1) Based on the this week’s lecture and Mary Wood’s article,
please explain what Thomas Jefferson meant when referring to
the University of Virginia as an Academic Village? Please refer to
a specific passage in Mary Wood’s text and quote it with page
number(s).

2) How do you imagine living in such a setting would be like?
What are the pros and cons for teacher and students? Please list
3 pros and 3 cons.

3) List 3 different inspirations from other countries that Jefferson
considered when designing the University of Virginia’s campus.

Each of them needs to be listed

example：

键⼊入说明。

Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia: Planning the Academic Village
Author(s): Mary N. Woods
Source: Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Oct., 1985), pp. 266-
283
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Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia:
Planning the Academic Village

MARY N. WOODS Cornell University

Thomasefferson’s arrangement of buildings around an open lawn at
the University of Virginia represents an innovative approach to colle-

giate planning. Yet it is not this plan but the individual structures that
have dominated architectural discussions of the university. While pro-
totypes for the latter have been meticulously researched, the origins of
the university plan have remained relatively unexplored. Focusing on
the University of Virginia as an institutional building type, this study
relates its plan to hospital and school designs available to Jefferson
through either his library or professional contacts. It reveals his appre-
ciation of the university as a self-contained community-the academic

village-and his sensitivity to the efect of the architectural arrangement
on education, discipline, health, and morale.

THE UNIVERSITY of Virginia’s architectural significance rests
to a great degree on Thomas Jefferson’s use of a comprehensive
plan to organize the university’s constituent elements. The plan
features a domed building and ten pavilions interspersed with

one-story dormitories arranged around a terraced lawn in a con-

figuration like the Greek letter pi; colonnades in front of these

buildings link them together. Two outer ranges, composed of
six pavilions, parallel the inner rows, and gardens with serpen-
tine walls separate the buildings on the lawn from these struc-
tures (Fig. i). The pavilions on the lawn served as classrooms
and apartments for the faculty while the outer parallel ranges
contained student dining halls and additional dormitories.

Crowning the complex, the Rotunda originally housed the uni-

versity library, observatory, laboratories, and additional lecture
halls. When the university admitted its first students in the

spring of I825, the campus was unprecedented in terms of the
sheer number of its buildings and their carefully considered

relationship to one another.’ Developed in conjunction with
the curriculum, the architectural program was not an after-

thought but the tangible expression of Jefferson’s educational
concerns.

Jefferson recognized the unique architectural character of his

design. He remarked on its originality in his correspondence,
as did Benjamin Henry Latrobe, this country’s first profession-
ally trained architect, who complimented Jefferson on the uni-

versity’s “entirely novel plan.”2 The University of Virginia dif-
fers rather markedly from the two architectural models available
to Jefferson, the first American colleges and the early colleges
at Oxford and Cambridge. The former lack the complexity and

variety of its elements and the coherence of its plan while the
latter cannot equal its spacious character.

This study was begun as a seminar report for George Collins’s graduate
colloquium at Columbia University and was then expanded into a re-
search paper for William Foulks. In addition to their help, I also ben-
efited from the advice of Christian F. Otto, Joseph Connors, Rosemarie
Bletter, Hellmut Hager, and Eugenio Battisti. Finally, I am especially
indebted to Adolf K. Placzek for his careful reading and discerning
criticism of the manuscript.

i. University officials obviously recognized that the Virginia campus
was unique and could be used to promote enrollment. Peter Maverick’s
engraving of the plan was sold to students and other interested people
for fifty cents. See E. Betts, “Groundplans and Prints of the University
of Virginia, I822-1826,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society,
90 (x946), 87. The term campus was first used

to refer to Princeton
University in the 1790s, where Nassau Hall was set back behind a
greensward; see P. V. Turner, Campus: An American Tradition, Cam-
bridge, Mass., and New York, 1984, 23.

2. See: Jefferson to John Adams, 15 August 1820, Thomas Jefferson
Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.,
as reproduced in Adams-Jefferson Letters, ed. L. Cappon, 2 vols., Chapel
Hill, N.C., 1959,11,565, and Latrobe tojefferson, 7 June 1817, Benjamin
H. Latrobe Papers, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, Md. Others
who have commented on the plan’s originality include: M. Schuyler,
“Architecture of American Colleges,” Architectural Record, 30 (July 1910),
71; W. A. Lambeth and W. H. Manning, ThomasJefferson as an Architect
and Landscape Designer, Boston and New York, 1913, 31-32; F. Kimball,
Thomas Jefferson Architect (19×6), New York, 1968, 8o; W. H. Pierson,
Jr., American Buildings and Their Architects: the Colonial and Neo-Classical
Styles, Garden City, N.Y., 1976, 319-325; and B. Pickens, “Mr. Jefferson
as Revolutionary Architect,”JSAH, 34 (1975), 278-279. Jefferson’s plan
still exerts an influence on architects, as seen in Edward Larrabee Barnes’s
arrangement of the State University of New York at Purchase, 1969-
1979. Barnes designed the buildings at either end of a lawn, while Philip
Johnson, Paul Rudolph, Gunnar Birkerts, and The Architects Collab-
orative created the flanking structures; see K. Herdeg, The Decorated
Diagram: Harvard Architecture and the Failure of the Bauhaus Legacy, Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1983, 72-74.

266 JSAH XLIV:266-283. OCTOBER 1985

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WOODS: JEFFERSON AND THE ACADEMIC VILLAGE 267

k . o

F -?

ir

‘V Kyfz:iI m

Alf “i
— flL

~~1BI, *

.*1 I Itft8 ‘ left.

it/41-g’g C VS -0HO ?L ( 1_,e.
4. ______________v ~

Fig. i. University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia. Plan, study for i822 Peter Maverick engraving (Virginia State Library).

In his first statement on the design of a Virginia university-
a letter of 5 January x8o05 to L. W. Tazewell-Jefferson casti-

gated the architecture of the typical American college as nothing
more than a large house that was “always ugly, inconvenient,

exposed to accident in case of fire, and bad in cases of infection.”‘3
The first colleges established in the English-speaking colonies-
Harvard (1636), William and Mary (1693), Yale (1701), and the

College of New Jersey (1746, later to become Princeton)-
originally consisted of a single multipurpose building. Like the
smaller colleges founded at Oxford and Cambridge in the 1700oos,
these colonial institutions simply could not afford to build the

monastery-like compounds of the first English colleges.4 Fur-

thermore, the architectural talent available in the North Amer-
ican colonies consisted either of gentlemen-architects or builders
who were generally more familiar with residential than with
institutional design. It is no wonder then that these early colleges
resembled nothing so much as large houses. When a college
outgrew its original quarters, it constructed other similar build-

ings and gradually a compound developed. Yet there was limited
success in creating an ordered and coherent relationship among
these buildings; they were constructed only as funds became
available and were rarely placed according to any master plan.’

3. Letter in the Thomas Jefferson Papers, Manuscripts Department,
University of Virginia Library, Charlottesville, Va.

4. A. Bush-Brown, “College Architecture,” Architectural Record, I22
(1957), 156.

5. There were exceptions. By I786 Harvard College consisted of a
pi-shaped arrangement of three separate buildings, and the so-called
Wren Building at the College of William and Mary and the House of
Burgesses were the respective termini for the Duke of Gloucester Street
in Williamsburg; see Pierson, American Buildings, 318-319-

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268 JSAH, XLIV:3, OCTOBER 1985

These American colleges differed from their European coun-

terparts in their spacious park-like settings and accommodations
for students on campus. Located in urban centers, the Conti-
nental universities neither housed nor fed their students.6 It was,
instead, the English universities that provided models for resi-
dential colleges in the colonies.

Founded in the 12th and i3th centuries, respectively, Oxford
and Cambridge drew on the monastery as a prototype for their
architectural design: chapel, library, dining hall, and residences
were all grouped around a quadrangle. Originally, living ac-
commodations within the college were restricted to the faculty,
the students finding their lodgings elsewhere. Only after the
Reformation did it become common practice for students to
reside within the college.7 These cloistered colleges lacked the

spacious character of the first American colleges and the Uni-

versity of Virginia. Furthermore, their association with English
privilege and the church made Oxford and Cambridge unac-

ceptable architectural prototypes for Jefferson’s university. As
he wrote in the I805 letter to Tazewell, a university education
was essential in a society where “the people are the only safe

depositories of their own liberty.”8 Just as necessary was the
exclusion of sectarianism from such an institution, as evidenced

by his omission of any chapel from his university plan.
Throughout his architectural career, Jefferson brought to bear

on his designs a highly refined sense of architectural symbolism.
By advocating the adoption of the Maison Carrie at Nimes as
the prototype for the new Virginia capitol, he sought to legit-
imize the new republic’s institutions by invoking the architec-
tural forms of ancient Rome. Writing to James Madison in 1785,
he described the Maison Carr&e as

one of the most beautiful, if not the most beautiful and precious morsels
of architecture left to us by antiquity … it is very simple, but is noble
beyond expression, and would have done honor to any country….
You see I am an enthusiast on the subject of the arts. But it is an
enthusiasm of which I am not ashamed, as its object is to improve the
taste of my countrymen, to increase their reputation, to reconcile to
them the respect of the world, and procure them its praise.9

In a similar fashion Jefferson attempted to link the university
structures to the monuments of antiquity. Since he had described

I Quattro Libri dell’Architettura as the Bible only a year before

designing the first pavilion in 1817, it is not surprising that the
ancient Roman monuments extolled by Palladio should have

inspired the university buildings.1o As William B. O’Neal has

shown, Jefferson ordered that the capitals for Pavilions II, III,
and V be based on plates from Giacomo Leoni’s 1721 edition of

Palladio, and its illustration of the Pantheon be used in working
out the Rotunda’s plan and details.” The individual pavilions
drew their orders from those of such Roman monuments as the

Temple of Fortuna Virilis, the Baths of Caracalla, and the Thea-
ter of Marcellus.12 In selecting these Roman motifs, Jefferson’s
purpose was as much didactic as aesthetic. As outlined in an

I825 letter, he envisioned the university buildings as teaching
tools:

The introduction of chaste models of the orders of architecture, taken
from the choicest samples of each order was considered as a necessary
foundation of instruction for the students in this art [architecture]….
We therefore determined that each of the pavilions erected for the
accommodation of the schools and their professors should present a
distinct and different example of the art and, these buildings being
arranged around three sides of a square, the lecturer in a circuit attended
by his school, could explain to them successively these examples of the
several orders, their varieties, peculiarities, and accessory circum-
stances.13

Although Jefferson’s designs for the individual pavilions have
been meticulously studied, the plan’s origins and development
have received comparatively little attention.14 The few models

6. Oxford and Cambridge initially adhered to the Continental model
in their curricula and in the practice of students boarding off campus;
see Turner, Campus, 9-12.

7. T. Atkinson, Cambridge: Described and Illustrated, London, I897,
243-244.

8. Jefferson Papers, University of Virginia Library.
9. Letter to James Madison, 20 September 1785, Thomas Jefferson

Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

1o. Jefferson’s remark about Palladio’s treatise is recorded in a letter
of 23 February i816 of Colonel Isaac Coles to General John Cocke as
reproduced in The Eye ofJefferson, ed. W. Adams, Washington, D.C.,
1976, 283.

ii. Jefferson specified that the Italian stone carvers use plates xciv-
cii in the Leoni edition of Palladio for the aforementioned pavilions.
He also noted this edition’s illustration of the Pantheon on his drawing
of a plan for the Rotunda’s dome room and referred to it as the model
to be followed in carving its capitals; see O’Neal, Jefferson’s Fine Arts
Library, Charlottesville, Va., 1976, 283.

12. O’Neal relates the orders of six pavilions (two directly and four
indirectly) to plates in Roland Freart de Chambray’s Parallile de l’Ar-
chitecture Antique avec la Moderne (1766), which Jefferson acquired after
1789: Pavilion I with the Doric of Diocletian’s Baths, Pavilion VIII
with the Corinthian of Diocletian’s Baths, Pavilion IV with the Doric
of Albano near Rome, Pavilion VI with the Ionic of the Theater of
Marcellus, Pavilion VII with the Doric of Palladio (as illustrated in
Chambray), and Pavilion X with the Doric of the Theater of Marcellus;
ibid., 118-ii9, 132.

13. Jefferson’s motivation in this instance was not purely idealistic
but monetary. Import duties of $2,715-47 had been levied on the marble
bases and capitals for the Rotunda. This quotation is taken from a letter
he wrote to Virginia’s legislators in Washington asking for relief from
these tariffs because these architectural elements were “specimens of
modelling or sculpture for use of any seminary of learning or for en-
couragment of the fine arts” and therefore exempt under the law. See
his 25 November 1825 Letter to Senator L. W. Tazewell and Repre-
sentative William Cabell Rives, Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.

14. Fiske Kimball and Albert Bush-Brown proposed Marly-le-Roi as
a prototype for Jefferson’s plan. See the former’s “Genesis of the Plan
for the University of Virginia,” Architecture, 48 (December 1923), 399,
and the latter’s “College Architecture,” 156. Christopher Tunnard sug-
gested the H6tel de Salm and the Hotel des Invalides in his “Jean-
Jacques Rambe,” Union Worthies 19 (1964), 13. Paul Turner has recently

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WOODS: JEFFERSON AND THE ACADEMIC VILLAGE 269
I~ U””.V” 11 . 41-1 1 . – . r ? r rW-

277

MD.

is A #4 w v it- ?’ ? ~” i ??
IIm

AY-
A& JL 3. to

(314r

L-” –
-•.L T•L).

?
t

, “–“7
1S % – . .

…..-

i

– –

I .7AAI’?t d 1 *A0

IAAJ

76aGr
4

,YI;-. ir,,eLW?J

Fig. 2. Thomas Jefferson, plan of pavilion and dormitory unit, x804-1805? (Jefferson Collection, The
Massachusetts Historical Society).

that scholars have adduced fail to address Jefferson’s insistence
that the plan embody and promote certain pedagogic concerns.
From his first pronouncements on the university, Jefferson saw
as the genesis of his plan not a single building, but faculty houses

joined to student dormitories which he referred to as the “ac-

ademical village.” In the 18o5 letter to Tazewell, his first written

statement on a proposal pending before the Virginia legislature
to establish a state-supported university, he outlined his ideas
for the design of such an institution:

the greatest danger will be their [the university board] overbuilding
themselves by attempting a large house in the beginning, sufficient to
contain the whole institution…. a plain small house for the school &

lodging of each professor is best. These connected by covered ways out
of which the rooms of the students should open would be best. These

may then be built only as they shall be wanting. In fact an University
should not be an house but a village. This will much lessen their first

expences [sic].”s

A plan, now in the collection of the Massachusetts Historical

Society and tentatively dated 1804-1805 by Fiske Kimball, may
be one of Jefferson’s first drawings of the academic village’s
basic unit: a pavilion-like block with dormitories to either side

(Fig. 2).’6
The image of the university as a planned and self-contained

community continued to develop and evolve in Jefferson’s mind.
As a letter to the trustees of a lottery for East Tennessee College
indicates, he had arranged the village dwellings for faculty and
students around a lawn by ix8o:

I consider the common plan, followed in this country, but not in others,
of making one large and expensive building as unfortunately erroneous.
It is infinitely better to erect a small and separate lodge for each pro-
fessorship, with only a hall below for his class, and two chambers above
for himself; joining these lodges by barracks for a certain portion of the
students opening into a covered way to give a dry communication
between all the schools the whole of these arranged around an open square
ofgrass and trees would make it, what it should be in fact, an academical village,
instead of a large and common den of noise, of filth, and of fetid air.17

This arrangement of professors’ pavilions and student dor-
mitories placed around a lawn was to form the nucleus of Jef-

dismissed European influences on Jefferson and instead stressed the typ-
ical American village green such as the Palace Green in Williamsburg;
see his Campus, 80. Jean-Jacques Ram&e’s design for Union College,
Schenectady, New York is visually persuasive with its pi-shaped com-
plex of buildings centered around an open lawn with a domed structure
as its centerpiece. Yet Ram&e did not come to the United States until
1812 and his plans for Union College were not presented until 1813-
Jefferson, as we shall see, evolved the plan and individual elements of
his university during the period from i805 until 18io. For a discussion
and illustration of Union College, see Turner, Campus, 63-7x.

15. Jefferson Papers, University of Virginia Library.

16. Kimball, Jefferson, 205.
17. 6 May i8io Letter, Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress, as re-

produced in The Complete Jefferson, ed. S. Padover, New York, 1943,
1o63-io64.

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270 JSAH, XLIV:3, OCTOBER 1985

I
I

-,
. i

ii i i

.

I
—

i –

i ” j

i
? ‘ i

–
i~ iI

.. i “? :
i

?d;
I’i~ 1

Fig. 3. Thomas Jefferson, plan, 5 May 1817 (Manuscripts Department, University of Virginia Library).

ferson’s proposal for the Virginia state university; he presented
this plan to the university board on 5 May x817 along with his
earliest known drawing of the campus (Fig. 3).18 Two alterations
to this parti for the academic village occurred in I817 and x820.

First, Jefferson realized in July of x817 that the university re-

quired a distinctive building to anchor the lawn.19 Benjamin
Latrobe, whose advice Jefferson had solicited for the design of

the pavilion fronts, also recognized the need for such an archi-

tectural focal point and suggested a domed structure. Latrobe

included an illustration of his idea in plan and elevation in a

I8. This drawing is in the collection of the University of Virginia
Library. A similar plan was included in a letter dated 9 May 1×87 that

Jefferson wrote to Dr. William Thornton asking for his suggestions on
the pavilions’ design. This letter is also in the Jefferson Papers at the

University of Virginia Library.

19. According to Paul Turner, Jefferson observed in his notes of i8
July 1817 that the center point of the campus’s northern end was “des-
tined for some principal building.” This was brought to Turner’s at-
tention by John C. Van Home, associate editor, The Papers of Benjamin
H. Latrobe; see Turner, 83, 314 n. 72. See also D. Malone, Jefferson and
His Time, 6 vols., Boston, 1981, 6, 259-

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WOODS: JEFFERSON AND THE ACADEMIC VILLAGE 271

ot,
-? rAK

rAN

?It~ :.0 :two

At3

a 7-1
*? ~ )i~?i-r pc~c9~SI Alft h ~c~Of

u ~Imp–

4 vp
4Mim

Fig. 4. Benjamin H. Latrobe, letter to Thomas Jefferson, 24 July 817 (Jefferson Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress).

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272 JSAH, XLIV:3, OCTOBER 1985

letter dated 24 July x8x7 (Fig. 4).20 The second modification to
his original plan was the design of two outer ranges of student

dining halls and lodgings lying parallel to the inner rows of

pavilions in 1820.21

Just as Jefferson consciously tied the Richmond capitol to
ancient Rome, he may have tried to link the University of

Virginia to the Greek academies through his reference to the
academic village. This association of the ancient academy with
a village occurred in the entry on colleges in Quatremere de

Quincy’s first volume on architecture in the Encyclopidie Mith-

odique (1789). The relevant passage excerpts part of a Monsieur
Paw’s researches on the Greek schools of philosophy:

When the highly celebrated philosophers, such as Polemon, had so

many disciples that they could not be accommodated within the enclo-
sure of a garden, they constructed for their use, some huts around their
master’s dwelling, which are called calybia in Greek, that is to say some

very primitive huts made of wood and covered with thatch where the
Greek students resided with a singular satisfaction…. Meanwhile this
manner of living preserved the youth from the city’s corruption and
diminished considerably the costs of public education…. An accumu-
lation of such habitations presented from afar the appearance of a village where
one learned ethics like a trade.22

Jefferson described himself as one of the Encyclopidie’s first
subscribers and even toyed with the idea of becoming the Amer-

ican agent for the publication.23 Beginning in 1786, bills from
his French book dealers indicate that he had begun purchasing
a number of the Encyclopidie volumes, and it is conceivable that
he acquired the volume on architecture when it appeared in

1789, the final year of his posting as American minister to France.24
After returning to the United States, Jefferson continued to
subscribe to the Encyclopidie. On 24 June 1805, he wrote to
Reibelt, his Baltimore book dealer, that he was an original
subscriber to the publication and had received “as far as the 67th
livraison inclusive and compleat.”25 The sections on architecture
were numbered 6i through 63; some six months after his de-

scription of the university as a village this letter confirms that
the volume containing Paw’s account of the ancient academies
was in his possession.

The Encyclopidie description of the Greek philosophers and
their students residing in a village-like compound would surely
have exerted a strong pull on Jefferson’s imagination. Paw’s
account also stressed the close association of master and pupil
and a system of learning based on discourse and dialogue. Jef-
ferson too believed that a professor should relate to his students
as a father to his sons and envisioned a course of study based,
not on the usual program of memorization and recitation, but
on lectures and discussion.26

Paw’s allusion to the city’s corruption and the necessity of

shielding students from it also accorded with Jefferson’s views.

Writing to George Washington in 1795 about a scheme to

transplant the University of Geneva faculty to America, Jeffer-
son proposed a location adjacent to the new federal city but
removed from what he saw as its potential moral contamina-
tion.27 “I am not a friend of placing young men in populous
cities,” he later wrote in 1807, “because they acquire there habits
and partialities which do not contribute to the happiness of their
afterlife.”28

20. With reference to the letters on his sketch, Latrobe wrote:

AA, will be the least expensive pavilions because the lower story will
be covered by the Dormitories one story high (which I suppose will
also be study rooms) and having the same dimensions, and general
Mass but exhibiting different styles of Architections CC d*d* DD
dod*. Center building which ought to exhibit in Mass and details as
perfect a specimen of good Architectural Taste as can be devised. I
should propose below, a couple or 4 rooms for Janitors or Tutors,
above, a roomQ for Chemical or other lectures, above a circular
lecture room under the dome; the pavilions to be, as proposed, hab-
itations of Professors and lecture rooms. -But, if professors are mar-
ried will they not require more than 2 rooms each, and a kitchen. I
have exhibited such an arrangement. –
The above is the arrangement, I believe, sketched in your first letter,
and might be executed on ground, falling each way East and West
from the Center, and descending as much as may be N. & South,
because the E & West sides of the Quandrangle might be detached
from the upper range.

Latrobe Letter in Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress.
21. Lambeth,Jefferson, 41-42.
22. Encyclopidie Mithodique: Architecture, 3 vols., Paris, 1789, I, 715:

Lorsque les philosophes forts c6lbres, tels que Polemon, avoient tant
de disciples qu’on ne pouvoit les reunir dans l’enceinte d’un jardin,
ils construisoient pour leur usage, autour de la demeure du maitre,
des cases qu’on nommoit en grec calybia, c’est-a-dire des huttes tris
chetives, faites de bois et couvertes de chaumes oCi les 6tudiants de la

Grace se logoient avec une satisfaction singulire. . .. Cependant cette
maniere d’exister preservoit l’enfance de la corruption de la ville et
diminuoit considerablement les frais de l’education publique…. Un
amas des semblables habitations offroit de loin l’aspect d’un hameau
ou l’on enseignoit la morale comme un metier.

23. E. M. Sowerby, ed., The Catalogue of the Library of ThomasJefferson,
5 vols., Washington, D.C., 1952-1953, v, 149-i50, and Jefferson to
Francis Hopkinson, 26 January 1786, Jefferson Papers, Library of Con-

gress, as reproduced in The Papers ofJefferson, ed. J. Boyd, ix, Princeton,
N.J., i954, 224.

24. Sowerby, ed., Catalogue of the Library of Thomas Jefferson, v, 147.
25. Letter in the Jefferson Papers, Library of Congress, as quoted in

Sowerby, ed., Catalogue of the Library, v, 149-150.
26. Jefferson’s other innovations in the university curriculum were

a system of elective courses and the inclusion of modern languages and
the natural sciences in the academic program; see P. K. Bruce, History …