American Psychologist
© 2021 American Psychological Association
ISSN: 0003-066X
2021, Vol. 76, No. 4, 627–642
https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000808
COVID-19 Anti-Asian Racism: A Tripartite Model of Collective
Psychosocial Resilience
Hsiu-Lan Cheng1, Helen Youngju Kim2, Jason D. Reynolds (Taewon Choi)1, Yuying Tsong3,
and Y. Joel Wong4
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
1
Department of Counseling Psychology, University of San Francisco
2
Berkeley, California, United States
3
Department of Human Services, California State University, Fullerton
4
Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology, Indiana University Bloomington
Anti-Asian racism has spiked since the outbreak of the coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, creating compounded threats to Asian Americans’ psychological wellbeing on top of
other pandemic stressors (e.g., fears of infection, financial insecurity, or quarantine isolation). COVID-19 anti-Asian racism signifies the relevance of race and racism during public
health crises and highlights the importance of examining the psychological impacts of racialized stress and avenues for resilience during a pandemic. This article describes a conceptual
model that emphasizes the importance of rechanneling the experience of COVID-19 antiAsian racism toward resilience. Specifically, the proposed model identifies a tripartite process of collective psychosocial resilience, comprised of (a) critical consciousness of discrimination as a common fate, (b) critical consciousness-informed racial/ethnic identity, and (c)
advocacy, for empowering Asian Americans and protecting them against the harmful effects
of COVID-19 anti-Asian racism during and beyond the pandemic. Theoretical and empirical
underpinnings of the proposed tripartite process for cultivating resilience against COVID-19
anti-Asian racism are delineated. Practice implications and future research directions, as
informed and revealed by the conceptual model, are discussed.
Public Significance Statement
The surge of coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) anti-Asian racism has likely resulted in
harmful psychological impacts among Asian Americans. This article highlights critical
consciousness of discrimination as a common fate, critical consciousness-informed
racial/ethnic identity, and advocacy as avenues for fostering individual and collective resilience against the pernicious effects of COVID-19 anti-Asian racism. These proposed
avenues have the potential to channel the experience of racism and social fractures
uncovered through the COVID-19 pandemic toward empowerment and solidarity.
Keywords: COVID-19, anti-Asian racism, critical consciousness, racial/ethnic identity,
advocacy
Editor’s Note. This article is part of the special issue “Rendered
Invisible: Are Asian Americans a Model or a Marginalized Minority?”
published in the May–June 2021 issue of American Psychologist. Tiffany
Yip, Charissa S. L. Cheah, Lisa Kiang, and Gordon C. Nagayama Hall
served as guest editors of the special issue, with Lillian Comas-Díaz as
advisory editor.
Jason D. Reynolds (Taewon Choi), Yuying Tsong, and Y. Joel Wong
contributed equally to the article, and their names are listed alphabetically
by last name.
Hsiu-Lan Cheng served as lead for conceptualization, investigation,
visualization, writing – original draft and writing – review and editing.
Helen Youngju Kim served in a supporting role for writing – review and
editing. Jason D. Reynolds (Taewon Choi) served in a supporting role
for writing – review and editing. Yuying Tsong served in a supporting
role for writing – review and editing. Y. Joel Wong served in a
supporting role for writing – review and editing.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Hsiu-Lan
Cheng, Department of Counseling Psychology, University of San
Francisco, 2130 Fulton Street, San Francisco, CA 94117, United States.
Email: [email protected]
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0167-929X
Hsiu-Lan Cheng
Jason D. Reynolds (Taewon Choi)
https://orcid.org/0000-00020744-3387
Yuying Tsong
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6379-0028
Helen Youngju Kim is now at the Department of Psychiatry, Kaiser
Permanente, Walnut Creek, California, United States.
627
628
CHENG ET AL.
falls within the social justice mandate of psychologists to
address the suffering of marginalized communities (Vasquez, 2012).
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Conceptual Model and Key Principles
Hsiu-Lan
Cheng
On May 7, 2020; United Nations Secretary-General
António Guterres (2020) warned that the coronavirus 2019
(COVID-19) pandemic “continues to unleash a tsunami of
hate and xenophobia, scapegoating and scare-mongering.”
Indeed, a surge of racist incidents (e.g., physical assault,
verbal harassment, or online racial discrimination) targeting
individuals of Asian descent has been reported in the United
States and globally since the outbreak of the COVID-19
pandemic, with over 1,800 reports in the United States
alone over an 8-week period (Borja et al., 2020; also, see
Cheah et al., 2020). A Pew survey indicated that since the
outbreak of COVID-19, about 40% of Asian American
adults reported that people acted uncomfortably around
them, 31% experienced racial/ethnic slurs or jokes, and
26% feared physical attack (Ruiz et al., 2020).
At the core of this anti-Asian sentiment is the blaming of
Asian Americans as the source of the COVID-19 pandemic
in the United States (Tavernise & Oppel, 2020), which parallels the stereotyping of Arab Americans as terrorists and
the spike of hate crimes directed at them following the September 11 terrorist attacks (American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee Research Institute, 2008). Anticipating
and experiencing discrimination during infectious disease
outbreaks (e.g., the 2014 Ebola outbreak) can increase risk
for mental health problems (Shultz et al., 2015). As such,
COVID-19 anti-Asian racism represents a compounding
stressor that can compromise Asian Americans’ psychological wellbeing. Understanding COVID-19 anti-Asian racism
and identifying channels to alleviate and prevent its negative psychological impacts is, therefore, imperative and
This article describes a model of tripartite collective psychosocial resilience against COVID-19 anti-Asian racism
(see Figure 1) that provides psychology practitioners and
researchers with a blueprint for their work with Asian Americans during (and after) this racialized pandemic. In addition
to outlining the adverse psychological impacts of COVID-19
anti-Asian racism, the model highlights the importance of
empowering Asian Americans through a tripartite process of
collective psychosocial resilience comprised of: (a) critical
consciousness of discrimination as a common fate, (b) critical consciousness-informed racial/ethnic identity, and (c)
advocacy. Proposal of this tripartite process of collective
psychosocial resilience is informed by social identity literature indicating that awareness of discrimination can evoke
shared marginalized identities to facilitate group solidarity
for personal and collective empowerment (Cortland et al.,
2017; Craig & Richeson, 2012; Vollhardt et al., 2016); and
that a clear and committed racial/ethnic identity can protect
against the harmful effects of racism (Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2014; Yip et al., 2019). A review of the social identity literature informing the proposed tripartite process of collective
psychosocial resilience is provided in the sections to follow.
Critical consciousness refers to a critical reflection on systemic inequities and oppression in society, one’s place in it,
and subsequent motivation and action to confront oppressive
social structures (Freire, 1970; Watts et al., 2011). Racial/
ethnic identity is defined as the attitudes and beliefs people
hold about their memberships in their racial/ethnic groups
(Phinney, 1992; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Finally, advocacy refers to activities that facilitate the removal of systems
of oppression and elimination of barriers to human rights
and well-being (Goodman et al., 2018). Several principles
guiding our model are described below:
1.
Asian Americans refers to individuals of Asian descent in
the United States. Under this umbrella term, a wide diversity exists, including different languages, ethnicities, and
cultural practices, but when it comes to racism, there
is much shared similarity. For example, many Asian
Americans of East or Southeast Asian descent (e.g.,
Chinese, Filipino, Hmong, Japanese, Korean, Taiwanese,
Thai, Vietnamese, etc.) have reported hate incidents
directed at them because of COVID-19, including being
the target of anti-Chinese rhetoric (Borja et al., 2020).
South Asian Americans, although less likely to be targets
of anti-Chinese rhetoric, have also reported COVID-19
racism in the form of xenophobia and Islamophobia
(Hussain, 2020). However, some constructs in our model
(see Figure 1), may not be relevant to all Asian
Americans. For example, COVID-19 racial scapegoating
COVID-19 ANTI-ASIAN RACISM
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
4.
629
Finally, we do not claim that collective psychosocial resilience is more crucial than other pathways (e.g., federal
policy change), or that it is a panacea for anti-Asian
racism.
The following sections describe COVID-19 anti-Asian
racism and its potential adverse psychological impacts, with
consideration of the broader societal context within which
they occur. We then articulate theoretical and empirical
foundations for the proposed tripartite process of collective
psychosocial resilience that will provide strength and hope
for Asian Americans. We conclude the article with a discussion of implications for practice and research.
COVID-19 Anti-Asian Racism and Its Broader
Societal Context
Helen
Youngju
Kim
may not apply to South Asian Americans. Instead, their
generally darker skin tone than many East and Southeast
Asians may make them vulnerable to racism during and
beyond the pandemic, as research indicates darker skin is
associated with greater reports of discrimination in Asian
Americans (Lee & Thai, 2015).
2.
The adverse impacts of COVID-19 anti-Asian racism are
likely wide-ranging (e.g., physical health; Lewis et al.,
2015). However, in this article, we focus only on mental
health and identity impacts because of literature indicating that exposure to racism, as an identity-based bigotry
that targets not only the individual but also the group
(Miller & Kaiser, 2001); is linked to poor mental health
(e.g., Gee et al., 2009) and harm to personal and collective identities (e.g., Yip, 2016). Relatedly, possible mediators such as cognitive appraisal and coping responses
between COVID-19 racism and psychological outcomes
are not depicted in the model, nor reviewed in this text,
given the length limit of the current article.
3.
While emphasizing the impact of anti-Asian racism, the
present model recognizes multiple layers of ecological,
social, and individual stressors during the COVID-19
pandemic. Other pandemic-related stressors (e.g., job
loss) and preexisting vulnerabilities (e.g., mental health
diagnoses) will likely increase susceptibility to the sequelae of COVID-19 anti-Asian racism. On the other hand,
personal, familial, and contextual resources (e.g., social
support) will reduce the deleterious impact of COVID-19
racial bigotry. Relatedly, demographic differences, such
as variations based on gender, ethnicity, or immigration,
are also expected.
Our model (see Figure 1) offers five interrelated constructs to situate various forms of COVID-19 anti-Asian
racism, while recognizing that racism can take place at multiple (e.g., structural, cultural, individual; Williams et al.,
2019) levels: (1) Racial scapegoating. The Trump administration has repeatedly used terms like the “Wuhan virus”
and the “Chinese virus” to describe COVID-19, which has
led to racial scapegoating of Asian Americans and spikes of
hate incidents (Borja et al., 2020), signifying government
sanctioned racism against Asian Americans. (2) Racial
objectification. Regardless of actual ethnic backgrounds,
many individuals of East or Southeast Asian descent are
lumped together as “Chinese” and shunned as contagious
racial objects (Borja et al., 2020). That is, many Asian
Americans of different ethnicities are relegated as “interchangeable with other objects of the same type” (Nussbaum, 1995, p. 257)—in this case, objects with COVID-19.
(3) Denigration. Many Asian Americans, ethnic businesses
(e.g., Asian restaurants), and cultural heritages have been
defamed, insulted, and ridiculed (e.g., Asians referred to as
“bat eaters;” the martial arts, Kungfu, mocked as “kung
flu”), indicating both individual and cultural racism. (4)
Ostracization. A content analysis of anti-Asian xenophobic
comments reported between March and May 2020 found
20.3% involved anti-immigrant nationalism (Borja et al.,
2020), even though many Asian Americans have generations
of ancestry in the United States. Also, xenophobia, expressed
in Islamophobia, has disproportionally affected South Asian
Americans during the pandemic (Hussain, 2020). (5) Dehumanization. Many Asian Americans are treated like animals
(e.g., “you monkey”) or viruses that deserve to be attacked
(e.g., stabbed, immolated; Cheung et al., 2020).
Although COVID-19 racism shares some similarities
(e.g., ostracization) with historical markers of anti-Asian
racism (e.g., the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882; Japanese
Internment during World War II), it is distinct in that people
of Asian descent are seen as the cause of a global infectious
disease and that the number of anti-Asian hate incidents has
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
630
CHENG ET AL.
Jason D.
Reynolds
(Taewon
Choi)
grown exponentially within a short period of time (Borja
et al., 2020), creating an intense surge of racial stress. To be
sure, however, the racialization of diseases is not new. In
fact, Asian Americans were also stigmatized and discriminated during the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS)
outbreak in 2003 (Person et al., 2004); but the number of
anti-Asian incidents reported during the current COVID-19
pandemic far outnumbers that during the 2003 SARS outbreak (Tessler et al., 2020). Discrimination against nonAsian groups (e.g., Africans) has also been reported during
other disease outbreaks (e.g., the Ebola pandemic; Kim
et al., 2016), attesting to the racialization of diseases that
disproportionally and adversely affect people of color
across the globe.
Another striking demarcation of COVID-19 anti-Asian
racism is that it is exacerbated by an insidious form of discrimination that renders Asian Americans’ concerns invisible (Sue et al., 2007). Anti-Asian COVID-19 racism is
inseparable from the longstanding, societal stereotype of
Asian Americans as perpetual foreigners (Sue et al., 2007).
This stereotype reinforces Asian Americans’ invisibility
and ignores their needs by relegating them as not “real”
Americans, which contributes to governmental neglect in
providing linguistically accessible COVID-19 testing and
prevention information to some Asian immigrant communities (della Cava, 2020).
Beyond the perpetual foreigner stereotype, the model minority stereotype also compounds the invisibility of Asian
Americans. This myth, which assumes Asian Americans are
successful and have few problems (Sue et al., 2007); has
been used to deny racial discrimination and disparities
encountered by Asian Americans. For example, the jobless
disparities of Asian Americans (10.7% in August 2020;
compared with 7.3%, 10.5%, and 13% for White, Latinx,
and Black Americans, respectively) during the pandemic
have not received adequate notice by the government and
the public (Horsely, 2020). Systemic racism is also reflected
in health disparities, including a lack of effort to address the
highest COVID-19 case-fatality rate among Asian Americans relative to all other groups in some regions of California (della Cava, 2020). As well, systemic racism has
interacted with other stratification forces (e.g., classism) to
exacerbate discrimination and intersectional oppression to
vulnerable Asian subgroups and communities (e.g., minimum-wage workers) who do not fit the model minority stereotype. For example, systemic discrimination (e.g., housing,
employment, or health care) based on class, caste, immigration status, religion, and sexual orientation is widespread
against Asian Americans but receives inadequate attention
from the media and the government (della Cava, 2020; Hussain, 2020). The invisibility of Asian Americans is especially
pernicious because it involves discrimination by way of
omission (failure to recognize the plight of Asian Americans), which people may dismiss as less harmful than active
acts of discrimination (Fryberg & Eason, 2017).
COVID-19 anti-Asian racism is also inseparable from the
broader context of immigration politics and geopolitical
relationships between the United States and Asian countries, particularly China. Immigration bans during the pandemic, such as executive orders targeting H-1B work visa
and student visa holders (most of whom are from Asian
countries), have stoked anti-immigrant sentiments and anxiety among Asian Americans (Hussain, 2020). The politicization of the pandemic has also led some people to
associate mask-wearing (largely practiced in East Asia)
with China/Asia and being infected, at least during the early
months of the pandemic, resulting in discrimination against
mask-wearing Asian Americans. Moreover, experiencing
mask-wearing related discrimination has been linked to
greater psychological distress (Liu et al., 2020).
In addition to the broader societal context of racism, prepandemic experiences of discrimination should be considered. Prepandemic discrimination may lead to vigilance of
COVID-19 racism or attributing ambiguous interactions to
racial discrimination. This vigilance can create anticipatory
stress (see Lewis et al., 2015 for a discussion). Additionally,
Asian Americans suffer vicariously when their loved ones
have been targets of COVID-19 racist acts. For example,
research found that Chinese American parents’ experience
of COVID-19 racism was related to poorer mental health
among their adolescent children (Cheah et al., 2020). Both
personal and vicarious racism have negative health consequences (Lewis et al., 2015). All these factors add to the
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
COVID-19 ANTI-ASIAN RACISM
Yuying
Tsong
complexity and adverse impact of COVID-19 anti-Asian
racism.
Potential Adverse Psychological Impacts of COVID-19
Anti-Asian Racism
The following section examines the negative psychological impacts of COVID-19 anti-Asian racism, which should
be understood as inextricable from broader societal contexts.
For example, the health care disparities (e.g., inadequate
accessibility and availability) experienced by Asian Americans (Turner et al., 2016) may prolong the adverse mental
health impacts of COVID-19 racism. Sociodemographic
stratification factors may also interact with the influence of
COVID-19 racism. For example, recent immigrants may experience more acculturation stress and be susceptible to
more distress than U.S. born Asian Americans (Turner et al.,
2016). The dominance of White-centric images and the
under- (and oftentimes inaccurate) representation of Asian
Americans in the mass media can reinforce stereotypes of
Asian Americans (Zhang, 2010), compounding the negative
racial/ethnic identity impact of COVID-19 anti-Asian
racism.
Impacts on Mental Health
There is evidence that the pandemic lockdown has
resulted in negative mental health sequelae (Sibley et al.,
2020). For Asian Americans, this problem is compounded
by COVID-19 anti-Asian racism. The ostracization resulting from pandemic scapegoating may lead to increased
631
suicidal ideation (Chen et al., 2020). Research has shown
that Asian Americans who experienced COVID-19 racism
reported elevated generalized anxiety and depressive symptoms (Cheng et al., 2020; Cheah et al., 2020). Witnessing
and encountering anti-Asian verbal and physical assaults
(Borja et al., 2020) and experiencing racial alienation and
hostility may increase Asian Americans’ susceptibility to
traumatic symptoms (e.g., hypervigilance, fear, or anger),
as illustrated by research on Asian American veterans who
experienced racial ostracization in the military (Loo et al.,
2001). Lastly, as the pandemic persists, the synergistic
stress from COVID-19 and anti-Asian racism will likely
exacerbate existing mental health conditions.
Further, whether directly or vicariously experienced
(Cheah et al., 2020); COVID-19 anti-Asian racism can
damage Asian Americans’ self-esteem, defined as individuals’ overall evaluation of their own value and worth (Rosenberg, 1965). Research indicates that perceived racial/ethnic
discrimination is linked to lower self-esteem, and the linkage is especially strong for adolescents and young adults
(Benner et al., 2018; Schmitt et al., 2014). Given that earlier
self-esteem predicts later mental and physical health, relationship fulfillment, and job satisfaction (Orth et al., 2012);
the potential effect of COVID-19 anti-Asian racism on selfesteem is concerning, particularly among youth, who can be
doubly vulnerable to their own and their parents’ exposure
to discrimination (Cheah et al., 2020).
Because COVID-19 anti-Asian racism targets individuals
perceived to be Asian, based on physical features (e.g., eye
shape, skin color), it can impact Asian Americans’ body
image. Research indicates positive links between racism
experiences and negative body image among Asian Americans (e.g., Cheng et al., 2016, 2017). Compared with other
groups, Asian American youth reported a greater desire to
have White American physical features (Phinney, 1989).
Hence, COVID-19 anti-Asian racism will likely heighten
susceptibility to body image distress.
Impacts on Racial/Ethnic Identity
Experiencing COVID-19 racism can increase susceptibility to feelings of shame about one’s race/ethnicity (Helms,
1995). Further, COVID-19 scapegoating can lead to internalizing racist beliefs about one’s own racial/ethnic group
and peers, such as avoiding recent Chinese immigrants who
most approximate the “virulent” (e.g., “Chinese virus”) profile. For example, some Asian Americans engage in acts of
“othering” their racial/ethnic groups, dissociating from
“stereotypical” and immigrant Asian peers, or mocking
their own cultural heritage as ways to fit into the dominant
White society (Pyke & Dang, 2003). Also, Asian American
adolescents report less racial/ethnic group belonging and
less positive feelings about their racial/ethnic group than
other minority ethnic youth (e.g., Latinx; Kiang et al.,
632
CHENG ET AL.
empower Asian Americans and protect against the harmful psychological effects of COVID-19 anti-Asian
racism.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Critical Consciousness of Discrimination as a Common
Fate
Y. Joel
Wong
2010). Taken together, this literature suggests that COVID19 anti-Asian racism can adversely impact racial/ethnic
identity.
Further, COVID-19 anti-Asian racism may create compounded identity stress for individuals with additional
minoritized identities that intersect with their racial/ethnic
identity. At the intersection of race/ethnicity and social
class, Southeast Asian American adolescents are often
depicted as both model minorities and as gangsters (Ngo &
Lee, 2007); illustrating unique intersectional stereotypes.
During the pandemic, intersectional identity stress is indicated in reports showing that Asian American women and
elders are more frequent targets of racist physical attack
than Asian American men and youth (Cheung et al., 2020),
possibly because they are perceived as vulnerable targets
who are less likely to defend themselves against or report
victimization (Yen, 2000). This suggests that the impact of
COVID-19 anti-Asian racism on racial/ethnic identity intersects with additional minoritized identities.
Instilling Collective Psychosocial Resilience to Combat
COVID-19 Anti-Asian Racism
The potential adverse psychological impacts of COVID19 anti-Asian racism highlight the urgency of instilling
strength and positive resources during the pandemic. Our
model emphasizes a tripartite process of collective psychosocial resilience, comprised of (a) critical consciousness of
discrimination as a common fate, (b) critical consciousnessinformed racial/ethnic identity, and (c) advocacy, to
The common ingroup identity model (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000) postulates that the activation of a shared, superordinate group identity can facilitate the recategorization
and inclusion of outgroup members into one’s ingroup; this
new common ingroup (i.e., superordinate) identity can then
facilitate coalition building with outgroup members (e.g.,
strangers) to build collective psychosocial resilience in
times of communal adversity (e.g., natural disasters; Williams & Drury, 2009). A key avenue to the activation of a
common ingroup identity is inducing a perception of similarity, or a sense of a common fate, during shared mass
hardship (Williams & Drury, 2009, p. 295). Building on
this literature, our model emphasizes critical consciousness
of discrimination as a common fate to cultivate collective
psychosocial resilience among Asian Americans in the face
of COVID-19 racism.
Specifically, critical consciousness of COVID-19 racism
as a common fate enables people of diverse Asian ethnicities to unite through a shared predicament, which can compel a pan-Asian American solidarity to stimulate collective
action and harness resilience to cope with pandemic racial
bigotry. Further, critical consciousness of systemic racism
underlying COVID-19 anti-Asian racism allows recognition
of a common fate of oppression and structural injustice
faced by all Black, Indigenous, and People of Color
(BIPOC) communities. Indeed, the long-term effects of
African enslavement and the destruction of Indigenous
communities are systemically and institutionally evident
today, as seen in continued police brutality against Black
people as well as staggering health disparities in COVID-19
infection and death rates in Black, Latinx, and Indigenous
communities (Mays & Newman, 2020). Although the present COVID-19 anti-Asian racism has primarily centered on
blaming Asian Americans for the pandemic, which is distinct from other forms of racism (e.g., criminalization) often
experienced by other BIPOC groups, they share the common root of systemic racism that disdains the full humanity
of all racial/ethnic minorities. Furthermore, other BIPOC
groups have also been stigmatized for diseases in the past,
such as the association of Latinx farm workers with the
H1N1 outbreak in 2009 (Liu et al., 2020), which when
highlighted, may evoke feelings of connection and a shared
fate among other BIPOC individuals toward Asian Americans. As such, our model emphasizes facilitating a shared
BIPOC ingroup identity through critical consciousness of
discrimination as a common fate to cultivate collective psychosocial resilience.
COVID-19 ANTI-ASIAN RACISM
633
Figure 1
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
A Tripartite Model of Collective Psychosocial Resilience
Note. The “þ” sign indicates a positive relationship, while the “2” sign indicates a negative relationship. AA = Asian American; BIPOC = Black,
Indigenous, and People of Color. See the online article for the color version of this figure.
Moreover, critical consciousness of discrimination as a
common fate can increase Asian Americans’ awareness of
the oppressions suffered by minoritized groups beyond
race/ethnicity (e.g., religious and gender minorities), which
can motivate solidarity and advocacy beyond pan-Asian
American or pan-BIPOC unity. Critical consciousness of
discrimination as a common fate, therefore, provides a
foundation for positive ingroup racial/ethnic identity development as well as intergroup and intersectional solidarity
and advocacy—all of which synergistically confer collective psychosocial resilience against COVID-19 anti-Asian
racism.
systemic inequities and attribution to racism, oppressed
individuals may internalize stigmatized views about their
race/ethnicity; thus, distorting their racial/ethnic identity
(Comas-Díaz, 2007). Systemic denigration of cultural
heritages (e.g., COVID-19 cultural derision) further creates barriers for individuals to fully embrace and commit
to their identity as a member of a minoritized group
(Comas-Díaz, 2007). Therefore, the present model focuses
on (a) attribution to racism, (b) dismantling internalized
racism, and (c) critical ongoing commitment to one’s
racial/ethnic identity (see Figure 1) as priority areas in
strengthening Asian Americans’ racial/ethnic identity to
resist the harmful effects of COVID-19 racism.
Critical Consciousness-Informed Racial/Ethnic Identity
Attribution to Racism
The very fact that Asian Americans’ racial or ethnic
backgrounds are vehemently attacked during the pandemic underscores the importance of strengthening their
racial/ethnic identity. Rather than reviewing existing
racial/ethnic identity theories (e.g., Helms, 1995; Phinney, 1992); the current articles draws from concepts of
these theories, along with the construct of critical consciousness (Freire, 1970); to address issues concerning
Asian Americans’ racial/ethnic identity with relevance to
the COVID-19 context. Without critical awareness of
It is important that Asian Americans are equipped with
critical consciousness so that they can attribute their racist
encounters to group-based discrimination, rather than blame
themselves. Attribution to racism has been shown to be protective of self-esteem (Thijs & Piscoi, 2016) and is associated with increased ingroup identification because of a need
for belonging after outgroup rejection, and, as such, can
strengthen racial/ethnic identity and promote psychological
wellbeing (Branscombe et al., 1999; Tajfel & Turner,
1986).
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
634
CHENG ET AL.
If not channeled toward critical consciousness to enable
recognition of racism, the salience of race amplified through
COVID-19 can either jolt individuals into a state of racial/
ethnic identity dissonance in which their previous racismfree worldview is shattered, or foster a defensive, all-ornothing mindset in which individuals idealize their own
race/ethnicity while denigrating the oppressor group
(Helms, 1995). Furthermore, while encounters with discrimination can spur racial/ethnic identity exploration
among Asian American youth (Cheon & Yip, 2019);
increased identity exploration can exacerbate vulnerabilities
(e.g., negative mental health, risky behaviors) associated
with racial discrimination (see Yip et al., 2019 for a metaanalysis). This may be because identity exploration is a process characterized by uncertainty about race/ethnicity (Phinney, 1992); and can bring psychological turmoil (e.g.,
confusion about the value of one’s ethnic group). Critical
consciousness, however, may prevent this turmoil by providing an ability to understand how racism has unjustly
influenced one’s racial/ethnic group. This critical understanding may also enable one to dispute discriminatory
practices, which may facilitate a sense of autonomy (Sanchez et al., 2016) to aid in the identity exploration process.
Strategies to raise critical consciousness include providing education on the history of anti-Asian racism and structural inequalities in the United States (e.g., People’s
Collective for Justice and Liberation, 2020), which could
help Asian Americans situate and attribute individual acts
of COVID-19 racial bigotry to systemic racism and may be
especially helpful for first-generation immigrants who did
not grow up in the United States and might not be fully
aware of the pernicious nature of racism. To raise critical
consciousness among Asian American youth and enable
attribution to racism, it may be helpful for parents to provide a historical context to the present COVID-19 antiAsian racist environment as well as teach their youth to
identify and label specific expressions of COVID-19 racism
(e.g., racial scapegoating and ostracization). This critical
cognizance and attribution may help preserve or even
enhance among youth a positive racial/ethnic identity that is
resilient against racism during and after the pandemic.
Additionally, instilling critical consciousness in youth may
facilitate positive outcomes in career, academic, civic, and
socioemotional development (see Heberle et al., 2020, for a
systematic review).
Dismantling Internalized Racism
In addition to critical reflection about racism, positive
racial/ethnic identity development entails dismantling internalized racism, defined as racism that is adopted into and
operates in oppressed people’s ideological systems (David
et al., 2019). Examples include the internalized model minority stereotype (Yoo et al., 2010) and associated meritocratic (i.e., denial of systemic barriers and belief one can
succeed based on individual hard work; Wiley et al., 2012)
and color-blind (i.e., skin color does not matter and racism
is only imaginary; Neville et al., 2000) worldviews. Internalized racism may also involve internalizing the view that
one’s race or culture is inferior to that of White Americans
(Helms, 1995). For instance, during the COVID-19 pandemic, some Asian Americans might unwittingly internalize
the racist view that Asian cultural practices are partly to
blame for the spread of the coronavirus (e.g., food cultures,
communal eating). Relatedly, Asian American college students who experienced the perpetual foreigner stereotype
(i.e., being treated as if they were foreigners) during the
pandemic were more likely to report internalized racism
(Cheng et al., 2020).
COVID-19 anti-Asian sentiments, however, can be used
to awaken a critical examination of internalized racism. A
growth-oriented, nondefensive, and affirming racial/ethnic
identity is rarely possible if one’s identity is rigidly built
upon stereotypes (e.g., model minority) and worldviews
shaped by White-oriented social systems. Indeed, the key
milestone in racial/ethnic identity development is dismantling internalized racism and adopting a critical understanding of race and oppression (Helms, 1995). Therefore, Asian
Americans’ racial/ethnic identity development must include
the dismantling of internalized, White-socialized racism,
and other racism-related oppressive worldviews (e.g., classism; Liu & Ali, 2005).
Research found that a critical awareness of structural inequality was associated with rejection of the model minority
stereotype and endorsement of a stronger collective Asian
American identity (Tran & Curtin, 2017). This research
suggests the value of critical consciousness in dismantling
internalized racism, which involves rejecting taken-forgranted narratives about one’s group. For instance, Asian
Americans who have internalized any guilt or shame for the
spread of the coronavirus might begin to challenge and
expose this narrative as racist. In the wake of COVID-19
anti-Asian racism, Asian Americans who had previously
internalized color-blind ideologies might begin to grasp the
racist nature of U.S. society and reject the color-blind
views. Although research has yet to examine the buffering
role of dismantling internalized racism in the context of
racial discrimination among Asian Americans, research
with Latinx Americans suggests this potential. Specifically,
greater perceived ethnic discrimination was associated with
greater self-esteem among Latinx Americans who rejected a
meritocratic worldview, but was linked to lower self-esteem
among those who endorsed this worldview (Major et al.,
2007). The same study found that exposure to discrimination led to decreased ingroup blame among Latinx Americans who rejected a meritocracy worldview, but increased
ingroup blame among those who endorsed it. This research
implies that during the pandemic, critical dismantling of
internalized oppression may protect Asian Americans
COVID-19 ANTI-ASIAN RACISM
against the damaging effects of racism on their self-esteem;
it may also prevent them from blaming their own group
(e.g., scapegoating) so that a positive racial/ethnic identity
can be developed.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Critical Ongoing Racial/Ethnic Identity Commitment
To resist COVID-19 anti-Asian racism, it is important
to develop a critical consciousness-informed appreciation and reclamation of one’s Asian roots, history, and
pride. Exploring one’s identity as a member of a minoritized group can increase vulnerability (Yip et al., 2019)
because the process involves uncertainty, an absence of
guiding principles, and likely discordance between one’s
bicultural (i.e., mainstream American and one’s racial/
ethnic culture) backgrounds (Schwartz et al., 2013). Critical consciousness, then, can guide the identity exploration process to discern the historical and contemporary
White-centric establishments of acceptable norms and
subjugation of racial/ethnic minority groups and cultures
as inferior (Comas-Díaz, 2007). Given research findings
that among all immigrant groups, Asian immigrants are
least likely to retain their ethnic language and are eager
to assimilate into the U.S. mainstream culture (Rumbaut,
2009); the urgency of affirming cultural assets amid
COVID-19 anti-Asian denigration must be emphasized.
There is evidence to suggest that cultural learning enhances self-esteem (Umaña-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007). Further, research with African American youth indicates
affirmations of one’s core values (e.g., relationship with
family, religion) have lasting protective effects against
racist threats (Cook et al., 2012)—extrapolating from
this research, affirmations of one’s core cultural values
(e.g., collectivistic decision making, importance of kinship) may protect Asian Americans against COVID-19
anti-Asian cultural debasement.
The ability to critically examine information about one’s
racial/ethnic group (e.g., history, traditions) can render
identity exploration an empowering and agentic process
(Schwartz et al., 2013); consequently facilitating integration
of new understandings and deepening of one’s identity
commitment (Hughes et al., 2017). Racial/ethnic identity
commitment is an assurance of oneself as a member of
one’s racial/ethnic group and a sense of dedication to one’s
racial/ethnic community; it grounds individuals in their ethnocultural roots and guides them toward a scope of social
responsibilities, values, and goals related to their groups
(Schwartz et al., 2013). In addition, deep, continued identity
exploration is more favorable than exploration in breadth
without commitment (Hughes et al., 2017). Such a proactive, intentional, and ongoing identity commitment is distinguished from hasty or defensive identity alignments that
can arise as reactions to threats (Rumbaut, 2008), such as
the COVID-19 racism upsurge.
635
Empirical evidence supports the psychological benefits of
affirming and committing to one’s racial/ethnic identity.
Racial/ethnic identity characterized by high exploration and
commitment, or high commitment alone, is associated with
less mental health distress and serves as a buffer on the
links between racism and adverse outcomes (see Yip et al.,
2019, for a meta-analysis). As well, racial/ethnic pride or
affirmation and a strong sense of inclusion and alignment
with one’s racial/ethnic group are positively linked to adaptive (e.g., self-esteem, relationships, health, or academics)
outcomes (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014; Smith & Silva, 2011).
This literature underlines the utility of fortifying Asian
Americans’ racial/ethnic identity commitment and affirmation as a source of critical resilience against COVID-19
anti-Asian racial bias.
Advocacy
Advocacy can be an avenue for rechanneling COVID-19
anti-Asian racism toward group solidarity and empowerment so that positive societal transformation is possible
(Vollhardt et al., 2016). The present model focuses on
developing solidarity with and advocating on behalf of (a)
Asian Americans, (b) other BIPOCs, and (c) people with
intersecting minoritized identities beyond race/ethnicity
(see Figure 1) as priority areas for transforming Asian
Americans’ pandemic related racial stress. The sections
below delineate specific types of advocacy proposed in the
conceptual model, followed by a discussion of the psychological benefits of advocacy.
Asian American Solidarity and Advocacy
Experiences of discrimination have been theorized to be a
catalyst of collective action through an increased critical
awareness of group-based inequality (Duncan, 2012). Additionally, the social identity model of collective action (van
Zomeren et al., 2008) posits that a positive racial/ethnic
identity will likely enhance ingroup solidarity and advocacy. Indeed, research shows that greater experiences of
racial/ethnic discrimination were associated with greater
own-group advocacy (i.e., immigrant rights and racial
equality) through critical awareness of systemic inequality,
and in turn, through ingroup collective identity, among
Asian Americans (Tran & Curtin, 2017). Accordant with
this, increased critical awareness was associated with
greater advocacy engagement and a positive racial/ethnic
identity among Asian American youth (Suyemoto et al.,
2015).
The literature further demonstrates that experiences of
discrimination alone may be sufficient to impel advocacy,
bypassing the need for a critical awareness of structural inequality, especially during times of crisis (Duncan, 1999,
2012). Research with Asian Americans found a direct link
between experiences of discrimination and own-group
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
636
CHENG ET AL.
advocacy, in addition to mediated links through critical
awareness and ingroup collective identity (Tran & Curtin,
2017). Qualitative research revealed that racial/ethnic discrimination was a central impetus in the development of a
pan-Asian solidarity and politicized identity among Asian
American activists (Rhoads et al., 2002). As such, the surge
of COVID-19 anti-Asian racism might compel Asian Americans to engage in own-group advocacy as a spontaneous
response to the racial turmoil, or through a coherent critical
cognizance of systemic inequality and group solidarity.
Indeed, since the rise of the pandemic, many Asian
Americans have participated in solidarity and advocacy
efforts at local and national levels. For example, the “Safe
from Hate” community initiative (Bit, 2020) responded to
the growth of COVID-19 anti-Asian elder attacks in New
York by dispersing free alarm necklaces to Asian American
elders to loudly distract harassers or trigger bystander intervention. In addition to collaborations with Congress to
upend xenophobia, Asian Americans Advancing Justice
(2020) has formed a multilingual website offering a hate
crime reporting repository, bystander and intergroup antihate trainings, and legal resources. Virtual town halls held
by community organizers have provided the historical context of anti-Asian sentiments, raised critical consciousness,
and advocated for collective resistance during the pandemic
(People’s Collective for Justice and Liberation, 2020). As
such, COVID-19 anti-Asian racism can activate pan-Asian
American unity and advocacy.
BIPOC-Solidarity and Advocacy
Another avenue for empowering Asian Americans to
challenge anti-Asian racism is for them to connect with
other BIPOCs through a critical consciousness of parallel
racial pain and struggle—that is, awareness of a common
fate or similarity (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000; Williams &
Drury, 2009). Indeed, the intersection of racism and other
factors surrounding COVID-19, as well as recent Black
Lives Matter (BLM) protests, have activated advocacy
among Asian Americans. For example, Asian Americans
have strengthened solidarity with Black communities,
through protests, advocacy groups (e.g., Asians4BLM,
South Asians for BLM), social media platforms (e.g.,
#aapiforblacklives), and community education about the
shared struggles of all BIPOCs (Hussain, 2020).
Solidarity between Asian and Black Americans are realworld epitomes of evidence from studies showing that
when anti-Asian discrimination was made salient, Asian
Americans exhibited more positive attitudes toward Black
Americans (Craig & Richeson, 2012) and showed less automatic, implicit anti-Black bias (Greenwald et al., 1998) than
when the salience of discrimination was absent. Empirical
research further indicates that it is through empathy and
feelings of similarity that the salience of discrimination
(i.e., common fate) facilitates positive attitudes toward other
similarly marginalized groups (Cortland et al., 2017; Craig
& Richeson, 2012). Therefore, the first step to cultivating
BIPOC solidarity and advocacy is to foster intergroup empathy between Asian and Black communities, which has the
potential to heal historical rifts (e.g., the 1992 Los Angeles
uprising) and renew coalitions during the pandemic racism
crisis. This is important because the power structures that
uphold White supremacy promote intra-BIPOC antagonism
and communities being pitted against each other (ComasDíaz, 2007) while White systems benefit from interminority
group tensions.
Two components of empathy, perspective taking (i.e.,
adopting the psychological viewpoint of others) and empathic concern (i.e., feeling sympathy and concern for
others; Davis, 1980); have been shown to be most relevant
to intergroup relations. Interventions and experiments targeting perspective taking and empathic concern toward
individuals of stigmatized groups have demonstrated effects
in prejudice reduction (e.g., Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000;
Todd et al., 2011). Moreover, perceiving that one has
shared experiences (e.g., racism) with another person facilitates increased perspective taking and empathic concern toward the individual (e.g., Hodges et al., 2010) and this
individual’s group, reducing group-based stereotypes (e.g.,
Broockman & Kalla, 2016; Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000).
As such, enhancing Asian Americans’ critical reflection on
COVID-19 anti-Asian racism, and its underlying root in
systemic racism suffered by all BIPOCs, may facilitate
intergroup empathic concern and perspective taking, which
can sustain BIPOC-solidarity during and beyond the
pandemic.
Solidarity and Advocacy Across Identity Dimensions
Certain social identity groups (e.g., women, older adults;
Cheung et al., 2020) among Asian Americans have been
targets of COVID-19 anti-Asian physical attacks more often
than others, underscoring the value of intersectionality
(Cole, 2009; Crenshaw, 1991). That is, individuals’ multiple social identities intersect in ways that reflect power,
privilege, and oppression (Cole, 2009); and it is important
to resist all forms of identity-based bigotry. Intersectionality
emerged as a concept to describe the cumulative oppression
faced by Black and other women of color and to reveal the
limitations of solidarity based on single-axis group identity
(e.g., race; Crenshaw, 1991). Thus, although group-based
identity (e.g., pan-Asian American, pan-BIPOC) is vital for
collective solidarity, it runs the risk of overlooking differences within the group, which could result in some members
benefiting from group unity at the expense of others (Chun
et al., 2013). For example, race-based activism can be
uncritical about sexism or heterosexism and vice versa
(Chun et al., 2013).
Intersectional consciousness, the awareness of how intersecting structural factors (e.g., gender and race) exert
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
COVID-19 ANTI-ASIAN RACISM
interconnected influence in individuals’ lives (Greenwood,
2008), can facilitate recognition that differences within
groups are not barriers to solidarity but necessitate activation of new coalitions across identity dimensions (Crenshaw, 1991). The compounded vulnerabilities faced by
Asian American women and elders amid COVID-19 racism
can be leveraged to raise intersectional consciousness,
which may be done by highlighting the similarly oppressive
nature of racism and other identity-based bigotry (e.g., sexism) as a common fate of all marginalized individuals. For
instance, research shows that making explicit the similarity
between race and sexual orientation-based discrimination
leads Asian Americans to report increased positive attitudes
toward queer individuals (Cortland et al., 2017).
Intersectional consciousness can enhance engagement in
intersectional solidarity and advocacy. Research indicates
that higher levels of intersectional consciousness are associated with greater levels of commitment to organizational diversity and more positive attitudes toward individuals with
a stigmatized identity different from one’s own identity
(Greenwood & Christian, 2008). Intersectional awareness is
also associated positively with perspective taking, favorable
intergroup attitudes, intentions to impact social change, and
a rejection of system-justifying ideologies across multiple
identity domains (Curtin et al., 2015). Individuals with
greater awareness of unjust social arrangements affecting
other groups, but not necessarily one’s own group, are more
likely to engage in advocacy action than otherwise (Russell,
2011).
Several examples showcase how COVID-19 anti-Asian
racism has activated Asian Americans to engage in intersectional advocacy. The AAPI Women Lead organization has
advocated for intersectional solidarity engagements (e.g.,
Mutual Aid) that focus on individuals and groups who
might be especially vulnerable during the pandemic, including those unhoused, living with disabilities, or economically
disadvantaged (Wun, 2020). People’s Collective for Justice
and Liberation(2020) has also launched town halls to raise
awareness of the intersections of racial, gender, sexual orientation, and disability justice, as well as the importance of
standing in intersectional solidarity to fight not only structural racism, but also Asian heteropatriarchy and heterosexism. Various volunteer-led grassroots organizations have
also mobilized to advocate for their community members
with minoritized social identities (e.g., social class) subject
to identity-based oppression not necessarily related to race/
ethnicity (e.g., Ktown for All, n.d.).
Mental Health and Identity Benefits of Advocacy
Asian Americans’ solidarity with and advocacy for their
fellow Asian Americans, other BIPOCs, and individuals
and groups marginalized across other social identity dimensions might confer positive mental health and identity outcomes. Empirical research indicates that engagement in
637
political advocacy, collective gatherings, or solidarity protests (in literal or symbolic formats) is associated with positive self-esteem, perceived similarity with others, a
strengthened collective identity, life satisfaction, positive
affect, and a sense of purpose in life (Klar & Kasser, 2009;
Páez et al., 2015); regardless of whether the engagement is
initially motivated by a shared social identity. By contrast,
refraining from engaging in advocacy and resistance actions
is a risk factor for negative mental health in the face of sociopolitical threat (e.g., Boehnke & Wong, 2011); such as
pandemic related racial scapegoating and cumulated threat
to intersectional minoritized identities.
Implications and Conclusion
Several practical and research implications can be
gleaned from our conceptual model. The avenues proposed
in our model for rechanneling the sting of COVID-19 racism toward personal and collective strength are well suited
for brief interventions, which has been recommended as a
priority of clinical practice during the COVID-19 pandemic
(Gruber et al., 2020). For example, online support groups,
psychoeducational workshops, and webinars that target key
constructs specified in the current model (e.g., critical consciousness, intergroup empathy, or intersectional awareness) may be well received by Asian Americans because
they are less stigmatizing than psychotherapy (e.g., Fang
et al., 2010). Interventions designed for specific subgroups
(e.g., Chinese immigrant older women) might address the
diversity within Asian Americans and allow participants’
shared social identities to elicit social bonds and support
(Haslam et al., 2009); thereby, fortifying resilience in the
face of COVID-19 discrimination.
The avenues and key constructs described in our model
provide psychologists a guide for identifying or adapting
evidence-based interventions to support Asian Americans.
For example, longitudinal field interventions (e.g., values
affirmations; Cook et al., 2012) and experiments (e.g., perspective taking; Broockman & Kalla, 2016) could be
adapted in the areas of racial/ethnic identity affirmation and
intergroup empathy, respectively, to positively influence
Asian American’s ingroup identity and intergroup coalition.
Culturally appropriate applications of constructs outlined in
our model are also necessary to acknowledge within-group
differences. For example, younger Asian Americans may be
more ready to participate in overt acts of resistance, while
older generations, likely influenced by cultural beliefs of
social harmony, may resist racism through covert ways that
deserve more research attention (Vollhardt et al., 2020).
Similarly, lay-provider service delivery (Gruber et al.,
2020) may be more acceptable to some Asian communities
than conventional mental health care delivery. This can
include training volunteers or grass-roots leaders (Chun
et al., 2013) on constructs in our model (e.g., critical
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
638
CHENG ET AL.
consciousness, advocacy) so that they may educate their
communities. In addition, the increasing reliance on telehealth interventions during the pandemic must also incorporate consideration of personal relevance (Hall et al., 2020)
to ensure effectiveness with Asian Americans.
The present model also points to areas of clinical training
for psychology trainees, including anti-Asian COVID-19
racism and stress, trainees’ own critical and intersectional
consciousness, racial/ethnic identity, intergroup solidarity,
empathy, and advocacy. Psychologists and trainees are
encouraged to explore cultural clinical tools (Comas-Díaz,
2007), such as photographs, storytelling of cultural memories (Comas-Díaz et al., 1998), documentaries, and photovoice (Chapman et al., 2018) that may aid Asian Americans
in connecting with racial/ethnic roots and identity construction as well as intergroup empathy and solidarity. Additionally, because people who engage in critical consciousness
and advocacy may experience pushback and vicarious
trauma while advocating against racism (Joscelyne et al.,
2015; Kaiser & Miller, 2001); it is important to prepare
Asian Americans for this potential toll. Given the psychological benefits (e.g., feelings of camaraderie and purpose)
afforded by social identity-based groups (Haslam et al.,
2009), Asian Americans could connect with their common
ingroup communities (e.g., Asian American support groups)
to receive validation and hope.
To reduce COVID-19 anti-Asian racism and its adverse
impacts, it is important that psychologists help the public
take this racism seriously. Aligning with common ingroup
identity theory (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000); role models
who share social identities (e.g., a White antiracist advocate
speaking to a White audience) may generate greater acceptance of antiracist messages. In addition to helping the public understand the nature and consequences of COVID-19
anti-Asian racism, the public can be educated on how they
too are impacted by this racism. For example, COVID-19
anti-Asian racism has resulted in undertesting of the coronavirus among some Asian American communities because of
fear of discrimination (della Cava, 2020), which may make
it harder to contain the pandemic. It is also important to
train bystanders and non-Asian allies to support Asian
Americans. It may be useful to highlight shared vulnerability (e.g., personal or vicarious stigmatization) to evoke a
sense of a common identity and deepened solidarity with
Asian Americans. Specific training can include education
on COVID-19 racial bias (e.g., xenophobia, scapegoating,
or denigration), conflict de-escalation skills (e.g., derailing
the incident), and empathy skills (e.g., emotional validation)
to support targets (Hollaback!; AAJC, n.d.). These
bystander and ally training programs may be most effective
when they involve both awareness (e.g., critical consciousness) and skill development and are ongoing (instead of a
brief one-time training; Bezrukova et al., 2016).
By leveraging perceptions of common identity when
reaching out to different audience groups (e.g., White v.
non-White perpetrators), psychologists can introduce concepts included in our model to help perpetrators change
their behavior. For example, psychoeducation on the concept of critical consciousness may raise understandings of
the pernicious effects of systemic racism on both BIPOCs
and Whites. Helping perpetrators critically reflect on how
they or their loved ones have experienced other (e.g., gender,
class, body size, or ability-based) forms of stigmatization
may increase an appreciation of discrimination as a common
fate shared by many people across different walks of life
beyond race/ethnicity. This critical consciousness may not
only facilitate intergroup empathy toward Asian Americans
to curb COVID-19 racism but also motivate perpetrators to
participate in antiracism advocacy.
Finally, systemic strategies to support Asian Americans
are needed. For example, mass media needs to adequately
cover Asian Americans’ experience of racism and disparities (della Cava, 2020), eradiate racially biased messages
that perpetuate COVID-19 anti-Asian racism, and include
positive (e.g., rather than tokenized and distorted) representations of Asian Americans. Such efforts could reduce
Asian Americans’ invisibility and increase public consciousness of COVID-19 anti-Asian racism.
Regarding research implications, we recommend that longitudinal studies examine the effects of anti-Asian racism
on mental health and identity outcomes, including how various constructs of COVID-19 racism (e.g., scapegoating vs.
denigration) may differentially influence sequelae. This
research should also include cyber-racism (Lewis et al.,
2015), which has been particularly documented among
Asian American youth during this pandemic. Specifically,
while Asian American adults in the age range of 20s to 40s
reported the most COVID-19 racist encounters across multiple (e.g., in stores, at work) life domains (Borja et al.,
2020), Asian American youth reported more racist encounters online, at public parks, and at school than Asian American adults (Borja et al., 2020; A. A. P. I. One Nation,
2020). As well, future research could examine potential
within-group differences in how COVID-19 racism is experienced and how the constructs proposed in the model shape
ingroup and intergroup attitudes among different segments
of Asian American communities, including diverse ethnicities, age cohorts, gender identities, immigration status, and
so forth. Because no known studies have examined advocacy (and related constructs) as a moderator of the links
between racism and psychological outcomes among Asian
Americans, we encourage research on the potential buffering effect of advocacy.
Additionally, future research may examine whether an
incorporation of critical consciousness into parent education
programs may benefit Asian American families. Research
indicates that while parental racial/ethnic socialization is
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
COVID-19 ANTI-ASIAN RACISM
psychologically beneficial to other youth of color, it could
be harmful to Asian American youth (see Wang et al., 2020
for a meta-analysis), possibly because Asian American
parents emphasize ethnic cultural norms rather than preparing their children to cope with racism (Juang et al., 2016).
Future research could examine whether incorporating critical consciousness into parent education might positively
change the effect of Asian American parents’ racial/ethnic
socialization on their youth.
Diverse methodologies are necessary to shed light on the
proposed avenues and related constructs that cultivate psychosocial resilience against COVID-19 discrimination. Of
notice, much of the empirical evidence is derived from
quantitative methodologies. Some scholars have suggested
that qualitative methodologies are especially suitable in
understanding the complex phenomena of racial/ethnic identity development (e.g., identity exploration; Syed & Azmitia,
2010); resistance, and advocacy (e.g., intersectional consciousness; Nair & Vollhardt, 2019).
In conclusion, our model of collective psychosocial resilience highlights (a) critical consciousness of discrimination
as a common fate, (b) critical consciousness-informed racial/
ethnic identity, and (c) advocacy as avenues to rechannel the
sting of COVID-19 racism toward resilience and solidarity,
while affirming the humanity of Asian Americans, and
indeed all BIPOCs, during a highly racialized and disparityevident pandemic. This model offers psychologists a map to
understand the intricate connections between racism and the
COVID-19 pandemic and points to practical paths for individual and collective empowerment.
References
A. A. P. I. One Nation. (2020). AAPIs rising to fight dual pandemics
COVID-19 and racism. https://www.onenationaapi.com/commissionreport-ii
American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee Research Institute. (2008).
Report on hate crimes and discrimination against Arab Americans,
2003–2007. http://www.arabvoices.net/docs/hcr07.pdf
Asian Americans Advancing Justice. (2020, March 23). Coronavirus/
COVID-19 resources to stand against racism. https://advancingjustice-aajc
.org/covid19
Benner, A. D., Wang, Y., Shen, Y., Boyle, A. E., Polk, R., & Cheng, Y.-P.
(2018). Racial/ethnic discrimination and well-being during adolescence:
A meta-analytic review. American Psychologist, 73(7), 855–883. https://
doi.org/10.1037/amp0000204
Bezrukova, K., Spell, C. S., Perry, J. L., & Jehn, K. A. (2016). A meta-analytical integration of over 40 years of research on diversity training evaluation. Psychological Bulletin, 142(11), 1227–1274. https://doi.org/10
.1037/bul0000067
Bit, L. (2020, August 18). Alarms distributed to NY Chinatown seniors to
keep them safe from hate. Asian American News. Retrieved from
https://asamnews.com/2020/08/18/volunteers-giveaway-alarms-tochinatown-seniors-in-response-to-rise-in-anti-asian-violence/
Boehnke, K., & Wong, B. (2011). Adolescent political activism and longterm happiness: A 21 year longitudinal study on the development of
micro- and macrosocial worries. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 37(3), 435–447. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167210397553
639
Borja, M., Jeung, R., Yello Horse, A., Gibon, J., Gowing, S., Lin, N.,
Navins, A., & Power, E. (2020, June 17). Anti-Chinese rhetoric tied to
racism against Asian Americans: Stop AAPI hate report. Retrieved from
http://www.asianpacificpolicyandplanningcouncil.org/wp-content/
uploads/Anti-China_Rhetoric_Report_6_17_20.pdf
Branscombe, N. R., Schmitt, M. T., & Harvey, R. D. (1999). Perceiving
pervasive discrimination among African Americans: Implications for
group identification and well-being. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 77(1), 135–149. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.77.1
.135
Broockman, D., & Kalla, J. (2016). Durably reducing transphobia: A field
experiment on door to-door canvassing. Science, 352(6282), 220–224.
https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aad9713
Chapman, M. V., Hall, W. J., Lee, K., Colby, R., Coyne-Beasley, T., Day,
S., Eng, E., Lightfoot, A. F., Merino, Y., Simán, F. M., Thomas, T.,
Thatcher, K., & Payne, K. (2018). Making a difference in medical trainees’ attitudes toward Latino patients: A pilot study of an intervention to
modify implicit and explicit attitudes. Social Science & Medicine, 199,
202–208. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.05.013
Cheah, C. S., Wang, C., Ren, H., Zong, X., Cho, H. S., & Xue, X. (2020).
COVID-19 racism and mental health in Chinese American families.
Pediatrics, 146(5), e2020021816. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2020021816
Chen, Z., Poon, K.-T., DeWall, C. N., & Jiang, T. (2020). Life lacks meaning without acceptance: Ostracism triggers suicidal thoughts. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 119(6), 1423–1443. https://doi.org/
10.1037/pspi0000238
Cheng, H.-L., McDermott, R. C., Wong, Y. J., & La, S. (2016). Drive for
muscularity in Asian American men: Sociocultural and racial/ethnic factors as correlates. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 17(3), 215–227.
https://doi.org/10.1037/men0000019
Cheng, H.-L., Tran, A. G., Miyake, E. R., & Kim, H. Y. (2017). Disordered eating among Asian American college women: A racially
expanded model of objectification theory. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 64(2), 179–191. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000195
Cheng, H.-L., Wong, Y. J., Li, P. F. J., & McDermott, R. C. (2020). It’s all
her people’s fault: Asian American college students’ experiences of
COVID-19 racism. Manuscript submitted for publication.
Cheon, Y. M., & Yip, T. (2019). Longitudinal associations between ethnic/
racial identity and discrimination among Asian and Latinx adolescents.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 48(9), 1736–1753. https://doi.org/10
.1007/s10964-019-01055-6
Cheung, H., Feng, Z., & Deng, B. (2020, May 27). Coronavirus: What
attacks on Asians reveal about American identity. BBC News. Retrieved
from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-52714804
Chun, J. J., Lipsitz, G., & Shin, Y. (2013). Intersectionality as a social
movement strategy: Asian immigrant women advocates. Signs: Journal
of Women in Culture and Society, 38(4), 917–940. http://www.jstor.org/
stable/10.1086/669575
Cole, E. (2009). Intersectionality and research in psychology. American
Psychologist, 64(3), 170–180. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0014564
Comas-Díaz, L. (2007). Ethnopolitical psychology: Healing and transformation. In E. Aldarondo (Ed.), Advancing social justice through clinical
practice (pp. 91–118). Erlbaum Publishers.
Comas-Díaz, L., Lykes, M. B., & Alarcón, R. D. (1998). Ethnic conflict
and the psychology of liberation in Guatemala, Peru, and Puerto Rico.
American Psychologist, 53(7), 778–792. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003066X.53.7.778
Cook, J. E., Purdie-Vaughns, V., Garcia, J., & Cohen, G. L. (2012).
Chronic threat and contingent belonging: Protective benefits of values
affirmation on identity development. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 102(3), 479–496. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0026312
Cortland, C. I., Craig, M. A., Shapiro, J. R., Richeson, J. A., Neel, R., &
Goldstein, N. J. (2017). Solidarity through shared disadvantage:
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
640
CHENG ET AL.
Highlighting shared experiences of discrimination improves relations
between stigmatized groups. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 113(4), 547–567. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000100
Craig, M. A., & Richeson, J. A. (2012). Coalition or derogation? How perceived discrimination influences intraminority intergroup relations.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 102(4), 759–777. https://
doi.org/10.1037/a0026481
Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6),
1241–1299. https://doi.org/10.2307/1229039
Curtin, N., Stewart, A. J., & Cole, E. R. (2015). Challenging the status
quo. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 39(4), 512–529. https://doi.org/
10.1177/0361684315580439
David, E. J. R., Schroeder, T. M., & Fernandez, J. (2019). Internalized
racism: A systematic review of the psychological literature on racism’s most insidious consequence. Journal of Social Issues, 75(4),
1057–1086. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12350
Davis, M. H. (1980). A multidimensional approach to individual differences in empathy. Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology, 10, 85.
della Cava, M. (2020, October 21). Asian Americans in San Francisco are
dying at alarming rates from COVID-19: Racism is to blame. USA
Today. Retrieved from https://www.usatoday.com/in-depth/news/nation/
2020/10/18/coronavirus-asian-americans-racism-death-rates-sanfrancisco/5799617002/
Duncan, L. E. (1999). Motivation for collective action: Group consciousness as mediator of personality, life experiences, and women’s rights activism. Political Psychology, 20(3), 611–635. https://doi.org/10.1111/
0162-895X.00159
Duncan, L. E. (2012). The psychology of collective action. In K. Deaux &
M. Snyder (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of personality and social psychology (pp. 781–803). Oxford University Press.
Fang, L., Schinke, S. P., & Cole, K. C. (2010). Preventing substance use
among early Asian-American adolescent girls: Initial evaluation of a
web-based, mother–daughter program. Journal of Adolescent Health,
47(5), 529–532. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2010.03.011
Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Herder and Herder.
Fryberg, S. A., & Eason, A. E. (2017). Making the invisible visible: Acts
of commission and omission. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 26(6), 554–559. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721417720959
Gaertner, S. L., & Dovidio, J. F. (2000). Reducing intergroup bias: The
common ingroup identity model. The Psychology Press.
Galinsky, A. D., & Moskowitz, G. B. (2000). Perspective-taking: Decreasing stereotype expression, stereotype accessibility, and in-group favoritism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78(4), 708–724.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.78.4.708
Gee, G. C., Ro, A., Shariff-Marco, S., & Chae, D. (2009). Racial discrimination and health among Asian Americans: Evidence, assessment, and
directions for future research. Epidemiologic Reviews, 31, 130–151.
https://doi.org/10.1093/epirev/mxp009
Goodman, L. A., Wilson, J. M., Helms, J. E., Greenstein, N., &
Medzhitova, J. (2018). Becoming an advocate: Processes and outcomes
of a relationship-centered advocacy training model. The Counseling Psychologist, 46(2), 122–153. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011000018757168
Greenwald, A. G., McGhee, D. E., & Schwartz, J. L. K. (1998). Measuring
individual differences in implicit cognition: The implicit association
test. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74(6), 1464–1480.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.74.6.1464
Greenwood, R. (2008). Intersectional political consciousness: Appreciation
for intragroup differences and solidarity in diverse groups. Psychology
of Women Quarterly, 32(1), 36–47. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402
.2007.00405.x
Greenwood, R. M., & Christian, A. (2008). What happens when we unpack
the invisible knapsack? Intersectional political consciousness and inter-
group appraisals. Sex Roles, 59(5-6), 404–417. https://doi.org/10.1007/
s11199-008-9439-x
Gruber, J., Prinstein, M. J., Clark, L. A., Rottenberg, J., Abramowitz, J. S.,
Albano, A. M., Aldao, A., Borelli, J. L., Chung, T., Davila, J., Forbes,
E. E., Gee, D. G., Hall, G. C. N., Hallion, L. S., Hinshaw, S. P.,
Hofmann, S. G., Hollon, S. D., Joormann, J., Kazdin, A. E., . . .
Weinstock, L. M. (2020). Mental health and clinical psychological science in the time of COVID-19: Challenges, opportunities, and a call to
action. American Psychologist. Advance online publication. https://doi
.org/10.1037/amp0000707
Guterres, A. (2020, May 7). #COVID19 does not care who we are, where
we live, or what we believe [Tweet; thumbnail link to video]. Twitter.
https://twitter.com/antonioguterres/status/125861318 0030431233?s=20
Hall, G. C. N., Berkman, E. T., Zane, N. W., Leong, F. T. L., Hwang, W.C., Nezu, A. M., Nezu, C. M., Hong, J. J., Chu, C. P., & Huang, E. R.
(2020). Reducing mental health disparities by increasing the personal
relevance of interventions. American Psychologist, 76(1), 91–103.
https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000616
Haslam, S. A., Jetten, J., Postmes, T., & Haslam, C. (2009). Social identity,
health and well being: An emerging agenda for applied psychology.
Applied Psychology, 58(1), 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-0597
.2008.00379.x
Heberle, A. E., Rapa, L. J., & Farago, F. (2020). Critical consciousness in
children and adolescents: A systematic review, critical assessment, and
recommendations for future research. Psychological Bulletin, 146(6),
525–551. https://doi.org/10.1037/bul0000230
Helms, J. E. (1995). An update of Helm’s White and people of color racial
identity models. In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, L. A. Suzuki, & C. M.
Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (pp. 181–198).
Sage, Inc.
Hodges, S. D., Kiel, K. J., Kramer, A. D. I., Veach, D., & Villanueva,
B. R. (2010). Giving birth to empathy: The effects of similar experience
on empathic accuracy, empathic concern, and perceived empathy. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 36(3), 398–409. https://doi.org/
10.1177/0146167209350326
Hollaback! Asian Americans Advancing Justice j AAJC. (n.d.). Bystander
intervention training to stop anti-Asian/American and xenophobia
harassment. Retrieved from https://www.ihollaback.org/bystanderinter
vention/
Horsely, S. (2020, October 1). ‘Overlooked’: Asian American jobless rate
surges but few take notice. NPR KQED. Retrieved from https://www
.npr.org/2020/10/01/918834644/overlooked-asian-american-jobless-ratesurges-but-few-take-notice
Hughes, D. L., Del Toro, J., & Way, N. (2017). Interrelations among
dimensions of ethnic-racial identity during adolescence. Developmental
Psychology, 53(11), 2139–2153. https://doi.org/10.1037/dev0000401
Hussain, M. (2020). Unequal consequences: The disparate impact of
COVID-19 across South Asian American communities. South Asian
Americans Leading Together. https://saalt.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/
09/Unequal-Consequences_SAALT-2020.pdf?eType=EmailBlastContent
&eId=faa50469-c2f7-4d40-b739-5b36773c7378
Joscelyne, A., Knuckey, S., Satterthwaite, M. L., Bryant, R. A., Li, M.,
Qian, M., & Brown, A. D. (2015). Mental health functioning in the
human rights field: Findings from an international Internet-based survey.
PLoS ONE, 10(12), e0145188. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone
.0145188
Juang, L. P., Shen, Y., Kim, S. Y., & Wang, Y. (2016). Development of an
Asian American parental racial–ethnic socialization scale. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 22(3), 417–431. https://doi.org/
10.1037/cdp0000083
Kaiser, C. R., & Miller, C. T. (2001). Stop complaining! The social costs
of making attributions to discrimination. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 27(2), 254–263. https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672012
72010
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
COVID-19 ANTI-ASIAN RACISM
Kiang, L., Witkow, M. R., Baldelomar, O. A., & Fuligni, A. J. (2010).
Change in ethnic identity across the high school years among adolescents with Latin American, Asian, and European backgrounds. Journal
of Youth and Adolescence, 39(6), 683–693. https://doi.org/10.1007/
s10964-009-9429-5
Kim, H. S., Sherman, D. K., & Updegraff, J. A. (2016). Fear of Ebola: The
influence of collectivism on xenophobic threat responses. Psychological
Science, 27(7), 935–944. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797616642596
Klar, M., & Kasser, T. (2009). Some benefits of being an activist: Measuring activism and its role in psychological well-being. Political
Psychology, 30(5), 755–777. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2009
.00724.x
Ktown for All. (n.d.). Outreach. Retrieved from https://ktownforall.org/
outreach/
Lee, M. R., & Thai, C. J. (2015). Asian American phenotypicality and
experiences of psychological distress: More than meets the eyes. Asian
American Journal of Psychology, 6(3), 242–251. https://doi.org/10
.1037/aap0000015
Lewis, T. T., Cogburn, C. D., & Williams, D. R. (2015). Self-reported
experiences of discrimination and health: Scientific advances,
ongoing controversies, and emerging issues. Annual Review of Clinical Psychology, 11, 407–440. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-clinpsy032814-112728
Liu, W. M., & Ali, S. R. (2005). Addressing social class and classism in
vocational theory and practice: Extending the emancipatory communitarian approach. The Counseling Psychologist, 33(2), 189–196. https://
doi.org/10.1177/0011000004272269
Liu, Y., Finch, B. K., Brenneke, S. G., Thomas, K., & Le, P. D. (2020).
Perceived discrimination and mental distress amid the COVID-19 pandemic: Evidence from the understanding America study. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 59(4), 481–492. https://doi.org/10.1016/j
.amepre.2020.06.007
Loo, C. M., Fairbank, J. A., Scurfield, R. M., Ruch, L. O., King, D. W.,
Adams, L. J., & Chemtob, C. M. (2001). Measuring exposure to racism:
Development and validation of a Race Related Stressor Scale (RRSS)
for Asian American Vietnam veterans. Psychological Assessment, 13(4),
503–520. https://doi.org/10.1037/1040-3590.13.4.503
Major, B., Kaiser, C. R., O’Brien, L. T., & McCoy, S. K. (2007). Perceived
discrimination as worldview threat or worldview confirmation: Implications for self-esteem. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
92(6), 1068–1086. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.92.6.1068
Mays, J. C., & Newman, A. (2020, June 26). Virus is twice as deadly for
Black and Latino people than Whites in N.Y.C. The New York Times.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/08/nyregion/coronavirus-race-deaths
.html
Miller, C. T., & Kaiser, C. R. (2001). A theoretical perspective on coping
with stigma. Journal of Social Issues, 57(1), 73–92. https://doi.org/10
.1111/0022-4537.00202
Nair, R., & Vollhardt, J. R. (2019). Intersectional consciousness in collective victim beliefs: Perceived intragroup differences among disadvantaged groups. Political Psychology, 40(5), 917–934. https://doi.org/10
.1111/pops.12593
Neville, H. A., Lilly, R. L., Duran, G., Lee, R. M., & Browne, L. (2000).
Construction and initial validation of the color-blind racial attitudes
scale (CoBRAS). Journal of Counseling Psychology, 47(1), 59–70.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.47.1.59
Ngo, B., & Lee, S. J. (2007). Complicating the image of model minority
success: A review of Southeast Asian American education. Review of
Educational Research, 77(4), 415–453. https://doi.org/10.3102/0034654
307309918
Nussbaum, M. C. (1995). Objectification. Philosophy & Public Affairs,
24(4), 249–291. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1088-4963.1995.tb00032.x
Orth, U., Robins, R. W., & Widaman, K. F. (2012). Life-span development
of self-esteem and its effects on important life outcomes. Journal of
641
Personality and Social Psychology, 102(6), 1271–1288. https://doi.org/
10.1037/a0025558
Páez, D., Rimé, B., Basabe, N., Wlodarczyk, A., & Zumeta, L. (2015).
Psychosocial effects of perceived emotional synchrony in collective
gatherings. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 108(5),
711–729. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000014
People’s Collective for Justice and Liberation. (2020, May 23). Townhall
archive. https://peoplescollective4jl.org/event-archive
Person, B., Sy, F., Holton, K., Govert, B., Liang, A., Garza, B., Gould, D.,
Hickson, M., McDonald, M., Meijer, C., Smith, J., Veto, L., Williams,
W., & Zauderer, L., & NCIDSARS Community Outreach Team. (2004).
Fear and stigma: The epidemic within the SARS outbreak. Emerging Infectious Diseases, 10(2), 358–363. https://doi.org/10.3201/eid1002
.030750
Phinney, J. S. (1989). Stages of ethnic identity development in minority
group adolescents. The Journal of Early Adolescence, 9(1-2), 34–49.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0272431689091004
Phinney, J. S. (1992). The multigroup ethnic identity measure: A new scale
for use with diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7(2),
156–176. https://doi.org/10.1177/074355489272003
Pyke, K., & Dang, T. (2003). FOB” and “whitewashed”: Identity and internalized racism among second generation Asian Americans. Qualitative
Sociology, 26(2), 147–172. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1022957011866
Rhoads, R. A., Lee, J. J., & Yamada, M. (2002). Panethnicity and collective action among Asian American students: A qualitative case study.
Journal of College Student Development, 43(6), 876–891. https://
escholarship.org/uc/item/2m7822xh
Rivas-Drake, D., Syed, M., Umaña-Taylor, A., Markstrom, C., French, S.,
Schwartz, S. J., & Lee, R., & Ethnic and Racial Identity in the 21st Century Study Group. (2014). Feeling good, happy, and proud: A meta-analysis of positive ethnic–racial affect and adjustment. Child Development,
85(1), 77–102. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12175
Rosenberg, M. (1965). Society and the adolescent self-image. Princeton
University Press. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400876136
Ruiz, N. G., Horowitz, J. M., & Tamir, C. (2020, July 1). Many Black and
Asian Americans say they have experienced discrimination amid the
COVID-19 outbreak. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from https://www
.pewsocialtrends.org/2020/07/01/many-black-and-asian-americans-saythey-have-experienced-discrimination-amid-the-covid-19-outbreak/
Rumbaut, R. G. (2008). Reaping what you sow: Immigration, youth, and
reactive ethnicity. Applied Developmental Science, 12(2), 108–111.
https://doi.org/10.1080/10888690801997341
Rumbaut, R. G. (2009). A language graveyard? The evolution of language
competencies,Preferences and use among young adult children of immigrants. In T. G. Wiley, J. S. Lee, & R. Rumberger (Eds.), The education
of language minority immigrants in the United States (pp. 35–71). Multilingual Matters. https://doi.org/10.21832/9781847692122-004
Russell, G. M. (2011). Motives of heterosexual allies in collective action
for equality. Journal of Social Issues, 67(2), 376–393. https://doi.org/10
.1111/j.1540-4560.2011.01703.x
Sanchez, D. T., Himmelstein, M. S., Young, D. M., Albuja, A. F., &
Garcia, J. A. (2016). Confronting as autonomy promotion: Speaking up
against discrimination and psychological well-being in racial minorities.
Journal of Health Psychology, 21(9), 1999–2007. https://doi.org/10
.1177/1359105315569619
Schmitt, M. T., Branscombe, N. R., Postmes, T., & Garcia, A. (2014). The
consequences of perceived discrimination for psychological well-being:
A meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 140(4), 921–948.
https://doi.org/10.1037/a0035754
Schwartz, S. J., Donnellan, M. B., Ravert, R. D., Luyckx, K., &
Zamboanga, B. L. (2013). Identity development, personality, and wellbeing in adolescence and emerging adulthood: Theory, research, and
recent advances. In R. M. Lerner, M. A. Easterbrooks, J. Mistry, & I. B.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
642
CHENG ET AL.
Weiner (Eds.), Handbook of psychology: Developmental psychology
(pp. 339–364). Wiley.
Shultz, J. M., Baingana, F., & Neria, Y. (2015). The 2014 Ebola outbreak
and mental health: Current status and recommended response. Journal
of the American Medical Association, 313(6), 567–568. https://doi.org/
10.1001/jama.2014.17934
Sibley, C. G., Greaves, L. M., Satherley, N., Wilson, M. S., Overall, N. C.,
Lee, C. H. J., Milojev, P., Bulbulia, J., Osborne, D., Milfont, T. L.,
Houkamau, C. A., Duck, I. M., Vickers-Jones, R., & Barlow, F. K.
(2020). Effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and nationwide lockdown
on trust, attitudes toward government, and well-being. American Psychologist, 75(5), 618–630. https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000662
Smith, T. B., & Silva, L. (2011). Ethnic identity and personal well-being
of people of color: A meta-analysis. Journal of Counseling Psychology,
58(1), 42–60. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0021528
Sue, D. W., Bucceri, J., Lin, A. I., Nadal, K. L., & Torino, G. C. (2007).
Racial microaggressions and the Asian American experience. Cultural
Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 13(1), 72–81. https://doi.org/
10.1037/1099-9809.13.1.72
Suyemoto, K. L., Day, S. C., & Schwartz, S. (2015). Exploring effects of
social justice youth programming on racial and ethnic identities and activism for Asian American youth. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 6(2), 125–135. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0037789
Syed, M., & Azmitia, M. (2010). Narrative and ethnic identity exploration:
A longitudinal account of emerging adults’ ethnicity-related experiences. Developmental Psychology, 46(1), 208–219. https://doi.org/10
.1037/a0017825
Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup
behavior. In S. Worchel & W. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of inter-group
relations (pp. 7–24). Nelson Hall.
Tavernise, S., & Oppel, R. A. Jr. (2020, March 23). Spit on, yelled at,
attacked: Chinese Americans fear for their safety. The New York Times.
Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/23/us/chinesecoronavirus-racist-attacks.html
Tessler, H., Choi, M., & Kao, G. (2020). The anxiety of being Asian
American: Hate crimes and negative biases during the COVID-19 pandemic. American Journal of Criminal Justice, 45(4), 636–646. https://
doi.org/10.1007/s12103-020-09541-5
Thijs, J., & Piscoi, D. (2016). Perceiving discrimination in “Real life”: Distinguishing negative events from discrimination attributions. Basic and
Applied Social Psychology, 38(3), 166–172. https://doi.org/10.1080/
01973533.2016.1186027
Todd, A. R., Bodenhausen, G. V., Richeson, J. A., & Galinsky, A. D.
(2011). Perspective taking combats automatic expressions of racial bias.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 100(6), 1027–1042.
https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022308
Tran, J., & Curtin, N. (2017). Not your model minority: Own-group activism among Asian Americans. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 23(4), 499–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000145
Turner, E. A., Cheng, H.-L., Llamas, J. D., Tran, A. G. T., Hill, K. X.,
Fretts, J. M., & Mercado, A. (2016). Disparities in the use of outpatient
psychiatric treatment among ethnic minorities: Current status and implications for care. Current Psychiatry Reviews, 12(2), 199–220. https://doi
.org/10.2174/1573400512666160216234524
Umaña-Taylor, A. J., & Updegraff, K. A. (2007). Latino adolescents’ mental health: Exploring the interrelations among discrimination, ethnic
identity, cultural orientation, self-esteem, and depressive symptoms.
Journal of Adolescence, 30(4), 549–567. https://doi.org/10.1016/j
.adolescence.2006.08.002
Umaña-Taylor, A. J., Quintana, S. M., Lee, R. M., Cross, W. E., Jr., RivasDrake, D., Schwartz, S. J., Syed, M., Yip, T., Seaton, E., & Ethnic and
Racial Identity in the 21st Century Study Group. (2014). Ethnic and
racial identity during adolescence and into young adulthood: An
integrated conceptualization. Child Development, 85(1), 21–39. https://
doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12196
van Zomeren, M., Postmes, T., & Spears, R. (2008). Toward an integrative
social identity model of collective action: A quantitative research synthesis of three socio-psychological perspectives. Psychological Bulletin,
134(4), 504–535. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.134.4.504
Vasquez, M. J. T. (2012). Psychology and social justice: Why we do what
we do. American Psychologist, 67(5), 337–346. https://doi.org/10.1037/
a0029232
Vollhardt, J. R., Nair, R., & Tropp, L. R. (2016). Inclusive victim consciousness predicts minority group members’ support for refugees and
immigrants. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 46(6), 354–368.
https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp.12368
Vollhardt, J. R., Okuyan, M., & Ünal, H. (2020). Resistance to collective
victimization and oppression. Current Opinion in Psychology, 35,
92–97. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2020.04.001
Wang, M. T., Henry, D. A., Smith, L. V., Huguley, J. P., & Guo, J. (2020).
Parental ethnic-racial socialization practices and children of color’s psychosocial and behavioral adjustment: A systematic review and metaanalysis. American Psychologist, 75(1), 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1037/
amp0000464
Watts, R. J., Diemer, M. A., & Voight, A. M. (2011). Critical consciousness: Current status and future directions. New Directions for Child and
Adolescent Development, 134, 43–57. https://doi.org/10.1002/cd.310
Wiley, S., Deaux, K., & Hagelskamp, C. (2012). Born in the USA: How
immigrant generation shapes meritocracy and its relation to ethnic identity and collective action. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 18(2), 171–180. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0027661
Williams, D. R., Lawrence, J. A., & Davis, B. A. (2019). Racism and
health: Evidence and needed research. Annual Review of Public Health,
40(1), 105–125. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-040218043750
Williams, R., & Drury, J. (2009). Psychosocial resilience and its influence
on managing mass emergencies and disasters. Psychiatry, 8(8),
293–296. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mppsy.2009.04.019
Wun, C. (2020, March 18). Community response to COVID: AAPI Women
Lead’s Dr. Connie Wun sits down with Mia Mingus, transformative justice & disability justice organizer, advocate and leader [Video]. AAPI
Women Lead. Retrieved from https://www.imreadymovement.org/
community-care
Yen, R. J. (2000). Racial stereotyping of Asians and Asian Americans and
its effect on criminal justice: A reflection on the Wayne Lo case. Asian
Law Journal, 7(1), 1–28. https://doi.org/10.15779/Z383S2M
Yip, T. (2016). To be or not to be: How ethnic/racial stereotypes influence
ethnic/racial disidentification and psychological mood. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 22(1), 38–46. https://doi.org/10
.1037/cdp0000046
Yip, T., Wang, Y., Mootoo, C., & Mirpuri, S. (2019). Moderating the association between discrimination and adjustment: A meta-analysis of ethnic/racial identity. Developmental Psychology, 55(6), 1274–1298.
https://doi.org/10.1037/dev0000708
Yoo, H. C., Burrola, K. S., & Steger, M. F. (2010). A preliminary report
on a new measure: Internalization of the Model Minority Myth Measure
(IM-4) and its psychological correlates among Asian American college
students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 57(1), 114–127. https://doi
.org/10.1037/a0017871
Zhang, Q. (2010). Asian Americans beyond the model minority stereotype:
The Nerdy and the left out. Journal of International and Intercultural
Communication, 3(1), 20–37. https://doi.org/10.1080/1751305090342
8109
Received August 30, 2020
Revision received November 22, 2020
Accepted November 28, 2020
n

Purchase answer to see full
attachment