool.

Attractive classrooms are much more likely to keep students and teachersattentive and to reduce hostility. Many studies have revealed that ugly environ-ments produce hostile communication among participants. Think of the worstschoolroom you were ever taught in. Think of all its ugly aspects and how youfelt while in that environment. The authors of this text have taught in a varietyof ugly environments. It is more difficult to keep students’ attention when theenvironment is ugly; too hot or cold; poorly lit; painted dingy yellow, darkbrown, industrial green, or battleship-gray; or unclean. Darth Vader couldhave designed many classrooms in this country. They are dark, forbidding en-vironments that say to students, “Don’t plan on any fun here: shut up, sit, andlisten.” It is a shame that in a country so affluent, many classrooms are still inthe Dark Ages. Teachers and students must continue to accept this. However,many teachers redecorate their rooms at their own expense to make the envi-ronment more conducive to learning and to enjoyment of learning.

SEATING. There are optimal seating arrangements for different types of teach-ing. Traditional row and column arrangements (see Figure 13.1) are useful forlistening, note-taking, and lecturing. Modular seating is best for group interac-tion; this arrangement allows the teacher to move from group to group to giveassistance (see Figure 13.2). The circular, horseshoe, or open-square arrange-ment (Figure 13.3) is particularly useful for encouraging classroom discussionbetween students and teachers. A teacher’s use of the above arrangements indifferent learning situations will improve student interest and student-teachercommunication. Some of these classroom settings do, however, increase thenoise level, which must also be considered.

FIGURE 13.1Traditional Seating

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FIGURE 13.2Modular Seating

FIGURE 13.3Circular, Horseshoe, or Open-Square Seating

MUSIC. Music can be used to counteract student boredom and to establish acomfortable classroom atmosphere. We have found in our research that teach-ers can use music as an effective reinforcer for good behavior, as a reward forcompleting a task, and for relaxing the students. Elementary school teachershave long known the power of music in the classroom. They use it relax stu-dents, generate conversations, reward, excite, and lull students to sleep.

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Teachers at any level can use music on occasion to create a better classroomenvironment. For example, if a teacher wants to spice up a unit on French his-tory, he or she might play the music of that era.

TALK. “The only good classroom is the quiet classroom.” This is the motto ofmany school systems. Many bright, energetic children enter Darth Vader’shalls and eventually turn into little Darth Vaders after they are placed in drabclassrooms and told to be quiet. Students at any age should be encouraged toparticipate in classroom discussions and talk on occasion. Teachers who allowsome student talk are perceived by students as more responsive to their needsand more immediate and approachable. We do not mean that classroomsshould be noisy without any purpose, but student talk is essential to studentgrowth and development. The teacher should set up situations in which stu-dents can talk without being reprimanded. Group exercises, projects, and sim-ilar activities allow for student talk without decreasing the content. Of course,the teacher should not use such activities for content but as a means of teach-ing content.

Whether the students are younger or older, allowing for student-teacherinteraction is an effective means of improving communication between teacherand student. Talk can also be used as a reward for good behavior. If studentssit and listen and take notes as they should, then the teacher should assign agroup exercise or open up the class for discussion. Allowing for talk time givesstudents a chance to relax and release tension, and makes them feel betterabout the classroom environment. Those who do not want to talk, however,should not be forced to or punished for not talking.

COLOR. Color can be used in the classroom to denote warmth or coldness.Recall the Ketcham (1958) study on school attractiveness we discussed ear-lier. Schools should never be painted dark brown, industrial green, orbattleship-gray. Younger children probably function better with the warmercolors such as soft blues, yellows and pinks. Older students probably func-tion better with the cooler colors such as blue and blue-green. Bright colorssuch as iridescent or neon reds, yellows, greens, and oranges should not beoverdone. A room painted in such colors might overstimulate the students.However, a single wall of bright color may create a vibrant, active environ-ment.

Clearly color and decor can influence the school environment. It can af-fect how students feel about school, the teacher, and the total learning environ-ment. There are many schools where the art teacher, the industrial arts teacher,the custodians, the administrators, and some students get together to helppaint the school’s interior. For example, they paint the hallways in warm col-ors and then paint geometrical designs on the warm colors. These schools havefound over the past ten years that students take more pride in their school thando students at other schools where no such effort has been made. The schoolswith the lively decors rarely have graffiti on the walls or smears or smudges. Itis usual to see a student cleaning a wall if it gets marked. Student involvement

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in painting and decoration can help guarantee that students will take care ofthe classrooms and other school spaces.

LIGHTING. Lighting can also influence the relationship between teacher andstudent. A classroom that is poorly lit or too bright can cause fatigue and eyestrain. Eventually, even boredom and hostility emerge. Thompson gave theseguidelines for lighting in the classroom:

Maintain high levels of illumination. When students must expendenergy just to see, they will have little left to understand what isbeing said. All areas of the room should be balanced in brightness.Factory and assembly-line workers have their work well illuminated.Industry has known for a long time that eye fatigue plays havocwith production schedules. To avoid sharp contrast, the visual fieldaround the task should be only one-third as bright as the work area.No part of the visual field should be brighter than the immediate

Different seatingarrangements canmake for differentstyles of teaching.

Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

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vicinity of the task. Avoid glare either from direct light sources orfrom reflecting surfaces. (p. 81)

TEMPERATURE AND HUMIDITY. Imagine sitting in a classroom and trying toabsorb content when the temperature is 90 degrees with 90 percent humidity.About all you can do is sit very still and keep wiping the perspiration from yourface. Many classrooms are kept too warm, both in the summer and in the win-ter. In the summer, they are too hot because they are not air-conditioned and thehumidity is high. In the winter, they are hot and dry. Both classroom climatesare disruptive to the learning and communication process between student andteacher. When a room is too hot, people become antsy and irritable.

The optimal classroom temperature is 66 to 72 degrees Fahrenheit. Thisassumes that the room is neither too dry nor too humid. Many classrooms do nothave temperature controls, but if the room is painted a cool color, it will seemcooler. However, we know that when it’s 90 degrees outside and 100 degreesinside, no one will feel cool even in a light-blue room.

During the winter, humidity should not fall below 30 percent or beallowed to rise above 50 percent. As humidity moves above or below these lev-els, student illness and absenteeism increase. Todd-Mancillas (1982) summarizesGreen’s climate results drawn from a study involving 3,600 students in gradesone to eight in 11 different schools in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada:

Results indicated that children attending schools with classroomhumidity ranging between 22% and 26% experienced nearly 13%greater illness and absenteeism than children attending schoolswith classrooms having humidity levels ranging between 27% and33%. . . . Green also cautions against excessive humidity, as alliedresearch also indicates that increased respiratory infections resultfrom humidity levels in excess of 50%. (p. 85)

If teachers cannot control the temperature in their classrooms, theyshould vary activities so that students do not notice the temperature as much.In other words, they should give the students plenty to do and think aboutother than the temperature. In cold months, if the room is too cold, theyshould have the students move around and talk a lot. In warmer months, if theroom is too hot, they should have group discussions and activities that help di-rect attention away from the temperature.

FURNITURE. The furnishings in a classroom can often determine how stu-dents feel about the environment. Ugly furnishings do not improve communi-cation between student and teacher. Granted, many schools do not havemoney to purchase new desks, chairs, equipment, and curtains. However,schools that are more attractive are generally better taken care of by the stu-dents. Teachers and students can improve the classroom environment bybringing in appealing artifacts. Hard architecture often interferes with a stu-dent’s attention span and learning. Examples of hard architecture are hard

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chairs, sharp-edged tables and desks, and uncomfortable work tables. Soft ar-chitecture often encourages student attention and learning. Soft architecturesends signals of comfort and welcome. Examples of soft architecture are er-gonomic chairs, chairs that are softer, chairs that lean back when we move,rounded tables, and other comfortable-looking classroom furniture. The in-structor who makes optimal use of the space he or she has is likely to get alongbetter with the students. Affect will improve for the teacher who cares aboutthe classroom environment. Creative use of space, seating, lighting, color,sound, noise, temperature, and furnishings improve communication betweenstudent and instructor (Richmond, 1997).

SCENT. The odor a person exudes can encourage others to approach or avoidthat person. Teachers should avoid wearing overpowering scents in the class-room. Overpowering scents can affect student attentiveness, learning, andhealth. Some students have allergies and cannot be near strong scents or odors.Teachers should be sensitive to this even if other students are not.

There is always one student in every class who has an offensive odor.Teachers need to learn not to avoid this student. Teachers still must be imme-diate with the student who doesn’t smell like the others. A teacher we workwith told us the following story: She sent home a note to the student’s parentsexplaining that Joey had a body odor and it was causing a problem in theclassroom. Joey’s mother wrote back and said, “Joey ain’t no rose, don’t smellhim, just learn him.” Sometimes there is little or nothing anyone can do aboutscent except learn to live with it. Perhaps health teachers and physical educa-tion teachers can discuss odors with students, but other teachers probably can-not. However, all teachers can take care not to introduce noxious odors intothe classroom. Some plants give off odors that some people cannot smell butothers find overpowering. Take care to avoid having such plants in a class-room (Richmond, 1997).

TIME

Teachers must use time to their advantage. Time can be used to reward studentsfor good behavior, control students, make the classroom more interesting, andlearn about others. Teachers often spend too much time on one unit. Mostadults can only listen effectively for about thirty minutes, so why should we ex-pect children to pay attention for longer periods of time? Teachers must struc-ture activities to meet students’ time needs. Inflexible schedules are harmful toowl students. You’ll recall that owls function best later in the day; whereas,sparrows function best early in the morning and fade in the afternoon.Therefore teachers must be sensitive to students’ body schedules. Optimallearning occurs for the owl in the afternoon; whereas, optimal learning occursfor the sparrow in the morning. To the extent possible, teachers should vary thetime in which subject matter is taught and the time when tests are given. Rigidschedules make for tight organization, but if they are not adapted to studentdifferences, they are not tools for effective teaching or testing.

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Students are less aroused during the lunch period if they have a recess be-fore lunch. Allowing children to let off steam before eating reduces problemsin the lunch room. Once the students have eaten, then they are ready to goback to the classroom. Teachers also should avoid punishing students by tak-ing away their recess. Teachers who ignore this caution may be, in effect, pun-ishing themselves. Students who have recess taken away cause bigger problemsin later classes than they would normally. This happens because they missedthe opportunity to burn off their excess energy. Sometimes a few minutes de-voted to recess will save many minutes for instruction.

Instructors should allow for free time or talk time. If students completeprojects early, let them have some time to do whatever they want. This alsohelps teach them responsibility. Teachers who use their time wisely have fewerclassroom and student problems. They also have students who learn more andbetter. Teachers must be sensitive to the students’ time needs. Around holidays,spring, and the beginning of school, students are more restless. The instructormust be more innovative and creative to keep their attention. Instructors canuse time to understand their students better and to understand how to preparelessons more effectively (Richmond, 1997).

OUTCOMES OF TEACHER IMMEDIACY

Throughout this chapter, we have discussed possible teacher and student non-verbal behavior that denotes immediacy or nonimmediacy. Obviously, the im-mediate teacher is perceived more positively than the nonimmediate teacher.Many of the results reported in this section are a direct result of research byRichmond and her associates. According to these researchers, there are signif-icant advantages to be gained from teacher immediacy in the classroom.Increased teacher immediacy results in:

■ Increased liking, affiliation, and positive affect on the part of the student.Immediate teachers are liked far more than nonimmediate teachers.

■ Increased student affect for the subject matter. Students who become mo-tivated to learn the subject matter because of the teacher’s immediate be-haviors will do well in the content and continue to learn long after theteacher who motivated them is out of the picture.

■ Increased student cognitive learning. Students with immediate teachersattend more to the subject matter, concentrate more on the subject, retainmore of the content, and when challenged can correctly recall more ofthe subject matter than students with nonimmediate teachers.

■ Increased student motivation. It seems that the primary way that imme-diacy produces learning effects may be by increasing student motivation.

■ Reduced student resistance to instructors’ attempts to influence or modifybehavior. Immediate teachers seem to have more referent, respect, or likingpower; hence, students tend to comply with or conform to the wishes ofthe more immediate teachers. Nonimmediate teachers have more difficultygetting students to comply with or conform to their wishes.

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■ The teacher being perceived as a more competent communicator, onewho listens and cares. Nonimmediate teachers are usually perceived asineffective, if not incompetent, communicators.

■ The teacher being able to reduce or alleviate student anxiety about theclassroom situation. A more immediate teacher is perceived as a more car-ing, sensitive teacher; hence, the student feels less apprehensive about theoverall instructional environment.

■ Increased student-teacher communication and interaction. Some teachersmight see this aspect as a negative. It is not. If students communicate morewith their teachers, then the students might get the information they need.

■ A reduced status differential between student and teacher. This does notmean the teacher is on the same level as the student. It simply means thestudent won’t be so intimidated by the teacher’s higher status. Thereforethe student might be more willing to ask clarifying questions about thecontent without fear of the teacher.

■ Higher evaluations from one’s immediate supervisor. While this may seemunusual at first, it is really very simple to understand. Administrators liketeachers who have good classes with few problems. Immediate teachers havegood classes with fewer problems than nonimmediate teachers. Hence,administrators will find immediate teachers to be the more effective teachers.

In conclusion, immediacy behaviors are among the most valuable commu-nication tools instructors have available to them. These nonverbal immediacyskills can help teachers and students have happier, more productive classroomexperiences.

DIRECTIONS: The following statements describe the ways some people behave whiletalking with or to others. Please indicate in the space at the left of each item the degreeto which you believe the statement applies TO YOU. Please use the following 5-pointscale: 1 = Never; 2 = Rarely; 3 = Occasionally; 4 = Often; and 5 = Very Often.

_____ 1. I use my hands and arms to gesture while talking to people._____ 2. I touch others on the shoulder or arm while talking to them._____ 3. I use a monotone or dull voice while talking to people._____ 4. I look over or away from others while talking to them._____ 5. I move away from others when they touch me while we are talking._____ 6. I have a relaxed body position when I talk to people._____ 7. I frown while talking to people._____ 8. I avoid eye contact while talking to people._____ 9. I have a tense body position while talking to people.

FIGURE 13.4Self-Report of Nonverbal Immediacy

(continued)

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_____10. I sit close or stand close to people while talking with them._____11. My voice is monotonous or dull when I talk to people._____12. I use a variety of vocal expressions when I talk to people._____13. I gesture when I talk to people._____14. I am animated when I talk to people._____15. I have a bland facial expression when I talk to people._____16. I move closer to people when I talk to them._____17. I look directly at people while talking to them._____18. I am stiff when I talk to people._____19. I have a lot of vocal variety when I talk to people._____20. I avoid gesturing while I am talking to people._____21. I lean toward people when I talk to them._____22. I maintain eye contact with people when I talk to them._____23. I try not to sit or stand close to people when I talk with them._____24. I lean away from people when I talk to them._____25. I smile when I talk to people._____26. I avoid touching people when I talk to them.

SCORING PROCEDURE:Step 1: Start with a score of 78. Add the scores from the following items: 1, 2, 6, 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, and 25.Step 2: Add the scores from the following items: 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 15, 18, 20,23, 24, and 26.Step 3: Subtract your score in Step 2 from your score in Step 1. This is yourtotal score.

Expected alpha reliability: 0.87–0.92.

NORMS:Females Mean = 102.0 S.D. = 10.9 High = > 112 Low = < 92Males Mean = 93.8 S.D. = 10.8 High = > 104 Low = < 83

When using this instrument it is important to recognize that the difference in these self-reports between females and males is statistically significant and socially significant(that is, substantial variance in the scores on this instrument can be attributed to biolog-ical sex). Whether these differences are “real” (that is, females may actually be morenonverbally immediate than males) or a function of social desirability (that is, femalesthink they should be more immediate than males think they should be) or a function ofactual behavior has not yet been determined (as of November 2002).

FIGURE 13.4(continued)

Glossary of Terminology 283

Potential Drawbacks of Teacher Immediacy

Immediacy has a plethora of positive results. However, the garden is not allroses; there are some thorns. Immediate teachers may encounter some personalor professional problems with their colleagues. They might be perceived as nothaving control over their classrooms. Immediate teachers have control overtheir classrooms; however, some of their peers may not see it.

Immediate teachers might be viewed by other teachers as pushovers.Immediacy does not mean “let the student do whatever he or she wants.” Itmeans “be approachable.” Immediate teachers can still be firm and set stan-dards.

Not everyone can be immediate in the same way. Select the behaviorsyou are most comfortable with and use those. To be immediate, you do nothave to perform all the behaviors we have identified as immediate in this chap-ter, but you do need some of them. If you try to use behavior that makes youuncomfortable, you will appear awkward and uncomfortable rather than im-mediate. False immediacy is worse than none at all.

Glossary of Terminology

Primary function of teachers’ verbalbehavior to give content to improvestudents’ cognitive learning.Primary function of teachers’ nonver-bal behavior to improve students’

affect or liking for the subject matter,teacher, and class and to increase de-sire to learn more about the subjectmatter.

14CHAPTERIntercultural Relationships

Most people believe that we are in aworld that is shrinking and thatcultures are blending together

more so than in the past. Because of the de-velopments and advances in modern trans-portation and electronic communicationssystems, it is possible for people the worldover to communicate more readily and overlonger distances. Cultures from variousparts of the world communicate with oneanother, but often with minimal success.Although our transportation and electronicsystems are rapidly advancing, one couldargue that they are only leading to moremisperceptions among the diverse peoplesof the world. Our human systems generallyhave failed to keep up with the advances ofour technical systems. This chapter reviewsthe distinctive characteristics of intercultural

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Source: Photo by C. Price Walt

communication, discusses the relevance of nonverbal behavior to communica-tion across cultures, and examines some nonverbal messages from variouscultures.

As we become more likely to come into contact with people from cul-tures very different from our own, including many from subcultures that sharesome but not all of our own culture, there is a need for increased awarenessabout appropriate versus inappropriate behavior in intercultural contacts(Adler, 1974; Carbaugh, 1990; Gudykunst & Yun Kim, 1997; Klopf, 1998;Klopf & Ishii, 1984; Neuliep, 2002; Thomas-Maddox & Lowery-Hart, 1998;Ting-Toomey & Korzenny, 1991; Yousef, 1976). This is confirmed by the fol-lowing accounts of misunderstandings.

The first illustration concerns an American named Henry Smith who hadjust returned from a business trip in El Salvador. He told his business partnersthat he understood and spoke Spanish and said he had had few problemscommunicating while in El Salvador. However, Smith related the followingincident. He was invited to a businessman’s home to socialize with him and hisfamily. Throughout the evening, Smith kept talking about business; whereas,his Salvadoran host seemed mildly disconcerted at discussing business andwould promptly move the conversation from business to the social realm.After several attempts at business talk, Smith relented and enjoyed the socialenvironment. However, he could not understand why his host had refusedto talk business during the social event at his home. Smith told his businesspartners that Salvadoran businessmen apparently do not know how to discussbusiness during social evenings in their homes, and that the businessmanwas not very savvy. All the while Smith was finding fault with the ElSalvadoran, the Salvadoran had perceived Smith as pushy, aggressive, and in-sensitive. Unfortunately for Smith, his company lost the business of theSalvadoran businessman because Smith did not know the norms of theSalvadoran culture. The custom is that business is discussed in an office orover a meal in a restaurant, never in the home or around family. An occasionat a Salvadoran home is always a social one, never a business function.Salvadorans separate business from social functions, while North Americansoften do not separate the two.

The second illustration took place in Turkey. Pete Martin was sent by hisoffice to present a training seminar for the native personnel in the branch of aFortune 500 corporation. Martin noticed that “smoking was everywhere.” Hecould not deal with these conditions, so he simply informed the Turkish semi-nar participants that they could not smoke. After a short break, Martin re-turned to complete the seminar. His audience was still smoking. Reluctantly,he continued the seminar but “found the people rude and inconsiderate.” Priorto the seminar, he had failed to learn that, in the Turkish culture, smoking isnot prohibited, and no such area as a “smoke-free zone” exists. A person cansmoke anywhere and at any time. Needless to say, the seminar was not a suc-cess for either Martin or the participants.

The third illustration took place in a classroom in California. Anna MariaMoore was shouting at little Ferlouke, an African-American child. She shouted,

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“Look at me and listen when I talk to you! Is that clear?” Ferlouke proceeded tolook up at her, then down at the floor, then turned and looked sideways whileMoore stood by helplessly. In Ferlouke’s culture, it is rude, inconsiderate, anddisrespectful to look a person of higher authority, such as a teacher, in the eye.A student should always give respect by looking down, not at the instructor. Theinteraction was a difficult one for both Moore and Ferlouke.

In all three situations, Smith, Martin, and Moore appeared intolerant totheir interactants. However, the reality was that they were unacquainted withthe norms of the other cultures. They expected people to respond to themusing general North American norms. People interacting with other cultures orsubcultures need to be educated in some basic principles of intercultural com-munication. Perhaps the nonverbal aspects are more critical than the verbalaspects, because we readily recognize that other people speak languages differ-ent from our own. What we fail to recognize is that other people’s nonverbalmessages are even more different from our own than are their languages.Before we continue, we must define intercultural communication and look atsome of its variations.

DEFINING INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION

Rich and Ogawa (1972) define intercultural communication simply as “com-munication between peoples of different cultures” (p. 24). Communication isintercultural when one interactant is from one culture and the other from an-other. Klopf and Park (1982) note, “One will encode a message based on heror his cultural background; the other will decode it from the framework ofher or his culture” (p. 15). Klopf (1998) defines intercultural communicationas “the communication between people of different cultures, . . . it occurswhen a person (or persons) from one culture talks to a person (or persons)from another culture” (p. 39). He defines subcultures as “collections of peoplewho possess conscious membership in identifiable units of an encompassing,larger cultural unit” (p. 36).

Although culture always influences interaction between people, the morethe cultures of two people are alike, the less likely culture will cause problemsin their interactions. People from cultures that have similar languages, hygiene,foods, rituals, folklore, etiquette, ethics, athletics, socioeconomic backgrounds,religion, schooling, geographic regions, and governments (Americans andEnglish Canadians, for example) have a less difficult time communicating. Thesimilarity between cultures makes communication easier. However, culturesthat are quite different in terms of language, hygiene, foods, rituals, folklore,etiquette, ethics, athletics, socioeconomic backgrounds, religion, schooling, ge-ographic region, and government have a more difficult time communicating(North American versus Asian cultures). As Klopf and Park (1982) suggest:

Nevertheless, the possibility of misinterpretation always existswhen messages encoded by persons of one culture are decoded by

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persons of another. There is a need, therefore, to study interculturalcommunication to reduce or attempt to eliminate any misunder-standings that might result from cultural modification. (p. 16)

To avoid confusion, several variations of intercultural communication must beexplained before we continue. We will use the definitions drawn by Klopf andPark (1982). Cross-cultural and transcultural communication are terms generallyused interchangeably with intercultural communication. Ting-Toomey andKorzenny (1991) say, “cross-cultural interpersonal communication can bebroadly defined as the comparative study of differences and similarities of rela-tional communication patterns between two or more cultural communities”(p. 1). However, there are other terms that have different emphases. Internationalcommunication, for example, is communication “between official representa-tives of nations and usually is political in nature” (p. 17). Interracial communi-cation is communication between people “with racially identifiable physicaldifferences, Koreans and Caucasians, for instance” (p. 17). This form may ormay not be intercultural. Communication between a third-generation KoreanAmerican and a third-generation Italian American is interracial but probablynot intercultural. Both have been acculturated into the North American cultureand probably have similar values. Communication between a native Korean andan American-born Korean would be intercultural. Interethnic communication iscommunication between “people of the same race but not the same ethnic back-ground” (p. 17). For example, English and French Canadians have the samepredominant culture and race, yet they speak different languages and have dif-ferent objectives and viewpoints. Subcultures are groups of people within a gen-eral culture who may be culturally different from one another yet share many ofthe characteristics of the general culture. Some examples within the generalNorth American culture would be Texans, Mexican Americans, IrishAmericans, senior citizens, gays, lesbians, persons with disabilities, residents ofBeverly Hills, New Yorkers, and so on. A large proportion of the U.S. popula-tion identifies with both the general North American culture and one or moresubcultures.

Despite all of these definitions, intercultural specialists suggest that cer-tain universals are important to develop an understanding of communicationpractices across cultures. Hall’s (1973) map of culture shows what he believesare its constituent parts, prominently featuring communication. His map has ahundred universals classified into these ten categories:

1. Communication: vocal qualifiers, kinesics, language2. Society: class, caste, government3. Work: formal work, maintenance, occupations4. Sexes: masculinity versus femininity, biological sex, technical sex5. Space: formal and informal, boundaries6. Time: sequence, cycles, calendars7. Enculturation: rearing, informal learning, education8. Recreation: playing games, fun

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9. Protection: formal and informal defenses, technical defenses10. Material systems: contact with environment, motor habits, technology

Clearly communication behaviors, both verbal and nonverbal, are prevalent inall cultures and across cultures. To communicate effectively, we must under-stand the verbal as well as the nonverbal. Because intercultural communicationis persistent, enduring, and omnipresent, we must become more aware of andacquainted with intercultural communication, particularly the influence ofnonverbal communication. Furthermore, because cultures are composed ofsmaller units or subcultures, we often have to learn the larger culture first, andthen the subculture, to be effective intercultural communicators.

Characteristics of Culture

Thomas-Maddox and Lowery-Hart (1998) suggest that culture has certaincharacteristics. First, culture is learned. They suggest that from a very earlyage, children in any culture are taught the attitudes, beliefs, values, behaviors,

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Let freedom RING!

language, rituals, songs, history, stories, foods, preferences, and a plethora ofother concepts by adults, peers, and others in the culture.

Second, culture is dynamic. Rarely do cultures remain static over time.Because of many interventions by outsiders and external forces, cultures areoften forced to change even when they do not want to do so. When a populacemoves from one geographic location to another, the original culture does notremain the same. There is a blending of ideas, attitudes, beliefs, and so on.Thomas-Maddox and Lowery-Hart note that with this dynamic trend comesthe following orientations: “Some cultures embrace the change as exciting,while others are resistant because of the threat to tradition and stability” (p. 6).

Third, culture is pervasive and omnipresent. There are both “visible andinvisible things which surround us that comprise our culture” (p. 7). Thesepervasive things often determine the language we speak, the clothes we wear,our bathing habits, the foods we consume, our religious beliefs, our behaviorstoward men and women, and even our material possessions. For example, onecommon representation of typical American preferences is: “Baseball, hotdogs, apple pie, and Chevrolet.” Perhaps not all Americans would agree thatthese elements are representative of the American culture.

Foundations of Culture

While large cultures differ from one another in seemingly infinite ways, they allhave some common foundations. Most important of these are xenophobia andethnocentrism. Xenophobia is the fear of strangers. This is a trait shared by mosthuman beings regardless of their culture (Gudykunst & Yun Kim, 1997). Mostof us fear what we do not understand, at least until we become more familiarwith it and recognize that there is little danger. Communicating with strangerscauses many people to withdraw and avoid intercultural contact or to approachit with considerable consternation. When people find themselves forced intocommunicating with people from another culture, their nonverbal reactions toeach other are often interpreted by both sides as dislike and rejection.

The fact that xenophobia is common in most cultures causes some tosuggest that this orientation is probably a function of humans’ long period ofevolution. In earlier times, fear of strangers likely was a factor in people’s sur-vival. Those who feared took action to protect themselves. Those who did notwere more likely to be prey for strangers with evil intentions. Hence today’shumans may be the descendants of those who feared strangers, because thosewho did not have that fear were less likely to have descendants. Whether thisis the case, of course, we will never know. In any event, xenophobia is com-mon among people across cultures and provides a powerful barrier to effectiveintercultural communication.

If you have not done so already, please complete the questionnaire inFigure 14.1 and compute your score. This scale measures what we call ethno-centrism. The term ethnocentrism is derived from two Greek words: ethnos,which is Greek for “nation,” and kentron, which is Greek for “center.” Incombination, these words suggest that one sees one’s own nation (or culture)

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Directions: Below are 22 items that relate to the cultures of different parts of the world.Please indicate the degree to which you agree or disagree with each item, in the spacebefore that item, using the following five-point scale: (5) Strongly agree; (4) Agree;(3) Undecided; (2) Disagree; (1) Strongly disagree. Work quickly and record your firstreaction to each item. There are no right or wrong answers.

_____ 1. Most other cultures are backward compared to my culture._____ 2. My culture should be the role model for other cultures._____ 3. People from other cultures act strange when they come to my culture._____ 4. Lifestyles in other cultures are just as valid as those in my culture._____ 5. Other cultures should try to be more like my culture._____ 6. I am not interested in the values and customs of other cultures._____ 7. People in my culture could learn a lot from people in other cultures._____ 8. Most people from other cultures just don’t know what’s good for them._____ 9. I respect the values and customs of other cultures._____10. Other cultures are smart to look up to our culture._____11. Most people would be happier if they lived like people in my culture._____12. I have many friends from different cultures._____13. People in my culture have just about the best lifestyles of anywhere._____14. Lifestyles in other cultures are not as valid as those in my culture._____15. I am very interested in the values and customs of other cultures._____16. I apply my values when judging people who are different._____17. I see people who are similar to me as virtuous._____18. I do not cooperate with people who are different._____19. Most people in my culture just don’t know what is good for them._____20. I do not trust people who are different._____21. I dislike interacting with people from different cultures._____22. I have little respect for the values and customs of other cultures.

Scoring Procedure:Step 1: Add scores for items 4, 7, and 9.Step 2: Add scores for items 1, 2, 5, 8, 10, 11, 13, 14, 18, 20, 21, and 22.Step 3: Subtract the score of step 1 from 18.Step 4: Add scores from Step 2 to Step 3. Result is your Ethno-Score.Score should be between 15 and 75. Higher score = more ethnocentric.

FIGURE 14.1Ethnocentrism Scale

as the center of the universe. All human infants are egocentric, which meansthey see themselves as the center of the universe, with all the other people cir-cling around them. During their early years, the adults around them try toteach them that they are part of a group (family, community, etc.)—that theother people in the group are also important and should be respected. Hencethe people in the child’s culture become the center of the universe for thatchild. These people—through schools, community contacts, family and peerinteractions, etc.—help intensify the maturing child’s ethnocentrism by teach-ing him or her how to think and act; those ways, of course, being the ways thattheir culture considers appropriate. Simply put, cultures teach their children tobe ethnocentric—to see the ways of their own culture to be the correct, nor-mal, and appropriate. In the process, the children learn to be ethnocentric andto question anyone who does not behave in the ways of their culture.

Ethnocentrism is the foundation for group pride, patriotism, and thecontinuation of the culture itself. Unfortunately it also increases xenophobia,distrust of outsiders, an attitude of superiority toward people from other cul-tures (and communities, nations, etc.), and the belief that the ways of theirown culture are normal, correct, and appropriate, while the ways of peoplefrom other cultures are abnormal, incorrect, and inappropriate. Hence, inad-vertently (at least usually), children are raised to fear, dislike, and even hatepeople who are different (Neuliep & McCroskey, 1997; Neuliep, 2002).

Please examine your score for the ethnocentrism scale you completed. Ifyour score is 30 or below, you have unusually low ethnocentrism. If yourscore is between 30 and 45, your level of ethnocentrism is typical of mostpeople. If your score is above 45, you are quite ethnocentric. Of course, noscale of type is perfect. In the United States, for example, the society is nowteaching people to be politically correct (PC). It is not PC to be highly ethno-centric, so you may have been hesitant to answer questions on the scale inways that seemed to suggest you were not PC. If this seems a bit confusing,you are seeing the point clearly. The culture teaches us to be ethnocentric, andthen it tells us that if we are ethnocentric, we are not being politically correct.This is not the case in many cultures, however. For many cultures, the moreethnocentric you are, the better. It is politically correct to hate outsiders inthose cultures.

It is our position that ethnocentrism, while certainly having some posi-tive aspects, raises a major barrier for a person who wants and/or needs toengage in effective intercultural communication. Nonverbal behaviors them-selves are neutral. However, different cultures interpret those behaviors invery different ways and use, in some cases, very different nonverbal behav-iors. Yet, all cultures see their way of nonverbally communicating as normaland have great difficulty trying to figure out how to interpret the nonverbalbehaviors used by people from other cultures. The remainder of this chapterexamines some examples of how difficult it is to deal with nonverbal inter-cultural communication.

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NONVERBAL BEHAVIOR

A person’s nonverbal behavior communicates the beliefs, attitudes, and valuesof that person’s culture to others. Klopf and Park (1982) suggest that “What aperson does nonverbally is always important in intercultural communication”(p. 73). Because nonverbal messages are always present, we must not ignoretheir importance or impact. Because we cannot learn the meaning of thou-sands of nonverbal behaviors, it is important that we at least “realize that themeanings are likely to change from culture to culture” (Klopf, 1998, p. 236).Today communication scholars are often educating people about the impor-tance of effective cross-cultural communication. What if two countries have aserious nonverbal misunderstanding? Could it lead to war? Could it lead toeconomic sanctions?

Clearly, most nonverbal behaviors are not pan-cultural (the same for allcultures). Most meanings attributed to nonverbal behavior are based on the at-tributer’s culture. The motivation for given behaviors is not universal. It variesfrom culture to culture. Thus, the meaning we can reasonably attribute to anygiven behavior is culturally determined. Nonverbal behavior is differentiallylearned from one culture to the next. How well one learns about her or hisown nonverbal culture and understands the nonverbal culture of another de-termines how effective communication will be between people of different cul-tures. The remainder of this section reviews some intercultural nonverbalbehaviors and what they are likely to communicate.

Appearance and Attractiveness

People judge others by their appearance and perceived attractiveness.However, what is attractive in one culture may not be attractive in another cul-ture (Iliffe, 1960; Ishii, 1973, 1975; Klopf & Ishii, 1984; Martin, 1964). Thishas always been a source of communication misunderstandings. In ancientRome—a culture of dark-haired people—the blonde-haired woman couldeither be royalty or a prostitute. Originally, only prostitutes had blonde hair.Then Messalina, the third wife of Emperor Claudius, started wearing blondewigs. Soon many other women were wearing blonde wigs. It became nearlyimpossible to tell the prostitutes from royalty.

Roman men kept their hair short-cropped; whereas, slaves or barbar-ians had long hair. When the long-haired Europeans conquered Rome, theythought the men with short hair were slaves. Around the time ofCharlemagne, AD 800, the French noblemen kept their hair short. At thatsame time, the Japanese shaved the tops of their heads, and Egyptians shavedoff all of their hair.

For centuries, women have seemed to be more conscious of their appear-ance than men. In the United States, women spend far more than men on cos-metics and related items. Women worldwide have always tried to alter theirappearance to adapt to their culture. For example, binding the feet of babygirls was a common practice in China for nearly a thousand years. The size of

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the woman’s foot was related to how wealthy she was. The smaller the foot,the greater the wealth. The girl’s family would place her shoe in the windowso that suitors might see the size. To have one’s feet bound was very painful.Infants would cry for weeks and months as their foot muscles and bones werecompressed into smaller sizes. It is still common practice in some remote areasof China to bind women’s feet.

How else do people manipulate their bodies to be attractive? How aboutreshaping heads? Mangbettu females in the Democratic Republic of the Congohave their heads wrapped tightly during early childhood so that they will be-come elongated. The Mayans flattened their heads by tying boards to each sideof the head in early childhood. They would also file their teeth into points andplace valuable jewels in them. Some Burmese girls have several inch-thick ringsplaced about their necks to lengthen them, and their necks sometimes reach14 inches in length. In the Saras-Djinges tribe of Africa, girls have their lipsstretched with wooden discs, sometimes to 14 inches around, and can consumeonly liquids. In Africa, the Masai use cow dung on their hair to make it stiff.Native American tribes used to paint their faces to represent various rituals; insome tribes they still do.

Before you conclude that behaviors such as these occur only in far-offlands, consider some North American fads. A popular fashion in NorthAmerican culture is to have a small (sometimes larger) tattoo somewhere onthe body. However, rather than enduring the pain of applying a permanenttattoo, some individuals use special paints for the body and paste-on tattoos.And then there is the practice of ear piercing. Although this was long theprovince of females in the United States, many males now do it as well. Howabout piercing the navel, the nose, the tongue, or sex organs? Those are nowcommon fashions for our youth. Even serious surgical procedures are com-monplace means of body manipulation in this culture, such as nose jobs, face-lifts, breast implants, hair transplants, liposuction, and the list goes on—all inthe name of improved physical appearance.

American culture more readily accepts tall, large women than dosome Asian countries. The average height of a woman in this country isabout five feet six inches. This is considered very tall in Japan. Japanesewomen are small and petite. Many Chinese women have small builds, too.An American woman of average height looks like a giant in either country;she towers over both men and women. Preferred body type and height varyfrom culture to culture. Some cultures prefer hearty, hefty women who cando strenuous chores. Anorexic, waif-like women would be rejected in suchcultures.

In short, physical appearance and attractiveness are highly influential inintercultural communication. Those who do not look like they belong to theculture will not be listened to, will not be able to persuade others, and there-fore will not successfully communicate with others. Anyone who does not fitthe physical norm of the culture will have trouble communicating in that cul-ture. When we are in other cultures, we should try to respect and conform asmuch as possible to the norms of that culture.

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TABLE 14.1

Gestures and Body Movements from Axtell

Greetings

Americans—Good, firm grip, looking straight in the eye.Middle East—salaam (right hand sweeps upward, first touching the heart, then the

forehead, and finally up and outward, perhaps a slight nod of headand words, meaning “Peace be with you”).

Eskimos—bang the other party with a hand on either the head or shoulder.Maori tribespeople in New Zealand—rub noses.Some East African tribes—spit at each other’s feet.South America—handshake and hearty clap on back.

Farewells

Americans—goodbye wave (hand up, palm out, wrist stiff) with a back and forthmotion of forearm and hand.

Europeans—arm up and extended out, with the palm down and the hand bobbing upand down at wrist.

Italians and Greeks—arm extended, palm up, curling all the fingers back and forthtoward themselves.

Beckoning

Americans—raise a hand (with index finger raised) about head high or a littlehigher, or raise the hand with the full open palm; wave back and forthto attract attention.

Much of Europe and many Latin American countries—extend the arm, hand out,palm down, and then make a scratching motion with the fingers.

Colombia—clap the hands lightly.

Insulting (Perhaps Obscene) Gestures (Meaning Equivalent)

Americans—Single middle finger salute.Arabs—extending the hand, palm down, fingers splayed outward, with the middle

finger directed down.Russians—bend back the middle finger of one hand with the forefinger of the other.Yugoslavia—bend the arm at the elbow, make a fist (with knuckles away from face)

and shake the fist once.North America, Latin America, and parts of Europe—the forearm jerk (right arm is

bent at the elbow and the left hand comes chopping down into thecrook of the elbow while the fist of the right hand is jerked upward).

Adapted from R. E, Axtell (1991). Gestures; The do’s and taboos of body language around the world. New York:John Wiley & Sons.

Gesture and Movement

Axtell (1991) says, “gestures and body language are not only powerful commu-nicators but . . . different cultures [also] use gestures and body language in dra-matically different ways” (p. 1991). People of all cultures learn the gestures andmovements of their particular culture (see Table 14.1). This idea is reinforced

by Morrison, Conaway, and Borden (1994) in Kiss, Bow, or Shake Hands:How to Do Business in 60 Countries. Their book gives a breakdown of howpeople in certain cultures speak, act, negotiate, and make decisions. It alsoreviews cultural, business, and time orientations. In a world of increasing glob-alization and cultural interaction, it is necessary to understand how otherscommunicate (see Table 14.2). For example, North Americans use the OK handsign to mean that everything is all right. Several years ago, a U.S. vice presidentvisited a country in South America. While he was exiting the airplane, someonefrom below asked, “How was the trip?” The vice president did not think hecould be heard over the crowd, so he used the OK sign. In the country he wasvisiting, however, the sign was interpreted the way “shooting the bird” is inter-preted here. The local paper printed a picture of our vice president giving theequivalent of the bird to that country. Needless to say, the people of the countrywere not pleased (demonstrations, egg throwing, etc.).

Axtell (1991) suggests that gestures can also be a valuable form of publicopinion polling. Axtell says that according to People magazine, at least oneU.S. politician had this system of gauging his popularity: “I watch the crowdswaving to me and I count the number of fingers they’re using” (p. 16).

People from different parts of the world differ substantially in their ges-turing (Axtell, Briggs, Corcoran, & Lamb, 1997; Brault, 1962; Jakobson,1976; Saitz & Cervenka, 1972; Welch, 1979; Yousef, 1976). The biggest dif-ferences are in the use of emblems, which, you will recall, are gestures that cansubstitute for language equivalents. Cultures have very different emblems thatthey use to communicate the same meaning. Some emblems are shared by twocultures, but they represent different meanings. Also, there are emblems em-ployed by one culture for which another culture may have no equivalent, andvice versa.

The use of our hands can mean many different things in different cul-tures. For example, an Ethiopian puts one finger to her or his lips to show si-lence when motioning to a child but uses four fingers when motioning silenceto an adult; Ethiopians consider it disrespectful to use only one finger whenmotioning to an adult. In the United States, we use one finger to the lips forboth children and adults. The OK sign references totally different meanings indifferent cultures. In Japan, it references money. It could represent female gen-italia if a man used it in front of a woman he was attempting to seduce. Whendirected toward a man, it can be an indication about what the person makingthe gesture thinks of his masculinity. Therefore the OK emblem can be inter-preted many different ways. It depends on the culture. It is also clear that thisone emblem could create many communication misunderstandings across cul-tures. For example, one of the authors and a friend visited Brazil. Before leav-ing for Brazil, they read as much as they could about gestures that Brazilianssaw as pleasing as well as those they saw as negative. The American OK signturned sideways was used in Brazil to indicate what Americans indicate byusing the middle finger. The friend was in need of buying a pair of sandals. Hestopped at a local shoe store. The store owner spoke no English and the friendspoke no Portuguese. Yet the friend picked out a pair of sandals. When he

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TABLE 14.2

Greetings, Gestures, Gifts, and Time

Country Greetings Gestures Gifts Time

1. Brazil Effusive, extendedhandshakes.

OK sign is vulgar. Good luck is thumb between index and middle finger while in a fist.

Avoid purple/black = mourning. Knives =severing relationship. Buylunch/dinner first meeting.

Dinners from 7–10 p.m.or until 2 a.m.

2. China Nod, bow, or handshake.

Do not speak with hands.Point with open hand.

A banquet. High-quality pens, liquors, cognac.

Banquets start 6:30 & 7 p.m.,last two hours.

3. Denmark Handshakes firm & brief for both arriving/leaving.

OK sign is insult. In theater,enter with back to stage,not seated people.

Flowers, chocolates.Illustrated book of United States.

Be prompt. Expect to be at table a long time.

4. England Handshake. Say “How do you do?”

Impolite to talk with hands in pocket. Give V with palm facing outward.Inward is insulting, rude.

Invite out for meal. Flowers, liquor,champagne, chocolates.

Lunch 12–2 p.m. Dinner 7–11 p.m. Be prompt.

5. France Shake hands. Touch cheeks. Kissing the air.

Thumbs-up means OK.OK sign means zero. Don’t chew gum in public.

Good taste is everything.Books, music, flowers,good liquors, chocolates.

Lunch lasts two hours.Dinner 8 or 9 p.m.

6. Germany Shake hands firmly. Men may kiss woman’s hand.

Formal/reserved. Little smiling. Few displays ofaffection.

Good quality but not exorbitant cost. Pens,calculators, or imported liquors.

No breakfast meetings.Be on time for lunch & dinner.

7. India Know each ethnic religious group’s norms. Do not hug,kiss, or touch in public. Handshake may work.

Never touch another’s head. Beckon by holding hand out, palm downward,and making scooping motionswith fingers. Arms akimbo will be viewed as anger.

Small gift of flowers or chocolate. No frangipaniblossoms, associated with death.

Can be a few minutes late,unless official function.

8. Italy Shake hands whenarriving or leaving.Handshakes may includegrasping the arm withother hand. Women maykiss or touch cheeks ofgood friends. Men mayembrace and slap eachother on the back.

Talk with hands is good. Stroke fingertips under chin and thrust out = thumbing your nose at someone.

Business cards. Liquors or delicacies, or crafts from your homeland.

Pace is slower. Be patient and calm.

9. Japan Very aware of Westernhabits. Handshake isgood. Their handshakesmay be soft or limp. Bowis the traditionalgreeting.

OK sign means money. High-context culture. All gesturescarry meaning. Shruggingshoulders and winking meansnothing to Japanese. Beckon tocome is done with palm down.

Ceremony of gift giving is moreimportant than gift. Japanese may give expensive gifts; we must accept them.

Be fashionably late for social occasions. Meals long but over by 11 p.m.

10. Saudi Arabia

Wait for Saudi to initiategreeting. Handshakes orkisses on each cheek.Women are not wellreceived here.

Left hand is considered unclean. Gesture with right.Eat with right. Do not point—impolite. Keep feet on ground—never show bottom of foot to an Arab.

Saudi hospitality is legendary. We are not expected to bring gift.

Slower. Be very patient.Meetings start slowly.Decision making takes a long time.

Adapted from T. Morrison. W. H. Conway, and G. A. Borden (1994). Kiss, bow, or shake hands: How to do business in 60 countries. Holbrook, MA: Adams Media Corporation.

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tried them on, however, they were the wrong size. He then used gestures to in-dicate he needed a larger size and the store owner complied. There was quiteof bit of back-and-forth about the use of the American credit card, but finallythe transaction was complete. The friend was so happy about the situationthat he used the OK sign. Whether the store owner thought somethingnegative about that is still unknown, but he could have, and this situationcould have been avoided if the friend had remembered what he had learnedabout gestures in the Brazilian culture and had employed them properly.

According to Morsbach (1976), in Japan the little finger pointed straightup can refer to a girlfriend, wife, or mistress. Rapidly crossing the index fin-gers refers to a fight. Last, licking an index finger and then drawing it over aneyebrow is a way of suggesting that someone is a liar. Morsbach says that in-stead of the latter gesture, the word mayutsuba can be uttered in the appropri-ate context, which enables a Japanese person to imply lying and deceptionwithout saying the equivalent of the word liar.

The use of the head often creates communication misunderstandings. Insome parts of eastern Europe, Africa, and Asia, a person nods her or his headwhen in disagreement and shakes her or his head when in agreement; whereas,in the United States we do the reverse. One of the authors of this textbook expe-rienced this contrast in behaviors while lecturing to a large number of studentsseveral years ago. As he was lecturing, many students would nod in agreement.However, one student shook his head while the others were nodding. This con-fused the instructor, and after class he approached the student who had beenshaking his head in apparent disagreement. He found out that the student wasfrom a part of India where shaking one’s head meant agreement. Therefore thisstudent had agreed with the other students, and he was using the gesture appro-priate for his culture to signify agreement.

In Japan, the head nod may only mean continued attention, not necessar-ily agreement. You might find that a Japanese person totally disagrees withyou, but he or she will nod out of respect until you have finished speaking.Jakobson (1976) found that Bulgarians throw their heads back and then returntheir heads to an upright position for “no.” Many westerners could misinter-pret this to mean “yes.” In Korea, shaking one’s head from side to side indi-cates “I don’t know.” In U.S. culture, shrugging one’s shoulders suggests“I don’t know.”

Certain meanings are derived from movements that require use of morebody parts than just the head or hands. For example, the Japanese bow involvesmost of the body. There is a pecking order for who bows to whom and howdeeply one bows. The rule is that women bow to men and juniors bow to seniors.The rules are more complicated than one would think. For example, how oftenone should bow, how long, and how deep all have to be considered in a relation-ship. Bows are usually reciprocated.

The bow is usually a form of greeting or respect. Americans typicallylearn to bow even when they have been in Japan for only a few hours.However, they seldom really learn the exact way of doing it. The Japanesewould never criticize a guest in their country. They are simply amused by the

Americans trying to imitate them. When bowing, one must be careful to moveone’s head slightly to the right so as not to strike the other person’s head.Americans often forget this. When bowing, people should lower their eyes andkeep their palms flat against their thighs. The handshake as a form of greetingis a western import to Japan. Cosmopolitan Japanese and Americans oftenshake hands and bow simultaneously. Thais greet one another with a Wai.They hold their hands together (as if praying) in front of them and bow, whilesaying, “Sawadee.” The gesture is used more now among the older citizens,but it still occurs between those of higher and lower status. The higher one’sstatus being addressed, the higher the hands should be.

Brault (1962) found a complicated routine in France for communicatingexquisiteness. The French pinch the fingers of the right hand together, pointthem toward and raise them to their lips, then kiss the fingers and raise theminto the air. The chin is held high and the eyes closed slightly. Brault suggeststhat Americans use this routine for more than expressing exquisiteness. TheFrench reserve it for acknowledging only very exquisite things.

Ishii (1973, 1975) explored the posture of the Japanese. He found thatteishisei, or low posture, is a sign of acceptance or respect. People who havemodest teishisei are often trusted, loved, and accepted. People who have teishiseiand are quiet or smile often in public are seen as successful. Japanese do notstand up immediately to greet an American or European entering a room.Japanese women have been taught to keep low posture and remain quiet whengreeting seniors. Japanese at American parties usually stay reserved and quietand may sit quietly in a corner or talk to other Japanese guests.

Klopf and Park (1982) suggest that younger Japanese people no longer usethe Asian form of squatting down to relax. Many in the older generation still do.Younger Japanese males sit in a chair with their legs crossed. In Kuwait, the morewesternized men shake hands with other men in a greeting situation. A fewKuwaiti men will shake hands with western women, but many will not. They aresimply not used to interacting with western women. A more traditional greetingbetween men in Kuwait follows this pattern: “Men grasp each other’s right hand,placing the left hand on the other’s right shoulder, and exchanging kisses on eachcheek” (Morrison et al., 1994). Imagine how uncomfortable American men feelwhen approached with the traditional Kuwaiti greeting. When greeting or eatingin Saudi Arabia, only use the right hand, even if you are left-handed. The lefthand is reserved for hygiene duties and should never be used in eating or greetinganother person.

In Romania, shaking hands occurs all the time, when greeting, meeting,leaving, and acknowledging. No matter how many times a Romanian sees an-other person during the day, a handshake is always exchanged. A man willwait for the woman to extend her hand before shaking it. Occasionally, moretraditional Romanian men will kiss a woman’s hand.

It is clear from the above discussion that gestures and body movementssuggest different meanings from one culture to the next. It is also clear that suc-cessful communication across cultures can take place only if one understandsthe nonverbal behaviors of both cultures.

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Face and Eye Behavior

In any culture, faces communicate emotions, personality, and obvious demo-graphic characteristics such as age, ethnic group, nationality, and sex.Research done by Ekman, Friesen, and Ellsworth (1972), and by Izard (1969)suggests that the basic human emotions are transmitted by the same facialexpressions across western Europe, South America, and even parts of NewGuinea. The Ekman studies found that people worldwide can identify correctlythe primary emotions of sadness, happiness, anger, surprise, disgust, interest,contempt, and fear. Izard found that both adults and children in a primitiveculture of New Guinea could identify most of them, but they confused fearwith surprise. Ekman found that people worldwide are fairly good encodersand decoders of the basic facial expressions. Ekman also showed that decodersfrom the United States, England, Germany, Spain, France, Greece, Switzerland,and Japan can interpret facial expressions as displaying the same emotion. Healso found that these cultures are fairly accurate at judging the intensity of anemotion.

However, this does not mean that facial expressions are pan-cultural.Although many cultures recognize the primary facial expressions, we must re-member that in every culture there will be culture-specific differences based onthe context (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1972; Ekman, 1971, 1975, 2003; Ekman, Friesen,& Ellsworth, 1972; Iliffe, 1960; Keltner, 1997; Klopf, 1998; Rosenberg, 1997;Simons, 1997). For example, females in North America are allowed to be moreexpressive than females in Iran or Japan. The Japanese culture is conditionedto mask emotions. We have all heard the phrase “the inscrutable Japanese.”They may not use many facial expressions, but they can recognize them.Children in North America can be more expressive and questioning than chil-dren in many Eastern cultures. Ekman (1971) suggests that it is “likely thatthere is much more cultural variability in blends of facial expression than in fa-cial expressions of primary emotions” (p. 223).

According to Klopf and Park (1982), Koreans usually have fixed, rigidfacial expressions when meeting new people. However, they are very warmand receptive to their friends. In public, Koreans are cold and distant, but inprivate they are warmer.

Klopf and Park have also discussed the smiling behavior of the Japanese.They suggest that the “Japanese smile is not always a spontaneous expressionof amusement or friendliness as it is among Americans” (p. 88). The Japanesesmile is an acculturated dimension of their culture. Japanese people are taughtto smile as a form of etiquette and will smile even when it seems inappropriate.Klopf (1998) cites the following incident in history:

The smile of the Japanese ambassador to the United States an-nouncing the imminent attack on Pearl Harbor to American offi-cials was completely misinterpreted by millions of Americans whosaw newspaper photographs of the scene or read about it in the pa-pers. The ambassador was observing Japanese custom when he

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smiled. Children are taught in Japan to smile as a social duty evenin case of sorrowful circumstances. Rather than show sorrow, cul-tural ritual requires the smile. The ambassador personally opposedthe attack and did not like the news he was forced to deliver.Custom dictated that he smile. That smile was misunderstood bymuch of the world. It helped spur the American forces to a greaterwar effort. Photos of the smiling ambassador were tacked up in ar-mament factories, military barracks, and the cockpits of Americanbombers to help motivate the nation to win the war. (p. 88)

Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1972) found some similarities across cultures in social greet-ings. He found that Europeans, South American Indians, Samoans, and SouthAfrican bushmen will give an “eyebrow flash” when they are greeting a friendat a distance. An eyebrow flash involves moving the eyebrows up and downslightly while keeping the eyebrow raised at the highest level for about one-sixth of a second. This would look very strange to us in greeting. However, weuse the eyebrow flash many times when we are surprised or are questioningsomething.

Eye behavior takes many forms in different cultures. In this culture, weare taught not to stare. It is considered impolite in most circumstances—a factthat tells us how important people feel eye behavior is. We have learned to usethe unfocused stare when we need it. When we walk through a shopping malland don’t really want any eye contact, we use the unfocused stare. When wedon’t want to confront someone, we use an unfocused stare. Students use thison teachers in the classroom. The unfocused stare involves looking intently atnothing. In many cultures, staring is much more customary, particularly star-ing at strangers or attractive women. Americans traveling in such countriescan become uncomfortable and often find the people in those cultures to bevery impolite.

In our culture, eye contact is a significant part of the courtship dance ofthe male and female. Eye-to-body contact is the first step, eye-to-eye is the sec-ond step. If the female does not hold the male’s eye contact, she has essentiallysaid “go away.” If the male cannot take the lack of eye contact as the cue, shewill tell him in step three to get lost. Many people in this culture do not follownonverbal cues. A male may continue staring. A female may respond when sheshould not.

In Japanese culture, the male and female engaging in courtship rarelylook one another in the eye. Japanese males look elsewhere while they say ro-mantic phrases. Japanese females usually act very shy and do not engage inmuch eye contact. In Japanese culture, eye contact is relevant, but in a differ-ent way than it is in American culture. In this culture, we place much value ondirect eye contact. For example, if someone does not look us in the eye, we feeldisliked, as if they were being inattentive to what we are saying, and we mighteven think that they were trying to deceive us.

It is not customary in Japan to look others in the eye. It makes Japanesepeople uneasy and uncomfortable to have much eye contact. Therefore Japanese

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and Americans often misperceive each other because the nonverbal behaviors areso distinct. The Japanese often look down or at other things when talking witheach other. This is disturbing to Americans. However, in the Japanese culture,downcast or closed eyes at a meeting or conference are signs of attentiveness andagreement, not rejection and disagreement. Americans often misinterpret down-cast or closed eyes as signs of disagreement, disinterest, or rejection.

In Nigerian culture, prolonged eye contact with a superior is considereddisrespectful. Klopf (1998) and Klopf and Park (1982) cite the example of anAmerican Peace Corps volunteer in Nigeria who kept telling his class to look athim. He had many problems with the students and their parents. He finallylearned that in Nigeria, it is disrespectful for students to look at teachers. As anAmerican, he needed and wanted eye contact from his students. The Nigerianstudents felt it very disrespectful to have prolonged eye contact with him, sothey looked down.

Puerto Rican children are also taught as a sign of obedience and respectnot to share eye contact with adults. To show respect in Asian cultures, onedoes not look the other in the eye. In addition, Asian men do not stare atwomen, and vice versa. A woman who makes her living on the streets is al-lowed to stare at men. In France, however, it is quite common for men to stareat women and to appraise their bodies.

Clearly facial expressions and eye contact communicate various meaningsacross cultures. We definitely need to educate ourselves as to these various mean-ings so that we can more fully understand people from other cultures and notoffend them when communicating with them.

Vocal Behavior

Everything about our voices communicates. Our vocal variety, rate, volume,pauses, and even silence communicate. It is not only how we talk that matters,but also whether we talk.

The general U.S. culture respects talkativeness. People are evaluatedmore positively the more they talk, up to a very high amount. The Amish usethe absence of talk as a punishment. They use silence as means of shunning, orpunishing, someone for inappropriate behavior. Japanese culture, in contrast,respects quietness. The Japanese are a silent people, especially when listeningto someone they respect. Sometimes they will not disagree with you even ifthey feel you are wrong. Silence, of course, should not be perceived as non-communication. Silence can have a variety of functions, such as creating inter-personal distance, showing respect for others, punishing others, and avoidingembarrassment for others.

In many cultures, it is appropriate to make vocal noises of enjoymentwhile eating. It is not uncommon for Koreans and some Germans to belch atthe dinner table (Hur & Hur, 1988). This signifies enjoyment of the meal.Americans and English find this behavior rude and intolerable. Koreans find itappropriate to blow one’s nose at the dinner table, but this would be consid-ered gross in many cultures. Japanese hiss or inhale their breath while talking

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to others as a sign of respect. It gives the other person time to think. This isdifficult for westerners to deal with. On the other hand, westerners use manyfilled and unfilled pauses as well as ahs and hums. This is difficult for theJapanese to respond to. Germans and Russians have very strong, demonstra-tive vocalic tones that say to Americans and Asians, “I am right; do not dis-agree.” This prompts perceptions of rudeness and arrogance.

Thus it is easy to understand why people have difficulty communicatingacross cultures. Not only the languages but also the vocal behaviors differ sub-stantially (Ishii, 1973, 1975; Klopf, 1998; Klopf & Ishii, 1984; Klopf & Park,1982).

Space

Space talks. How we use space and territory tells something about our culture.On occasion, our culture dictates how we use space. South Americans, Greeks,Arabs, and Italians establish a much closer proximity when interacting than doNorth Americans. For example, Arabs like to be able to “breathe each other’sbreath” when talking. Shuter (1976, 1977) found that Costa Ricans establishcloser proximity when communicating than Panamanians or Colombians do.Shuter also found that German men prefer greater distances when interacting;whereas, Italian men prefer closer distances. Jones (1971) found that Chinese inNew York City interact at greater distances than Puerto Ricans and Italians do.In general, Asians, Pakistanis, Native Americans, North Americans, and northernEuropeans prefer greater distances when talking than do southern Europeans,Arabs, and South Americans.

Space preference is influenced by cultural norms. Besides cultural norms,such things as economic background and density of population influence spa-tial norms. For example, it is not unusual in Japanese culture to find familiessleeping in one bedroom even if they have extra bedrooms. Many sections ofJapan are densely populated, but this does not seem to be the reason for fami-lies sleeping in one room. Japanese family norms dictate close family bonding.Therefore Japanese often sleep in one bedroom to have closeness. Of courselarger families share more rooms.

The use of space by different cultures can communicate various mean-ings. For example, standing too far away from one who expects you to standclose might be perceived as aloofness or coldness. Standing too close to anotherperson might be perceived as pushiness or aggressiveness. Klopf and Park(1982) make the point well:

The South American automatically tries to step closer to the NorthAmerican while the latter backs away. Each attempts to establishwhat he feels is the “correct” distance. In doing so, each produces anonverbal message. The South American begins to believe that theNorth American is distant and remote and perhaps even downrightunfriendly. In such an extreme situation, space becomes a powerfulnonverbal communicator, and the verbal message tends to becomecompletely overshadowed and virtually inconsequential. (p. 78)

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Touch

Like space and other nonverbal behaviors, touch differs from culture to culture(Carbaugh, 1990; Frank, 1982; Gudykunst & Yun Kim, 1997; Neuliep, 2002;Klopf, 1998). Touch is a relevant form of communication in every culture. It hasbeen said that touch may well be the most intimate form of communication inthe U.S. culture. This is primarily because we are selective about where andwhom we touch. U.S. culture is considered a noncontact-oriented culture.Despite the culture, touch can communicate love, caring, warmth, anger, happi-ness, sadness, or a variety of emotional states. This section reviews the variousforms of touch and what they suggest in a variety of cultures.

Frank (1982) says that “each culture builds upon the early tactile experi-ence of the infant and child a more or less elaborate series of patterns of adultconduct in which tactile surrogates and symbolic fulfillments are provided”(p. 288). For example, we teach our children how others say “don’t touch,”what certain touching means, and how to respond to touch. Frank suggests thatit would take much “time and space to do more than mention the cultural pat-terning of person-to-person tactile communications” (p. 287). This is becauseof the variety of touching behaviors in cultures. He cites several such touchingbehaviors: handshake; removing a glove; dancing; rubbing noses or foreheads;clasping arms, shoulders, and waists; embracing knees; kissing; laying on ofhands; slapping; and spanking.

Courtship takes place in every culture in the world, and the rituals forcourtship vary from culture to culture. As noted earlier, the male is typicallythe pursuer in U.S. culture, and the female is typically the pursued. The type,amount, and duration of the touch between males and females determines howfar the courtship will go. If the female does not respond to the male’s armaround her waist, he should realize he has gone as far as he can go, at least fora while. The American female is more accessible to touch than the male. InIreland, a couple may not hold hands until a considerable amount of acquain-tance time has passed. Unmarried Muslim couples in Malaysia are forbiddento embrace or hold each other or have similar close contact. If they are caught,they face a substantial fine. The Japanese do not condone public displays ofaffection. Depending on the social status or class, some countries still requirechaperones for the females. Cross-sexual contact is not widely used or acceptedby adults in most Asian cultures. Tactile forms such as kissing, holding hands,patting, and hugging are reserved for private situations. Therefore there is lit-tle contact in Asian cultures between men and women in public. Sechrest(1969) studied cross-sexual student couples on college campuses. He foundthat the Asian cross-sexual couples touched less than the Caucasian couples.

Same-sex touching occurs in other cultures. However, our culture hasmade it almost taboo for males to touch other males except in very unusualcircumstances. For example, when the U.S. men’s basketball team won thegold medal at the Olympics in 1984, the men were hugging, kissing, and pat-ting one another. If we saw two men hugging, kissing, and patting on MainStreet, USA, many would assume that they were homosexual. In Korea, bothmen and women often hold hands, link arms, or walk hip to hip with the same

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sex. Walking close demonstrates friendship, not sexual interest. Touch thatmeans affection between sexes is reserved for private places in Korean culture.In Japan, it is not uncommon to see men and women touching as they walk inthe street. Young women even walk arm in arm, and boys touch and jostleeach other on the street. Italian Americans touch more often than Anglo-Americans. It is common for African, Arab, and Southeast Asian males to holdhands as a sign of friendship. Among European females, the handshake is verycommon.

Touch plays an important role in the home. In a classic survey, Welchasked 2,200 children from ages seven to eleven how they were rewarded forgood behavior. Almost two-thirds of the children said they were hugged. Theyalso said they liked it. Kaleina (1979) reported that pets get more lovingstrokes than humans in the United States. He suggests that U.S. culture hasmore loving contact with its pets than its family members. In our culture, weallow our touch to decrease from early infancy on. Senior citizens receive lesstouch than any other group in our culture. Research suggests that theAmerican mother has more vocal contact with her infant than tactile; whereas,the Japanese mother has more tactile contact with her infant than vocal. TheJewish and Italian subcultures in the United States probably give their childrenmore tactile experiences than the Anglo subculture. In fact, mothers in theAnglo subculture are encouraged to leave their children alone or not touchthem after a certain age, particularly the boys. Girls in the Anglo culture re-ceive more touch from their parents than boys do.

Americans, Germans, and English are more offended by accidental touchby strangers than people in Asian cultures. This is because of the amount ofspace each culture is granted. Many Asian cultures have limited space, so theyignore, or at least are not offended by, accidental touch. However, Americans,Germans, and English are used to demanding more space and getting it, sothey are often offended by the accidental touch of a stranger.

In general, we can classify cultures by their orientations toward tactilecommunication. The Caucasian North American, German, English, and manyAsian cultures are generally noncontact-oriented. The Japanese exhibit lesscontact than any of the other cultures. Southern Europeans, Jews, Italians,Greek Americans, Arabs, and Puerto Ricans are generally more contact-oriented. Often this difference can create communication misunderstandings.When two people communicate who have different touch orientations, thecommunication can be misunderstood. Klopf and Park (1982) suggest, that“what is ‘normal’ for one group is not necessarily ‘normal’ for another.” As aresult, serious misunderstandings can occur. “An Anglo-American can be per-ceived as reserved and distant . . . an Italian-American or a Greek-American canbe judged as too assertive and pushy” (pp. 90–91). It is not uncommon for mento pinch the buttocks of attractive women in parts of Italy. American womensometimes do not take such behavior as a compliment. It is clear that we needto understand and accept the touch norms of other cultures. Whenever we arein violation of cultural touch norms, we risk seriously offending a person fromanother culture.

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Environment

People are always surrounded by the environment. Its smells, scents, colors, light-ing, seating, and artifacts all influence our communication with one another. It isthe same across cultures. When one enters a new culture, the environment assailsone’s perceptions. Imagine how you would feel taking a bath in a public placewith other men, women, and children (Klopf, 1998; Samovar & Porter, 1976;Thomas-Maddox & Lowery-Hart, 1998). This is quite common in parts ofJapan. Public baths are and have been an acceptable way of life for manyJapanese; whereas, people in some other cultures take baths literally once amonth. Let’s look at another example. Imagine how people from another culturereact to Las Vegas. Some view it as wasteful, frivolous, and brassy. Others see itas the most marvelous place in the world. It depends on what a culture values.

One of the authors recently visited Korea and was taken aback by theodor of garlic. He found out that garlic is the main ingredient in kimchee,one of Korea’s national dishes. He was there for a week, and by the end ofthe week had adjusted to the odor, but it traveled all the way home with himand his luggage.

Air-conditioning is required in North American hotels and in hotelscatering to Americans abroad. Most other countries do not have central airand heat to the degree it exists in the United States. However, people in manycountries have learned that to keep the American tourist satisfied, they musthave air-conditioning and heat. Even in countries such as England and France,people often do not have central heat or air in their own homes. Many hotelsinstall central heat and air just to accommodate American tourists.

In the Philippines, many upper-class citizens have complete and elaboratebathrooms that do not function because they do not have modern sewage sys-tems. To meet American standards, they have bathrooms in their homes thatare not usable. They love to show Americans their bathrooms, but they areonly for show.

When one is visiting another culture, it is essential to find out as soon aspossible what is acceptable and what is not. It is easy to offend someone in an-other culture by attacking their environmental cues. For more reading on envi-ronmental influences read the informative magazine called Feng Shui.

Scent

We touched briefly on scent in the environment section. Scent communicatesdifferent things in different cultures. The greater North American culture ismore concerned about smelling good than is any other culture. Many culturesaccept bodily scents that we do not tolerate. Italians do not cover up theirbody scents. Many European women do not shave their legs or under their armsand consider it grotesque that North American women do. Some other cul-tures do not have the bathing facilities to stay as clean as we do, and othersjust do not take smelling good as seriously as North Americans do. They takesponge baths or simply try to not get dirty. Therefore their odors maybe stronger than ours. In another culture, we have to be careful not to offend

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people by being too concerned about their personal hygiene habits. We mustcontinue to communicate with them and accept their ways. After all, our waysand odors are strange to them.

Time

Time communicates and affects our communication with others (Horton,1976; Ishii, 1973, 1975; Klopf, 1998; Shuter, 1977). Even in this culture wejudge others based on their use of time. Southern people in the United Statesare more casual about time than northerners. This creates an immense amountof negative stereotyping. Northerners perceive southerners as slow, lazy, anddumb but really nice. Southerners perceive northerners to be pushy, aggressive,and too fast. Hawaiians and Mexican Americans are less concerned abouttime and meeting a time schedule than most North Americans. If such relativelysmall differences create negative perceptions, imagine how other cultural timeorientations that are different can foster misperceptions.

Many Latin Americans and Arabs prefer to conduct several businessmeetings and activities simultaneously (when this is done via computer, we callit multitasking). Therefore, they will schedule several meetings at one time.This insults the American businessperson, who believes that you can do onlyone thing at a time. This misunderstanding of time can lead to negative percep-tions. The Arabs and Latin Americans could perceive the American as de-manding and selfish. The American could perceive the Latin Americans andArabs as unconcerned about the business to be discussed.

In conversations, Americans talk faster and more, pause less often, fillsilent pauses, and interject comments more often and more quickly than theJapanese do. The Japanese use silence more. To the Japanese, silence can be usedas a means of respect for the other person or to show that one is thinking. ToAmericans, the talk time must be fast-paced. The Japanese like talk time to bewell managed and thoughtful. Ishii (1975) surveyed businessmen and femalesecretaries in Japan about silence and eloquence. The survey revealed that76 percent of the respondents believed that silent men were more likely to succeedthan eloquent men. It also revealed that 65 percent of the secretaries would se-lect silent men to marry. Thirty-six percent of those who felt they were eloquentwould rather be perceived as silent; whereas, only 22 percent of the silent menwanted to be eloquent in the future.

Americans are very time-oriented, perhaps even more so than the Swiss,British, and Germans. Americans emphasize scheduling and segmentation. Theclock is the controller. Americans, Swiss, and Germans hate to be kept waiting.They like people to be on time. They judge people by how punctual or late theyare. In U.S. culture, we expect people to actually be early, not on time or late foran appointment. Latin Americans are usually late. In fact, it is a sign of respect tobe late or to start things later than scheduled. If a Latin American sets a party fora given time, it will not begin until much later. The Japanese call before they visit.According to Klopf and Park (1982), the Japanese “may arrive not at a specifiedhour but anytime during the day” (p. 83).

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Hall (1977) has pointed out the importance of high- and low-contextcultures. Hall wrote, “HC (high-context) transactions feature preprogrammedinformation that is in the receiver and in the setting, with only minimal infor-mation in the transmitted message” (p. 101). And although one of the authorshad read Hall years ago (decades ago), he had forgotten much about it. Thetext came into play when the author was invited to teach class at a universityin Bangkok. The United States is a low-context culture, and Thailand is a high-context culture. First, the author thought there would be a written contract,but in fact there never was one. Anyone at the Thai university would knowthat, but not the author. The author repeatedly tried to determine such thingsas when the class meets, how long it meets, when he would obtain a class roll,and where he would turn in grades. Many of these things happened, but therewas no schedule for them to happen. Incidentally, he never received a classroll. But classes met all day for eight days, chosen what the author consideredto be almost at random. Eventually, the classes were taught, the students re-ceived grades, and the professor was paid. When a person from an LC (low-context) culture enters an HC culture, the person needs to learn to be a littlemore laid back and flexible. Many Americans are too structured and pro-grammed in their own ways to adapt to the different approach. It works. Butyou must learn to adapt.

Obviously, in having contact with people from another culture, one cannever take time for granted. It may be a serious breach of etiquette to treattime as one would in one’s own culture. Be sure to find out—before such con-tact occurs, if possible—how the other culture’s time system is arranged. Donot be surprised if it makes no sense to you. Just try to adapt as best you can.

GOALS TO SEEK

In today’s world, it is highly likely that all of us will have contact with peoplefrom other cultures. Many educated Americans hold jobs that require extensiveintercultural contact. From this chapter, it should be clear that learning to con-trol our nonverbal communication behavior when we are interacting with aperson from another culture is no simple task. It is difficult for us to decide howmuch effort to put into such learning unless we know it will be critical to ourfutures. Most people in the past have chosen to devote very little time indeed.

While traveling in Europe, one of the authors noted some graffitiscrawled on a restroom wall in Amsterdam. It read as follows:

Speaks three languages = trilingual

Speaks two languages = bilingual

Speaks one language = American

His own lack of skill in any language other than American English had beenfully impressed on him in his early stops on his trip. The humor of the graffitiwas tempered with a recognition of the truth it suggested. Very few Americansare truly bilingual. Far fewer are bicultural. Most have little understanding ofnonverbal communication in any other culture.

308 C H A P T E R 1 4 Intercultural Relationships

Goals to Seek 309

Knowledge of a language does not provide an understanding of a cul-ture. For example, many cultures speak Spanish, but the cultures differ fromeach other in extreme ways. The nonverbal behaviors of a culture are as im-portant if not more so to understanding the culture as is the language of theculture. Many believe that the study of the nonverbal behavior of various cul-tures is as valuable to the American who may need to travel widely as is thestudy of foreign languages. People accept the fact that one cannot know all ofthe languages of the world. What they do not accept is rude and discourteousbehavior—the nonverbal social blunders that occur when one is not familiarwith the nonverbal norms of a given culture. In recognition of this fact, morebusiness organizations are developing training programs for their employeeswho must venture abroad on behalf of the company.

There are essentially three types of people in today’s world: monocultural,bi- or multicultural, and acultural. The vast majority of the people on earth fitin the first category: they are a product of a single culture and have little or nounderstanding or appreciation of any other culture. People in the second groupare a product of one culture but have learned to adapt to the ways of one or more other cultures. Such people can flow from one culture to another andbe accepted by the culture in which they find themselves. They have masterednot only the language but also the nonverbal behaviors of more than one cul-ture. Most of us envy such people and wish we could be like them, but few ofus are willing to devote the years of effort and study required to make that wisha reality.

The third category of people often is not recognized as different from thesecond, but it is very different. These people are acultural. By this we meanthat they are not the product of any given culture. The best example of such aperson is one who is born in and spends many years in one culture and thenmoves to another culture and spends many years in that culture. Many immi-grants fall into this category. Sometimes their children do also. They may moveback and forth between two cultures, but they are never fully accepted in anyone because they cannot fully adapt their language or nonverbal behaviors inthe transitions. They become hybrids that do not really fit anywhere exceptwith similar hybrids. Many children of American military families who moveall over the world report feeling that they are in this category.

Because many of us are destined to remain in our monocultural worlds,becoming bi- or multicultural is not a realistic goal, and—because we obvi-ously do not want to give up our own culture to become acultural—we needto consider what goals we can set to help us to communicate with peoplefrom other cultures who may be just as monocultural as we are. Harris andMoran (1991), Klopf (1998), and Thomas-Maddox and Lowery-Hart (1998)have suggested skills we can learn that will aid in our cultural and diversityawareness:

1. Be nonjudgmental; avoid moralistic, value-laden evaluative statements;listen.

2. Be tolerant of differences and ambiguity; recognize differences.3. Show respect; verbally and nonverbally convey positive regard and interest.

310 C H A P T E R 1 4 Intercultural Relationships

4. Personalize remarks; recognize your own values (say “I think,” or “Ibelieve”).

5. Empathize; try to think as the other person would, or share his or herfeelings and emotions.

6. Take turns; try to have some conversational turn-taking. Don’t try to con-trol the conversation; share and learn from one another.

7. Be patient. It takes time to fully understand others and for them to un-derstand you.

Symbols of diversity and different cultures

8. Be less ethnocentric. Display less ethnocentrism.9. Realize that diversity and diverse ways of communicating are here to

stay. Let’s learn and adapt.

Although such skills probably are best fostered by traveling and living for pe-riods of time in another culture, we can also improve our skills by taking thetime and effort to seek out people from other cultures in our own environmentwith whom we can interact. Remember, most people from other cultures arejust as interested in learning about our culture and how to adapt to us as weare in learning about their culture and how to adapt to them. Such mutuallearning can occur anywhere on the globe.

Glossary of Terminology

Ethnocentrism is the view thatone’s own culture is the center of theuniverse, that the ways of one’s ownculture are the normal, natural, andcorrect way of thinking about anddoing things.Intercultural communication is thecommunication between people ofdifferent cultures; it occurs when a

person from one culture talks to aperson from another.Subculture a collection of peoplewho possess conscious membershipin an identifiable unit of an encom-passing, larger cultural unit.Xenophobia is the fear of con-fronting or communicating withstrangers.

Glossary of Terminology 311

R E F E R E N C E S A N D S E L E C T E DR E A D I N G S

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312

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Chapter 3

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Knapp, M. L., and Hall, J. A. (1992).Nonverbal communication in humaninteraction (3rd ed.). New York: Holt,Rinehart & Winston.

Kramer, E. (1963). Judgment of personalcharacteristics and emotions fromnonverbal properties of speech.Psychological Bulletin, 60, 408–420.

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Lalljee, M. G., and Cook, M. (1969). An exper-imental investigation of the function offilled pauses in speech. Language andScience, 12, 24–28.

Liggon, C., Weston, J., Ambady, N., Colloton, M.,Rosenthal, R., and Reite, M. (1992).Content-free voice analysis of motherstalking about their failure-to-thrivechildren. Infant Behavior andDevelopment, 15, 507–511.

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Altman, I. (1975). The environment andsocial behavior. Monterey, CA:Brooks/Cole.

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Carey, G. W. (1972, March/April). Density,crowding, stress, and the ghetto.American Behavioral Scientist,495–507.

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Gifford, R., and O’Connor, B. (1986).Nonverbal intimacy: Clarifying therole of seating distance and orienta-tion. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior,10, 207–214.

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Hall, E. T. (1963). A system for the nota-tion of proxemic behavior. AmericanAnthropology, 65, 1003–1026.

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Hall, E. T. (1968). Proxemics. CurrentAnthropology, 9, 83–108.

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Mehrabian, A. (1976). Public places and pri-vate spaces: The psychology of work,play, and living environments. NewYork: Basic Books.

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Studies and applications. (5th ed.). NewYork: Oxford University Press.

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Russo, N. (1967). Connotation of seatingarrangements. Cornell Journal ofSocial Relations, II, 37–44.

Schaffer, D. R., and Sadowski, C. (1975). Thistable is mine: Respect for marked bar-room tables as a function of gender ofspatial marker and desirability oflocale. Sociometry, 38, 408–419.

Scheflen, A. E. (1976). Micro-territories inhuman interaction. In A. Kendon, R.M. Harris, and M. R. Key (eds.),Organization of behavior in face toface interaction (pp. 159–174).Chicago: Mouton-Aldine.

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Sommer, R. (1959). Studies in personalspace. Sociometry, 22, 247–260.

Sommer, R. (1965). Further studies in smallgroup ecology. Sociometry, 28,337–348.

Sommer, R. (1969). Personal space: Thebehavioral basis of design. EnglewoodCliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Watson, O. M. (1970). Proxemic behavior:A cross-cultural study. The Hague:Mouton.

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Buslig, A. L. S. (1999). Stop signs: Regulatingprivacy with environmental features. InL. K. Guerrero, J. A. DeVito, and M. L.Hecht (eds.), The nonverbal communi-cation reader: Classic and contempo-rary readings (pp. 241–249). ProspectHeights, IL: Waveland Press.

Cain, W. S. (1981). Educating your nose.Psychology Today, 15, 48–56.

Carr, S. J., and Dabbs, J. M., Jr. (1974). Theeffects of lighting, distance, and inti-macy of topic on verbal and visualbehavior. Sociometry, 37, 592–600.

Cook, M. (1970). Experiments on orienta-tion and proxemics. Human Relations,23, 61–76.

Gergen, K. J., Gergen, M. M., and Barton, W. H.(1973). Deviance in the dark.Psychology Today, 7, 129–130.

Gifford, R., and O’Connor, B. (1986).Nonverbal intimacy: Clarifying therole of seating distance and orienta-

tion. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior,10, (4), 207–214.

Griffitt, W., and Veitch, R. (1971). Hot andcrowded: Influences of population den-sity and temperature on interpersonalaffective behavior. Journal of Personalityand Social Psychology, 17, 92–98.

Hall, E. T. (1966). The hidden dimension.Garden City, NY: Doubleday.

Hanson, J., and Hillier, B. (1982). Domesticspace organization. Architecture andBehavior, 2, 5–25.

Hare, A. P., and Bales, R. F. (1963). Seatingposition and small group interaction.Sociometry, 26, 480–486.

Hayduk, L. A. (1994). Personal space:Understanding the simplex model.Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 18,(3), 245–260.

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Hickson, M. L., III, Stacks, D. W., and Moore, N. J.(2004). Nonverbal communication:Studies and applications (4rd ed.). LosAngeles, CA: Roxbury.

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Richmond, V. P. (1997). Nonverbal commu-nication in the classroom. Acton, MA:Tapestry Press.

Russo, N. F. (1967). Connotations of seat-ing arrangements. Cornell Journal ofSocial Relations, 2, 37–44.

Sommer, R. (1965). Further studies of smallgroup ecology. Sociometry, 28,337–348.

Sommer, R. (1969). Personal space: Thebehavioral basis of design. EnglewoodCliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

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Nguyen, M. L., Heslin, R., and Nguyen, T.(1976). The meanings of touch: Sexand marital status differences.Representative Research in SocialPsychology, 7, 13–18.

Patterson, M. L., Powell, J. L., and Lenihan, M. G.(1986). Touch, compliance, and inter-personal affect. Journal of NonverbalBehavior, 10, 41–50.

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Remland, M. S., Jones, T. S., and Brinkman, H.(1991). Proxemic and haptic behaviorin three European countries. Journalof Nonverbal Behavior, 15, (4),215–232.

Richmond, V. P. (1997). Nonverbal commu-nication in the classroom. Acton, MA:Tapestry Press.

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Bloomfield, H. H., and Felder, L. (1985, June).Why are you always late for every-thing? New Woman, 67–69.

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Bernard, J. S. (1968). The sex game. NewYork: Atheneum.

Birdwhistell, R. L. (1970). Kinesics and con-text: Essays on body motion commu-nication. Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press.

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Henley, N. M. (1995). Body politics revis-ited: What do we know today? In P. J.Kalbfleisch and M. J. Cody (eds.),Gender, power, and communication inhuman relationships. Hillsdale, NJ:Erlbaum.

Hickson, M. L. III, Stacks, D. W., and Moore, N. J.(2004). Nonverbal communication:Studies and applications (4th ed.). LosAngeles, CA: Roxbury.

Jones, S. E. (1986). Sex differences in touchcommunication. Western Journal ofSpeech Communication, 50, 227–241.

Jourard, S. M. (1966). An exploratory studyof body-accessibility. British Journal

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Jourard, S. M., and Rubin, J. E. (1968). Self-disclosure and touching: A study oftwo modes of interpersonal encounterand their interrelation. Journal ofHumanistic Psychology, 8, 39–48.

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Knapp, M. L., and Hall, J. A. (1992).Nonverbal communication in humaninteraction (3rd ed.). New York: Holt,Rinehart and Winston.

LaFrance, M., and Mayo, C. (1978). Movingbodies: Nonverbal communication insocial relationships (pp. 155–170).Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.

Lee, V., and Wagner, H. (2002). The effect ofsocial presence on the facial and verbalexpression of emotion and the interre-lationships among emotion compo-nents. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior,26, 3–25.

Lomranz, J., Shapira, A., Choresh, N., and Gilat, Y.(1975). Children’s personal space as afunction of age and sex. DevelopmentalPsychology, 11, 541–545.

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Richmond, V. P., Smith, R., Heisel, A., andMcCroskey, J. C. (1998). The impact ofcommunication apprehension and fearof talking with a physician on perceivedmedical outcomes. CommunicationResearch Reports, 15, 344–353.

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Richmond, V. P., Smith, R., Heisel, A., andMcCroskey, J. C. (2002). The associationof physician sociocommunicative stylewith physician credibility and patientsatisfaction. Communication ResearchReports, 19, (3), 207–215.

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Chesebro, J. L., and McCroskey, J. C. (1998).The relationship of teacher clarity andteacher immediacy with students’experiences of state receiver apprehen-sion. Communication Quarterly, 46,(4), pp. 446–456.

Chesebro, J. L., and McCroskey, J. C. (2001).The relationship of teacher clarity andimmediacy with student state receiverapprehension, affect, and cognitivelearning. Communication Education,50, (1), 59–68.

Chesebro, J. L., and Wanzer, M. B. (2006).Instructional message variables. In T. P.Mottet, V. P. Richmond, and J. C.McCroskey (eds.). Handbook ofinstructional communication: Rheto-rical and relational perspectives. Boston:Allyn and Bacon.

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Frymier, A. B. (1994). A model of immedi-acy in the classroom. CommunicationQuarterly, 42, 133–144.

Frymier, A. B., and Wanzer, M. B. (2006).Teacher and student affinity-seeking inthe classroom. In T. P. Mottet, V. P.Richmond, and J. C. McCroskey(eds.). Handbook of instructionalcommunication: Rhetorical and rela-tional perspectives (pp. 195–211).Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

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346

I N D E X

AAbsolute distinction, 6Accent, 113–115Accenting, 9, 10

vocal qualifiers, 107Accessories, 46–47Accidental communication, 8The Achieving Society

(McClelland), 166Actions of appeal or

invitation, 225Active touch, 176Acultural, 309Adaptors, 60–62

students, 268Adolescence and touch, 178Adults and touch, 179–180Affect blends, 87–88Affect displays, 60Age and personal space, 141Aggressive acts, 166Allokines, 53Alpha androstenol, 168Alter-directed adaptors, 61American male and female,

courtship and liking,225–228

American Sign Language(ASL), 5, 55

Androgynous person,229–231

Androsterone, 168Anger, 84, 85, 115, 117Animals

scents, 167touch, 175, 176–177turf defense, 134, 136

Animated communicator, 67Anorexia nervosa, 34Appearance

dress and, 37–46females, 213–214, 293gender characteristics, 214as important source of

information, 20–21intercultural relationship,

292–293judgments generated, 23males, 293students, 265–267teachers, 264–265

Appearance obsession, 21, 23

Architecture, environmentand, 152–156

Architecture AttractivenessMeasure, 153–154

Artifacts, 46–47immediacy and, 267–268supervisor-employee

relationships, 239Artificial scents, 169Attentive communicator,

67–68Attraction, 16

scent and, 168–170Attractiveness

children and behaviorproblem, 24

cosmetic surgery, 18cultural and historical

influences, 18–21current trends, 18–21dating and marriage, 26as double-edged sword,

23–24educational setting, 24–25effects of, 24–27environment, 162–163evolving, 19facial symmetry, 78–79females, 213–214gender characteristics, 214IF (image fixation), 21–22intercultural relationship,

292–293interview setting, 26judgments generated, 23matching hypothesis, 27obsession with, 21, 23persuasive setting, 25–26physical attractiveness, 16pupil dilation, 96–98social attractiveness, 17students, 265–267task attractiveness, 17teachers, 261, 264–265types of, 16–18vocal behavior and, 121

Attractive personsliars, 62success of, 23

BBaby-faced spokespersons, 87Back-channel cues, 112

Bar owners and color, 164Baton, 58Beats gestures, 61Behavioral constraint,

143, 144Behaviors, 52–53

adaptors, 60–62lighting, 165

Bergen, Candice, 29Bicultural, 309Biological time orientation,

196–200Biorhythm theory, 196Blanked expressors, 82Blocking, 134Bowing, 298–299Bodies, satisfaction with,

27–28Body language, 12–13, 51Body movement

affect displays, 60allokines, 53body language, 51communicator style, 66–69context, 49, 50culture, 51deception cues, 62–63effects of, 69–71emblems, 55–56gender characteristics, 214idiosyncratic information or

shared information, 54illustrators, 56–58intercultural relationships,

294–299kinemes, 53kinemorphemes, 53kines, 53motions easily seen, 54positive and negative

perceptions, 71posture, 63–66regulators, 58–60research on immediacy, 71supervisor-employee

relationships, 240–241teacher-student

relationship, 267theoretical look at, 52–54types, 55–62valuable sources of

information, 53Body piercing, 19, 20

Body size and shape, 29–36psychological

descriptions, 31psychological judgments, 33stereotyping people, 33temperament, 29, 31–32, 33

Body territory, 130–131Body types, 29–33

classifications, 29students, 267supervisor-employee

relationships, 239survey, 30

Breasts, 19–20Breathiness, 117–118Breathing maladies, 171Breathy voice, 117Brows and forehead region

messages, 85Buildings expressing feelings

and impressions, 153Bulimia, 34Burger King, 150Bush, George W., 37Business dress, 39–40

CCash, Johnny, 46Casual attire perceptions, 39Casual-personal zone, 139Categories of nonverbal

messages, 12–14Cerebrotonic, 31, 32Chain restaurants, 151Cheeks, 83, 84Children

obsessed withattractiveness, 28

personal space, 141touch, 175–176

Chromadynamics, 164Chronemics, 14, 193Civil inattention, 95–96CLEMs (conjugate lateral

eye movements), 96, 270

Cliques, 130Closed questions, 255Close salutation, 59Clothing

characteristics andpersonality, 38–41

credibility level, 45, 46next-highest ranking

person, 237orientation and personality,

38, 40status, 235

Clothing consciousness, 37, 40

Co-action task situation, 157Cold, perception of, 150Colors

environment, 163–165and meaning, 164teacher-student

relationship, 276–277Comfort, Alex, 168Communication

differences in timeorientation, 195

environmental impact,13–14

importance of eyes, 91managing turn-taking, 59primary affect displays,

83–87punctuality, 202–203scents, 167, 168as structured system, 52, 53touch, 175touch norms and, 184–190uses of silence in, 110verbal, 1

Communication clusters, 130Communication crisis, 8Communication style, 69Communication without

words, 2Communicative

interruption, 113Communicator style, 66–69

effects of, 70Competitive task

situations, 158Complementing, 9Concealment, 38Conditioning, 210–211Confidence and vocal

behavior, 121–122Congruence versus

incongruence posture, 65Constraint, perception of,

151–152Constricting, 96–97Consumer Guide magazine,

161Contact cultures, 140Contamination, 134, 171Contempt, 76–77Content-free speech

techniques, 116Contentious communicator,

68Continuity distinction, 5Contradicting, 9–10Control-acquiescence

continuum, 235Conversation, 93–94Conversation task situation,

157

Cooperation task situation,157

Coping behavior, 60Corner seating, 157, 159Corporations and flextime,

199Cosmetic surgery, 18Courtroom, status and power

messages, 155Courtship

American male and female, 225–228

interculturalrelationships, 304

Courtship-readiness cues, 225Credibility, perceptions of,

35–36Critical times, 197Cross-cultural

communication, 287Crowding, 142–144Cultural display, 38Cultural time orientation,

200–202Culture

adding up time, 201altering mouth or nose, 84body movements, 51characteristics of, 288–289cycling, 200–201duration, 200, 201dynamic, 289emblems, 55–56ethnocentrism, 289–291exaggerating facial

pressures, 80eye behavior, 98, 99eye contact, 92facial expressions, 77–78facial management, 79–80foundations, 289–291friendship touch, 183future-oriented people, 195generating shared

meaning, 54gestures, 51influencing interaction, 286interpreting messages, 7learned, 288–289meanings of nonverbal

behavior, 3negative emotions, 80nonverbal

communication, 8normal touch, 186–187olfaction, 169omnipresent, 289ordering of events, 200past-oriented people,

194–195personal space, 140

Index 347

348 Index

Culture (cont.)pervasive, 289physical attractiveness, 16,

19posture, 63present-oriented people, 195proxemic patterns, 127same-sex touching,

304–305social touch, 182–183space, 127territory, 127time, 200–202touch, 223–224touch norms, 179unacceptable feelings, 81vocal expressions, 116xenophobia, 289

Cycling, 200, 201

DDarwin, Charles, 74Dating and attractiveness, 26Deception

cues, 62–63detecting, 62, 98, 99difficulty discerning, 63eye behavior, 98–99

Decoding, 70–71Deictic gestures, 61Deintensification, 81Density, 142–144Density conditions, 138Depth, 200, 201Dermis, 175Designer clothing, 37–38, 41Deviant groups and personal

space, 142Dialect, 113–115Dilated pupils, 98Dilating, 96–98Discussions and students,

255–257Disgust, 85, 117Distance, perception of, 152Distinctive and similar gender

characteristicsappearance, 213–214attractiveness, 213–214body movements,

214–215eye behavior, 215–219face behavior, 215–219gestures, 214–215nonverbal behavior,

211–224space, 221–223touch, 223–224vocal behaviors, 219–221

Doctors and color, 164Dominance and seating

choices, 159

Dominant communicator, 67Dominant style, 67Dominant-submissive

continuum, 232Dramatic communicator,

66–67Dress

accessories, 46–47accuracy of judgments

about others, 45appearance and, 37–46artifacts, 46–47, 267business, 39–40comfort, 40comfort and protection, 38concealment, 38conclusions based on,

44–46conformity, 40cues transmitted, 37cultural display, 38decoration, 40economy in, 40encoding specific meaning

to, 37generalizations about,

44–46group identification, 44–46homophily, 41, 45identifiable uniforms, 37influencing perceptions,

42, 45interest in, 40judging others based on, 45liking, 41popularity, 41power and success, 42–44rank and status, 41–42signals, 37social classes, 39sociocultural

messages, 38teachers, 41uniforms, 44

Dress for success, 37Drum languages, 5Duration, 201–202

EEastwood, Clint, 29Ectomorphs, 29–33Education and physical

attractiveness, 24–25Effective pauses, 124Emblems, 5, 11, 55–56

intercultural relationship,295

Emotional expressions,analyzing, 218

Emotionsexpressing, 79–83eye behavior and, 93

facial expressions, 73identifying, 116information about, 116interest, 84masking, 79–80negative, 76, 80, 116paralinguistic cues, 116people in controlling

positions, 81portraying or repressing,

60positive, 116rules for displaying, 79subtle, 116touch and, 185vocal behavior and,

115–117Employees and physical

appearance, 236–240Encoding, simplifying, 70Encroachment, 129, 131

gradual intrusion, 138insulation, 135intensity, 137–138linguistic collusion,

136–137markers, 131positive or negative, 133reactions, 134–137turf defense, 136types of negative,

133–134unintentional, 138withdrawal, 134–135

Endomorphs, 29–33expectations about

personalities andbehaviors, 33

socially attractive, 33Environment, 13–14, 147

architecture and, 152–156attractiveness, 162–163color in, 163–165emotional states, 148intercultural relationships,

306lighting in, 165–166perception of constraint,

151–152perception of distance, 152perception of familiarity,

151perception of formality,

148–150perception of privacy,

150–151perception of warmth, 150perceptual characteristics

of, 148–152scent and smell, 167,

171–173spatial arrangement,

156–162

supervisor-employeerelationships, 244–246

teacher-studentrelationship, 274–279

temperature and, 166–167Equality and round table,

156Ethnocentric, 114Ethnocentrism, 289–291Ever-ready expressors, 82–83Evolution, 74–75Exhibitionism, 40, 43

personality, 43Expressing emotions, 79–83Eye behavior, 13, 91

breaking eye contact, 93civil inattention, 95–96CLEMs (conjugate lateral

eye movements), 96closing others out of

conversation, 94contextual differences, 101cultures, 100–101deception, 98–99expressing emotions, 93functions, 92–94gaze aversion, 94–95gaze avoidance, 93gaze omission, 94–95gender characteristics,

215–219gender differences,

101–102individual differences,

99–102intercultural relationship,

300–302involvement, 92LEMs (lateral eye

movements), 96mutual gaze, 93, 94nature of relationships, 100obliging interaction, 92–93one-sided look, 94personality differences, 101power displays, 93–94properties, 92–94pupil dilation, 96–98regulating interactions with

others, 93relationships and, 92salience, 92scanning, 92staring, 96status, 100stimulating arousal, 92supervisor-employee

relationships, 241–242teacher-student

relationship, 270–271test-taking time, 270types of, 94–96

Eye contact, 217, 218

breaking, 93communication, 99culture, 92intercultural relationship,

301–302intimate relationship, 100negative orientations

toward communication,101

physical distance betweenpeople, 94

relationships, 92supervisor-employee

relationships, 241–242teacher-student

relationship, 270–271Eyeglasses, 47Eyes

constricting and dilating,96–97

eyelids and, 83, 84, 85importance in

communication, 92interactions with others, 74judgments about

personalitycharacteristics, 74

FFace

brows and forehead, 83,85–86

computer-generated linedrawings, 86

eyes and eyelids, 83, 84, 85interactions with others, 74judgments about

personalitycharacteristics, 74

lower face, 83, 84Face-to-face communication,

56–58Face-to-face versus parallel

body orientation, 65Facial behavior, 13, 89

gender characteristics,215–219

intercultural relationship,300–302

supervisor-employeerelationships, 241–242

teacher-studentrelationship, 269–270

Facial expressions, 74acceptable and

unacceptable, 77acquisition and

development, 74–79affect blends, 87–88appropriate behaviors

for, 76blanked expressors, 82

contempt, 76–77culture-specific differences,

77–78deaf and blind children, 75emotional states invoked

by, 87emotions, 73ever-ready expressors,

82–83evolution, 74–75expressing emotions, 79–83external factors, 75–76extreme sadness or

happiness, 78flooded-affect

expressors, 83forced smile, 78frozen-affect expressors, 82importance of, 74innate and learned, 76–79intensification, 80micromomentary, 89multiple, 87multiple emotions, 85natural selection, 74–75partials, 88revealer style, 82SADFISH (sadness,

anger, disgust, fear,interest, surprise, andhappiness), 76

smiles, 78–79social pressures, 80styles, 82–83substitute expressor, 82variations of, 87–89unwitting expressor, 82withholder style, 82

Facial hair, 36Facial management, 79–83Failure to thrive, 177Familiarity, perception

of, 151FAST (Facial Affect Scoring

Technique), 83Faster speech rates, 121Fast-food restaurants, 150Fast talkers, 120, 121Fear, 81, 117Feelings of inadequacy, 28Females

affiliative behaviors,217–218

appearance, 213–214, 293attractiveness, 213–214externalizing emotions, 216eye contact, 217gazes, 217–218inclusion, affiliation, and

affection, 102interaction, 218nonverbal behavior in,

209–211

Index 349

350 Index

Females (cont.)personal space bubble, 222reactivity, 211smiling, 216staring, 217, 219submissive social style, 211touch, 223unattractiveness, 213–214

Filled pauses, 108, 111Final approach, 59Fixed-feature space, 147Flat voice, 118Flextime, 199Flockhart, Calista, 29Flooded-affect expressors, 83Fluent, 123Foods, 172Forced smile, 78Ford, Harrison, 29Forever, 202Formal attire perceptions, 39Formality, perception of,

148–150Formal time, 200, 201Friendly communicator, 68Friendship touch and

culture, 183Friendship-warmth

touch, 183Frightened, 84Frozen-affect expressors, 82Functions of nonverbal

communication, 9–12Furniture and teacher-student

relationship, 278–279Future-oriented executive,

195Future-oriented people, 195

GGaze aversion, 94–95Gaze avoidance, 93Gaze behavior, 102Gaze omission, 94–95Gazes, 218, 219Gaze window, 93Gender

definition, 209eye behavior, 101–102markers, 131normal touch, 187–188personal space, 139–140physical appearance, 237sex and, 209touch, 178

Genetic and nonverbalbehavior, 209, 210

Gentling behavior, 176Gestures, 12–13, 49

baton, 58

beats, 61context, 50coverbal, 61culture, 51deictic, 61easily seen, 54effects of, 69–71gender characteristics,

214–215iconic, 61illustrators, 56–58intercultural relationships,

294–299metaphorical, 61movement and, 268organizing, managing,

or directingconversation, 56

persuading with, 62punctuating, highlighting

or emphasizing spokenword, 56

regulators, 58–60speech-independent, 55–56speech-linked, 56speech referent or

explanation, 56supervisor-employee

relationships, 240–241teacher-student

relationship, 268theoretical look at, 52–54types, 55–62valuable sources of

information, 53Gibson, Mel, 29Good articulation, 123Good delivery, vocal

characteristics of,122–124

Goodman, John, 29Gradual intrusion, 138Grammatical pauses, 109Group identification,

44–46Guided lecture

procedure, 254

HHair

immediacy and, 267length, 35–36manipulation, 36nonverbal messages, 35–36

Hairstyles, 19, 35Hands and intercultural

relationship, 295–298Happiness, 85, 115, 117Haptics, 13, 175Hats, 46

Hearing, 175Heart disease and time, 205Height, 33–34Henkin, Robert, 168Hesitation silence, 108Hilton, Paris, 29Holiday Inn, 151Home territory, 130Homophily, 41, 45Human behavior, 3, 13–14Human communication, 1, 7Human development and

touch, 177–180Humans and territorial

behaviors, 127Humidity, teacher-student

relationship, 278

IIconic gestures, 61Ideographs, 58IF (Image fixation), 21–22Illustrative behaviors, 67Illustrative gestures, 70Illustrators, 56–58

role in decoding, 70–71Immediacy, 52, 64

advantages, 228–229behaviors, 226defined, 263disadvantages, 229nonverbal, 264outcome of teacher,

280–282potential drawbacks of

teacher, 283teachers, 263–264,

280–283verbal, 264workplace, 249–250

Impression-leaving style,68–69

Inclusive versus noninclusiveposture, 64–65

Increased vocal rate, 119Infants and touch, 176–177Informal time, 202Insulation, 135–136Intellectual cycle, 196, 197Intensification, 80Intentionality, 6–8Interaction, 215, 218,

222–223Interactional territory, 130Interaction management, 112Interactive silence, 108–109Intercultural communication,

defining, 286–291Intercultural

relationships, 284

appearance, 292–293attractiveness, 292–293body movement, 294–299bowing, 299courtship, 304emblems, 295environment, 306eye behavior, 300–302eye contact, 301face behavior, 300–302goals, 308–311gestures, 294–299hands, 295–298head nod, 298knowledge of

languages, 309nonverbal behavior,

292–308posture, 299scent, 306–307smiling, 300–301space, 303time, 307–308touch, 304–305vocal behavior, 302–303

Interest, 84, 117Interethnic

communication, 287International

communication, 287Interpersonal distance,

138–139Interpersonal distance zones,

138–139Interpersonal relationships, 1Interracial

communication, 287Interruptions, 112–113Interviews

rejection factors, 238setting attractiveness, 26time, 246–247

Intimacy level, 159Intimate behaviors of

American male andfemale, 225–226

Intimate relationships and eyecontact, 100

Intimate zone, 139Intonation changes, 111Invasion, 134Involuntary encroachment,

142

JJewelry, 46Jordan, Michael, 29The Joy of Sex

(Comfort), 168Judgment and accent, 114

KKennedy, John, 37Kerry, John, 37Kinemes, 53Kinemorphemes, 53Kines, 53Kinesic behaviors, 51Kinesics, 12, 51

external variable approach, 54

structural approach, 52–54King, Martin Luther, Jr., 35King of the mountain, 136Kiss, Bow, or Shake Hands

How to Do Business in 60 Countries(Morrison, Conaway,and Borden), 295

LLanguages, 2–4Leaders and seating, 159, 160Learning and vocal behavior,

119–120Lectures and teachers,

253–255LEMs (lateral eye

movements), 96Levine, Seymour, 191, 192Liars, 62–63Licensed touchers, 179Licking, 176Life-span development and

touch, 176–180Lighting

behavior, 165–166color, 165environment, 165–166intensity, 165teacher-student

relationship, 277–278Liking

American male and female,225–228

dress, 41Linguistic collusion, 136–137Linguistic distinction, 4–5Liposuction, 19, 20Loeb, Lisa, 46Look-the-part employees,

236–237Love-intimacy touch,

183–184Lower face, 83, 84Lying, 62, 63

MMacArthur, Douglas, 46Maguire, Tobey, 29

Malesappearance, 293behavior at bar, 218dominant social style, 211eye contact, 217gazes, 219interaction, 218internalizing emotions, 216nonverbal behavior,

209–211personal space bubble, 222proactivity, 211smiling, 216staring, 217, 219touch, 223unattractiveness, 213–214

Managers, teachers as,258–259

Marasmus, 175, 177Markers, 131–132, 135Marriage

attractiveness, 26contempt, 76women and clothing, 39

Martin, Pete, 285Masking, 79–80Matching hypothesis, 27Mature-faced

spokespersons, 87McDonald’s, 150Mesomorphs, 29–33Messages

brows and forehead region, 85

constructing sentence, 61contexts, 12nonverbal versus verbal,

4–6preverbal stage, 61use of lungs and vocal

chords, 61vocal cues transmitting,

105Metaphorical gestures, 61Micromomentary facial

expressions, 89Modeling nonverbal

behavior, 210Moderators, teachers as,

255–257Modular seating

arrangement, 275Monkeys and touch,

176–177Monochronic time,

203–204Monocultural, 309Monotone, 119–120, 271Moore, Anna Maria,

285–286Moore, Clement C., 29

Index 351

352 Index

Morris’s major categories oftouch, 180, 181–182

Morse code, 5Mouth, 84Movement, 12–13MTO (measure of time

orientations), 197Multicultural, 309Multitasking, 204, 307Music and teacher-student

relationship, 275–276Mutual gaze, 93, 94

NNasality, 118, 120Natural selection, 74–75Natural-sounding voices, 120Nature of relationships, 100Negative encroachment,

134–135Negotiations and physical

arrangements, 156Nervousness, 116Neutralization, 81Next-highest ranking person

and clothing, 237Nixon, Richard, 37Noncontact cultures, 140Nongrammatical pauses, 109Nonlanguage sounds, 112Nonverbal behavior

becoming nonverbalcommunication, 4

conditioning, 210–211contexts, 3defining, 6engaging in, 6–7gender characteristics,

211–224genetics, 210intercultural relationships,

292–308languages depending on,

4–5modeling, 210natural, 3reinforcement, 210–211teachers, 262

Nonverbal communication,1–2

accidentalcommunications, 8

culture, 8engaging in, 6–7intentionality, 6–8myths about, 2–4as nonsense, 2teacher-student

relationship, 261–283Nonverbal elements, 2

Nonverbal immediacy, 11,263, 264, 281

Nonverbal leakage cues, 98Nonverbal messages

affective, relational, oremotional function, 6

affective or relationalfunction, 11

based on physicalappearance, 15–16

body shape and size, 29–32categories of, 12–14continuity distinction, 5functions of, 9–12groups of nonverbal

behaviors, 9hair, 35–36height, 33–34implicit or questionable

meaning, 6outcome distinction, 6processing distinction, 5–6skin color, 34–35supervisor-employee

relationship, 235–247versus verbal messages, 4–6weight, 34

Nonverbal sensitivity,227–228

Normal touch, 184–185Nose, 84NVBP (nonvulnerable body

parts), 185

OObject-focused adaptors, 61Oculesics, 13, 91Offensive displays, 131–132Offices, power, 244, 245Office space, arrangement of,

161–162Olfactics, 14Olfaction and cultures, 169Olfactory signature, 167One-sided look, 94Open communicator, 68Open questions, 256Oral messages, 105Ordering, 200Organizations

status, 233, 235–247time and, 247

Orotundity, 119Outcome distinction, 6Overweight, 34

PPantone Color Institute, 164Paralanguage, 13, 105, 106

Partials, 88Past-oriented executive,

195Past-oriented people,

194–195Patton, George S., 46Pauses, 108–110Perceptions

constraint, 151–152credibility, 35–36distance, 152familiarity, 151formal attire, 39formality, 148–150positive and negative, 71privacy, 150–151

Perceptual characteristics of environment,148–152

Peripheral gaze, 101Personal artifacts, 131Personal body concept,

27–28Personality

characteristics, 24clothing and, 38–41eye behavior, 101facial features associated

with, 74personal space, 141–142practicality, 40, 43seating arrangements,

159–160vocal behavior and,

117–119Personalized artifacts, 46Personal space, 13,

138–142personality differences,

141–142psychiatric and deviant

groups, 142stigmas, 142

Persuasion, 120–121Persuasive setting and

attractiveness, 25–26Phenomenon of territoriality,

127–138Pheromones, 167, 168Physical appearance, 12

attractiveness, 16–27determining chosen, 16employees, 236–240gender, 237–238nonverbal messages based

on, 20–21personal body concept,

27–28supervisor-employee

relationship, 236–240Physical attractiveness, 17, 19

body piercing andtattooing, 19

breasts, 19culture, 16, 19educational environment,

24–25hairstyles, 19IF (Image fixation), 21–22judgments, 23manipulation of body,

19–20negative judgments of

others, 24perceptions and

misperceptions, 24perceptions of, 17personal body concept,

27–28personality characteristics,

24skin, 19student-teacher interaction,

24–25Physical cycle, 196Physical distance, 94, 152Physically unattractive

student, 24Physical stigmas, 142Physician-patient relationship

and time, 205Pictographs, 58Pitch, 117, 119Poker face, 81Polychronic time, 204Popularity and dress, 41Positional cues, 225Positive emotions, 116Positive nonlanguage

vocalizations, 112Positive vocal cues, 120Posture, 63–66, 240–241

intercultural relationship,299

Powerdress, 42, 44offices, 244–245, 247proximity to center of, 152symbols, 42

Power and success inbusiness, 42–44

Power displays, 93–94Power messages and

courtroom, 155Practicality, 40, 43Preening behavior, 36, 225Prejudices and skin color,

34–35Present-oriented executive, 196Present-oriented people, 195Pressure area, 161Pressure space, 245

Preventive measures,131–133

Primary affect displays,83–87

Primary territory, 129Privacy, perception of,

150–151Proactivity, 211Processing distinction, 5–6Professional-functional touch,

180–182Professions and personalized

artifacts, 46Profiles of Nonverbal

Sensitivity test (PONS),227

Proxemic behavior, 175Proxemics, 13, 127Psychiatric groups and

personal space, 143Psycholinguistic silence, 108Psychological distance, 152Psychological time

orientation, 194–196Psychological types, 29,

31, 32Public territory, 129–130Public zone, 139Punctuality, 202–203Pupil dilation, 96–98

QQuasi-courtship cues, 225Questioning, 111Questions and interruptions,

113

RRank and dress, 41–42Rats and touch, 191–192Reaction, 131, 134–137Reactivity, 211Receivers, 9Reciprocate, 133Rectangular table, 156–159Regulating, 11Regulators, 58–60Regulatory nonverbal

messages, 11Reinforcement, 210–211Relationships

distance in, 110establishing and

defining, 92eye behavior and, 100eye contact, 92interpersonal, 1touching, 188

Relaxation, 64Relaxed communicator, 67

Repeating, 11Resource-based instruction,

259–260Respect and supervisor-

employee relationship,234

Response latency, 111Responsive communicator, 69Restaurant and color,

164–165Revealer style, 82Rooms

colors and furnishings, 148temperature and density,

166–167Roseanne, 29Round table, 156–158

SSAD (seasonal affective

disorder), 200SADFISH (sadness, anger,

disgust, fear, interest,surprise, and happiness),76

Sadness, 85, 106, 117Salience, 92Santa Claus, 29Sarcasm, 10, 105SCADFISH (sadness,

contempt, anger, disgust,fear, interest, surprise,and happiness), 77, 87

Scanning, 92Scent, 167

animals, 167artificial, 169attraction, 168–170breathing maladies, 171communication, 167,

169, 171differing responses to, 168effects of, 171–173environment, 168,

170–171evoking meanings and

memories, 172food attractiveness, 172importance of, 167–173increasing perceived

attraction, 171–172intercultural relationship,

306–307negative reaction to, 167norms of culture, 169olfactory signature, 167pheromones, 167, 168recognizing, 168scent-related allergies, 171smell and, 167

Index 353

354 Index

Scent (cont.)students, 172teacher-student

relationship, 279touch and, 170

Scent-related allergies, 171Seating arrangements, 157–160

intimacy level, 159personality differences,

159–160Russo’s, 160task situation, 157–159teacher-student

relationship, 274–275Secondary territory, 129Self-adaptors, 61, 62Self-descriptors, 32Self-esteem, importance of, 21Self-intimacy and touch, 191Semifixed-feature space, 148Semisocial area, 161Semisocial space, 245Senior citizens and touch, 180Senses, 175Sensitivity cycle, 196, 197Sex, 209Sexual-arousal touch, 184Sexual harassment, 243–244Shame and

embarrassment, 84Shrinkage cues, 66Side-by-side seating, 159Sight, 175Silence, 108–110

supervisor-employeerelationships, 242

Skin, 19Skin color, 34–35Skin hunger, 191–192Smell, 167, 169–170,

171–173, 175environment, 170–171scent and, 167

Smell adaptation, 172Smell blindness, 172Smell memory, 172Smiling, 79, 89

females, 216intercultural relationship,

300–301males, 216teacher-student

relationship, 269–270Smith, Henry, 285Smoke languages, 5Social attractiveness, 17Social impressions, 33Social lies, 63Socially attractive, 33Social-polite touch, 182–183Social signals, 38Social smile, 84, 89

Social stigmas, 142Social touch cultural rules,

182–183Socio-consultive zone, 139Socioeconomic status, 45Solidarity, 249Somatotonic, 31, 32Somatotyping, 29Space, 13, 127

culture, 127gender characteristics,

221–223intercultural relationships,

303supervisor-employee

relationships, 243teacher-student

relationship, 271–272Spatial arrangement,

156–162Spatial behavior, 127Speakers, 93, 100, 105–106

teachers as, 253–255Species and territorial

behavior, 127Speech-independent gestures,

55–56Speech-linked gestures, 56Speech referent, 56Spoken language, 53Sprowls, 199–200Square table, 156Stallone, Sylvester, 29Stare-Down, 94Staring, 96

gender differences, 217, 219Status

clothing, 41–42, 237courtroom, 155definition, 233eye behavior, 100organizations, 235–247supervisor-employee

relationship, 244, 247time, 247touch and, 190–191

Stereotypes and skin color,34–35

Stigmas, 142Stimulate arousal, 92Stimulus overload, 143–144Students

achievement and color, 165adaptors, 268appearance, 265–267attractiveness, 265–267body type, 267discussions, 255–257grouping, 254, 256perceptions of faculty

members, 161–162repetition, 257

scents, 172seating, 157, 159smell, 172touch-avoidant, 272unattractiveness, 266

Student-teacherinteraction, 24

Subcultures, 287–288Subordinate, 233–235Substitute expressor, 82Substitute touch, 179Substituting, 11–12Subtle emotions, 116Success, 42–44Supervisor-employee

relationship, 233–235artifacts, 239body movement, 240–241body type, 239distinctive characteristics,

233–235environment, 244–246eye behavior, 241–242eye contact, 241–242facial behavior, 241–242gestures, 240–241immediacy advantages,

249–250immediacy

disadvantages, 250informational power, 234legitimate authority, 233nonverbal messages,

235–247physical appearance,

236–240respect, 234rewards and punishments,

234, 235silence, 242solidarity, 249space, 243, 244status, 244, 247time, 246–247touch, 243–244vocal behavior, 242

Supervisors, 233–235teachers as, 260

Surprise, 85, 117Surveillance, 144Synthesisity, 200, 201

TTables, shapes of, 156–157Taco Bell, 150Tactile communication,

174Talking and teacher-student

relationship, 276Tangibility, 200, 201Task attractiveness, 17, 33

Task situation, 157–159Taste, 175Taste sensations, 172Tattooing, 19Teachers

appearance, 264, 265asking questions, 255assertive behavior, 70attractiveness, 261as controller, 260as coordinator, 259–260dramatic, 70dress, 25, 41encouraging movements, 70as helper, 260immediacy, 263–264,

280–283instructional strategies, 255as managers, 258–259as moderator, 255–257monotone voice, 119nonverbal behavior, 261open and attentive

positioning, 70, 71positive vocal

behavior, 120prompt feedback on

students, 255roles of, 253–260small-group activities, 258as speaker, 253–255as supervisor, 260as trainer, 257–258unattractiveness, 265verbal behavior, 262wait time, 256

Teacher-student relationshipbody movement, 268color, 276–277environment, 274–279eye behavior, 270–271eye contact, 270–271facial behavior, 269–270furniture, 278–279gestures, 268humidity, 278lighting, 277–278music, 275–276nonverbal communication,

252, 261–283scent, 279seating, 274–275smiling, 269–270space, 271–272talking, 276temperature, 278time, 279–280touch, 272–273vocal behavior, 271

Technical time, 200Temperament, 29,

31–32, 33

Temperatureenvironment and,

166–167teacher-student

relationship, 278Tenure, 132Territorial behavior,

127, 128Territorial defense

density conditions, 138factors influencing,

137–138labels, 132markers, 131offensive displays, 131–132preventive measures,

131–133reaction, 131, 134–137tenure, 132

Territorial invasion, 171Territoriality, 13

biological foundations of, 128

phenomenon of, 127–138Territory, 127–128, 129Test-taking time, 270Thin slicing, 77Thin voice, 118Throatiness, 117, 118–119Thurman, Uma, 29Tie signs, 180Time, 14, 172, 193

cultural orientations, 205depth, 201duration, 201effects of use of, 204–206expressing liking, 202flowing in cycles, 201forever, 202heart disease, 205intercultural relationships,

307–308judgments, 203ordering of events, 200personality and

backgroundorientations, 205

physician-patientrelationship, 205

status, 204, 247supervisor-employee

relationships, 246–247teaching and learning, 206teacher-student

relationship, 279–280Time orientations, 194

biological time orientation,196–200

communication problems,204–206

cultural time orientation,200–202

differences, 195monochronic time,

203–204polychronic time, 204psychological time

orientation, 194–196punctuality, 202–203

Time schedule, 194Touch, 13, 175

accidental touches, 185adolescence, 178adults, 179–180animals, 176–177body areas, 185categories of, 180–184children, 175–176communication, 175–176control, 185culture, 223–224deprivation, 176emotion and, 190essential to life, 175friendship-warmth

touch, 183fulfilling need for

closeness, 175gender, 178gender characteristics,

223–224human development,

177–180hybrid (mixed), 185importance of, 175infants, 177–179intercultural relationship,

304–305interpersonal attitudes, 190life-span development

and, 176–180love-intimacy touch,

183–184monkeys, 176–177Morris’s major categories

of, 181–182NVBP (nonvulnerable body

parts), 185parent and children

relationship, 175–176playfulness, 185positive affect, 185professional-functional

touch, 180–182rats, 191–192ritual, 185rule-governed, 179scent and, 170self-intimacy and, 191senior citizens, 180sexual-arousal touch, 184social-polite touch,

182–183status and, 190–191

Index 355

356 Index

Touch (cont.)supervisor-employee

relationships, 243–244task-related, 185teacher-student

relationship, 272–273withholding, 175

Touch apprehension,188–190

Touch avoidance, 188–190Touch-avoidant

students, 272Touch deprivation, 191–192Touchers, 179Traditional seating

arrangement, 274Trailing-off phrases, 111Trainers, teachers as,

257–258Transcultural

communication, 287Turf defense, 136Turn-denying behaviors,

60, 112Turn-maintaining cues, 59–60Turn-interaction behavior,

110–115Turn-maintaining vocal

behavior, 110–111Turn-requesting

regulators, 60Turn-requesting vocal

behavior, 111–112Turn-taking behaviors, 59Turn-yielding behavior, 111Turn-yielding cues, 59

UUnattractiveness

children and chronicbehavior problem, 24–25

gender, 213–214judging, 28liars, 62, 63students, 266

Unconscious smile, 78Unfamiliarity, 151Unfilled pauses, 108, 124Uniforms, 37, 44Unintentional behavior, 8Unscented products, 171Untouchables, 188Unwitting expressor, 82

VValuation, 200, 201Verbal behavior, function of

teachers, 262

Verbal communication, 1Verbal immediacy, 263, 264Verbal messages, 4–6

accenting, 10content or cognitive

function, 6, 11enhancing clarity, 120intended meaning, 9

Versatile communicator, 69Violation, 133Viscerotonic, 31, 32Vocal atmosphere, 105–106Vocal behavior, 13, 105

accent, 113–115attractiveness and, 121breathiness, 117–118categories of, 105–110confidence and, 121–122dialect, 113–115effects of, 115–124emotions and, 115–117enhancing verbal

messages, 120flatness, 118gender characteristics,

219–221increased rate, 119increased variety in

pitch, 119information about

emotions, 116interaction management,

112intercultural relationship,

302–303interruptions, 112–113learning and, 119–120monotone, 271nasality, 118orotundity, 119pauses, 108–110personality and, 117–119persuasion and, 120–121response latency, 111sarcasm, 105silence, 108–110supervisor-employee

relationships, 242stereotypical

judgments, 117teacher-student

relationship, 271tenseness, 118thinness, 118throatiness, 118–119turn-denying, 112turn-interaction

management and,110–115

turn-maintaining, 110–111

turn-requesting, 111–112turn-yielding, 111vocal environment

or contextual background, 106

vocalizations, 107vocal segregate, 107voice printing, 108voice qualities, 106–108voice set, 106

Vocal characteristics of good delivery, 122–124

Vocal characterizer, 107Vocal clarity, 120Vocal cues, 105, 116–117

audible but not linguistic, 107

contradicting oral message, 105

emphatic drop in voicepitch, 111

listening to, 105modifications of, 106questioning, 111transmitting other

messages, 105turn-maintaining, 110–111

Vocalics, 13, 105Vocalizations, 106–108Vocal qualifiers, 107Vocal qualities perceived as

different, 113Vocal segregate, 107Vocal variety, 120Voice, 121, 123Voice printing, 108Voice qualities, 106–107Voice set, 106Voice tenseness, 118Volume control, 122–123Vulnerable body parts

(VBP), 185

WWait time and teachers, 256Warmth, perception of, 150Washington, Denzel, 29Wasting-away disease, 177Weight, 34Wendy’s, 150Whistling language, 5Winfrey, Oprah, 29Withdrawal, 134–135, 138Withholder style, 82Workplace and immediacy,

249–250

XXenophobia, 289

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Cover
Title Page
Copyright Page
Contents
Preface
Acknowledgments
CHAPTER 1 Communication and Nonverbal Behavior

Myths About Nonverbal Communication
Nonverbal Versus Verbal Messages

The Linguistic Distinction
The Continuity Distinction
The Processing Distinction
The Outcome Distinction
The Absolute Distinction

Intentionality and Nonverbal Communication
Culture and Nonverbal Communication
Functions of Nonverbal Messages

Complementing
Contradicting
Accenting
Repeating
Regulating
Substituting

Categories of Nonverbal Messages

Physical Appearance
Gesture and Movement
Face and Eye Behavior
Vocal Behavior
Space
Touch
Environment
Time

Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 2 Physical Appearance

Attractiveness

Types of Attractiveness
What Is Attractive Today May Be Out Tomorrow
Image Fixation
Judgments Generated
Attractiveness: A Double-Edged Sword?
Effects of Attractiveness

Personal Body Concept

Nonverbal Messages of Body Shape and Size
Nonverbal Messages of Height, Weight, and Skin Color

Nonverbal Messages of Hair
Appearance and Dress

Why Do People Dress the Way They Do?
Generalizations About Dress

Artifacts and Accessories
Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 3 Gesture and Movement

A Theoretical Look at Gesture and Movement

Structural Approach to Kinesics
External Variable Approach to Kinesics

Types of Gesture and Movement

Emblems
Illustrators
Regulators
Affect Displays
Adaptors

Deception Cues
Posture

How Does Posture Communicate?
Communicative Potential of Posture

Movement and Communicator Style

The Dramatic Style
The Dominant Style
The Animated Style
The Relaxed Style
The Attentive Style
The Open Style
The Friendly Style
The Contentious Style
The Impression-Leaving Style

General Communicator Styles
Effects of Body Movements and Gestures

Communicator Style
Simplifying Encoding and Decoding
Role of Illustrators in Decoding
Positive and Negative Perceptions
Research on Immediacy

Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 4 Facial Behavior

Importance of Facial Expressions
Perspectives on Acquisition and Development

Perspective 1: Evolution and Natural Selection
Perspective 2: External Factors
Perspective 3: Innate and Learned

Facial Management and Expression of Emotion

Styles of Facial Expressions

Primary Affect Displays and Communication
Variations of Facial Expressions
Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 5 Eye Behavior

Properties and Functions of Eye Behavior
Types of Eye Behaviors
CLEMs
Eye Behavior and Individual Differences

Nature of Relationships
Cultural Differences
Contextual Differences
Personality Differences
Gender Differences

Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 6 Vocal Behavior

Categories of Vocal Behavior

Voice Set
Voice Qualities and Vocalizations
Voice Printing
Silence and Pauses
Uses of Silence in Communication

Vocal Behavior and Turn-Interaction Management

Turn-Maintaining
Turn-Yielding
Turn-Requesting
Turn-Denying
Interruptions
Accent and Dialect

Effects of Vocal Behavior

Vocal Behavior and Feelings
Vocal Behavior and Personality
Vocal Behavior and Learning
Vocal Behavior and Persuasion
Vocal Behavior and Attractiveness
Vocal Behavior and Confidence
Vocal Characteristics of Good Delivery

Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 7 Space and Territoriality

Phenomenon of Territoriality

Categories of Territory
Territorial Defense and Encroachment
Types of Negative Encroachment
Encroachment Reactions
Factors Influencing Territorial Defense

Personal Space

Interpersonal Distance
Gender Differences
Cultural Differences
Age Differences
Personality Differences
Stigmas
Psychiatric and Deviant Groups

Crowding and Density

The Impact of High Density

Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 8 Environment and Physical Surroundings

Perceptual Characteristics of Environment

Perception of Formality
Perception of Warmth
Perception of Privacy
Perception of Familiarity
Perception of Constraint
Perception of Distance

Architecture and Environment
Spatial Arrangement

The Shapes of Tables
Seating Arrangement
Arrangement of Office Space

Other Environmental Factors

Environmental Attractiveness
Color in the Environment
Lighting in the Environment
Temperature and the Environment
Scent and Smell

Importance of Scents
Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 9 Touch and Communication

Life-Span Development and Touch

Touch in Animals
Human Development

Categories of Touch

Professional-Functional Touch
Social-Polite Touch
Friendship-Warmth Touch
Love-Intimacy Touch
Sexual-Arousal Touch

Touch Norms and Communication

Cultural Differences
Gender Differences
Touch Apprehension

What Does Touch Communicate?

Touch and Emotion
Touch and Status
Touch and Self-Intimacy

Effects of Touch Deprivation
Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 10 Time

Time Orientations

Psychological Time Orientation
Biological Time Orientation
Cultural Time Orientation
Punctuality
Monochronic and Polychronic Time

Effects of the Use of Time
Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 11 Female-Male Nonverbal Communication

Definition Issues: Sex and Gender
Development of Nonverbal Behavior in Females and Males
Distinctive and Similar Characteristics:The Dilemma

Appearance and Attractiveness
Gesture and Movement
Face and Eye Behavior
Vocal Behavior
Space
Touch

Liking and Courtship of the American Female and Male

Avoiding Problems
Nonverbal Sensitivity

Advantages of Immediacy
Disadvantages of Immediacy
The Androgynous Person
Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 12 Supervisor and Employee Relationships

Distinctive Characteristics
Role of Nonverbal Messages

Physical Appearance
Gesture and Movement
Face and Eye Behavior
Vocal Behavior
Space
Touch
Environment
Time

Conclusions About Supervisor-Employee Relationships
Immediacy in the Workplace

Advantages of Immediacy
Disadvantages of Immediacy

Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 13 Teacher-Student Nonverbal Relationships

Teacher Roles

The Teacher as Speaker
The Teacher as Moderator
The Teacher as Trainer
The Teacher as Manager
The Teacher as a Coordinator
The Teacher as Controller, Supervisor, and Helper

Role of Nonverbal Communication
Immediacy

Verbal Immediacy
Nonverbal Immediacy
Physical Appearance
Instructor Appearance
Student Appearance
Gesture and Movement
Facial Behavior
Eye Behavior
Vocal Behavior
Space
Touch
Environment

Time
Outcomes of Teacher Immediacy

Potential Drawbacks of Teacher Immediacy

Glossary of Terminology

CHAPTER 14 Intercultural Relationships

Defining Intercultural Communication

Characteristics of Culture
Foundations of Culture

Nonverbal Behavior

Appearance and Attractiveness
Gesture and Movement
Face and Eye Behavior
Vocal Behavior
Space
Touch
Environment
Scent
Time

Goals to Seek
Glossary of Terminology

References and Selected Readings
Photo Credits
Index

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