Discuss the similarities and differences between labor organizations discussed in Chapter 3, the Knights of Labor, the Industrial Workers of the World, the American Federation of Labor, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, and Change to Win.
Look at the reasons listed by employers for being nonunion in the open shop handout in Figure 3.3. How would an AFL leader have responded to these reasons? Is the open shop movement consistent with today’s human resource management approach?
Analyze why the AFL survived and the IWW faded into obscurity as labor organizations.
Instructions
see attatchments
• Papers should be approximately 3-5 pages in length. All answers should be thorough and well-thought out. Remember, this is a graduate-level course and you will be graded accordingly.
• Papers should show knowledge of the material and demonstrate the ability to synthesize the theory (not just repeat it back.).
• All papers must have a completed official NSU coversheet attached (see syllabus).
• Papers should be in 12 pt. (Arial, times Roman) and doubled space with one-inch margins.
• Answers should be written in APA format. Use headings and subheadings (in APA format) to delineate questions and part of questions. Do not repeat the questions or number them.
• Papers will also be graded on grammar, spelling, and appropriate APA formatting (headings, subheadings, paragraphs, page numbers, etc.). These are formal papers and should be written as such. Do not use contractions (isn’t, can’t) and write out single-digit numbers (six, rather than 6). Proofread your work carefully!
• Please review the rubric attached to this module before submitting the assignment, as this will be used as the grading guideline. ALL paper should be written using APA format. It is best to refer to your APA Manual. If you do not have a manual yet, you may want to refer to the following website:
Chapter 3
Historical Development
Copyright © 2013 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. All rights reserved.
McGraw-Hill/Irwin
3-2
Understand why workers have tried to form unions throughout U.S. history and the influences on their successes and failures
Identify the major events in U.S. labor history, including what happened and why each event is significant
Learning Objectives
3-3
Compare the major organizations in labor history and their contrasting strategies
Understand how studying the historical record deepens our comprehension of the current labor relations system and alternatives for reform
Learning Objectives
3-4
Current U.S. labor relations system is a product of history
The Great Uprising of 1877
The breakup of the AFL–CIO in 2005
Student of labor relations should be aware of major events in U.S. labor history
Reveal the leading issues and conflicts of an era
The history of labor relations contains rich tapestry of organizations and strategies
Introduction
3-5
Historical development of U.S. labor relations involves components of:
Social
Business
Economic
Legal history
Introduction
3-6
Most workers today are employees selling their labor for a wage or a salary
10 percent are self-employed
Half of employees today work for large organizations
At the end of the 1700s:
Majority of free people were self-employed
Businesses were small and local
Early “large” businesses were in the iron industry and employed around 25 employees
From Local to National Organizations
3-7
Over 100 years later:
U.S. Steel employed 170,000 employees
Ford’s Highland Park factory outside Detroit had 15,000 employees
The era of self-employment was over
Working for a paycheck became widespread
Fixed working hours, punctuality, and constant work effort replaced autonomous work habits
From Local to National Organizations
3-8
Business became “big business”
Characterized by hierarchical, centralized control and concentrated wealth and power
From Local to National Organizations
3-9
Figure 3.1 – A Timeline of Labor History up to 1875
3-10
As business organizations became larger and more national in scope, so too did labor unions
Budding national unions were craft unions
National unions began to develop in the 1850s
Necessitated by the ability of manufactured goods to be shipped via railroads
Facilitated by the ability of union leaders to travel via railroads
From Local to National Organizations
3-11
U.S. labor organizations was the creation of a national labor federation
The first such federation was the National Labor Union, founded in 1866
The National Labor Union lasted only six years
Established a precedent for the labor movement by uniting diverse unions into a single federation
National Labor Union emphasized:
Political activity to bring about legal reform
Favored currency and banking reform, women’s suffrage and a national labor political party
From Local to National Organizations
3-12
1870s ushered in an era of intense violent labor conflict that would continue into the 20th century
A massive depression caused severe unemployment, wage cuts, and union membership plummeted
These events became known as the Great Uprising of 1877
Significance of the uprising
Uprising demonstrates the shared concerns of workers
The Great Uprising of 1877
3-13
Frequently used to define the beginning of the modern era in U.S. labor relations
The Great Uprising of 1877 laid the foundation for future labor
Can be seen as a “social earthquake”
The Great Uprising of 1877
3-14
Noble and holy order of the knights of labor
One union that survived the depression of 1873–1878
The Knights of Labor started as a union in the garment industry
Emphasized secrecy to prevent employers from breaking it
Initially had various rituals, passwords, and secret signs
Top leader was called the Grand Master Workman
Uplift Unionism
3-15
The knights of labor: Objectives and strategies
The Knights of Labor is considered the major U.S. example of uplift unionism
Philosophy in which a union “aspires chiefly to elevate the moral, intellectual and social life of the worker”
Shorter working hours were needed so that workers would have greater time for education and moral betterment
Uplift Unionism
3-16
Knights of Labor consisted of numerous local assemblies
Aimed to unite all “producers”
Central conflict was not with employers; it was with those who controlled money and who were perceived as not working
Knights of Labor was broadly inclusive
Emphasized the solidarity of all producer including African-Americans and women
Emphasized cooperation and education
Uplift Unionism
3-17
Ultimate goal was replacing capitalism with a system of producer cooperatives
The top leadership of the Knights of Labor opposed the use of strikes and boycotts
The knights of labor: Conflicts and demise
The Haymarket Tragedy contributed to its overall demise
Uplift Unionism
3-18
A significant movement during the mid-1880s was the drive for an eight-hour workday
Suffered from conflicts with workers, trade assemblies, and independent trade unions that wanted more vigorous campaigns for improvements in bread-and-butter issues
Uplift Unionism
3-19
25 national unions created a new labor federation in December 1886
The American Federation of Labor (AFL)
The first president of the AFL was Samuel Gompers
The AFL and its unions: Objectives and strategies
AFL was a union federation, not a labor union
The AFL sometimes coordinated bargaining and strikes when multiple unions were involved
It provided financial assistance to striking unions
Pure and Simple Craft Unionism
3-20
Figure 3.2 – A Time Line of Labor History between 1875 and 1925
3-21
The AFL and its affiliated unions are the classic example of business unionism philosophy
AFL and its unions emphasizes immediate improvements in basic employment condition
Wages
Hours
Working conditions
Business unionism accepts capitalism and the need for employers to make a profit
Pure and Simple Craft Unionism
3-22
Seeks to win labor’s fair share of the profits through collective bargaining backed up by the threat of striking
AFL unions wholeheartedly endorsed a system of craft unionism
Unions were divided along craft line by occupation or trade
Pure and Simple Craft Unionism
3-23
AFL unions was further guided by the principle of exclusive jurisdiction
There would be only one union per craft
Important function of the AFL was to resolve jurisdictional disputes but as with other issues
Important activity of the AFL unions
Establishing and maintaining job standards through work rules
Control over decision making was seen as necessary to promote human dignity
Pure and Simple Craft Unionism
3-24
The AFL and its unions: Conflicts with employers
One of the most violent examples of this struggle for workplace control was Homestead strike
The second great labor history event of the 1890s was the Pullman strike
Pure and Simple Craft Unionism
3-25
In the Homestead strike skilled and unskilled workers stood together
Tension between the dominant craft union approach and a perceived need by other workers and union leaders
Organizing workers of all occupations within an industry into a single union
1905 to 1925, the visible radical and militant approach
The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW)
Nickname the “Wobblies”
Workers of the World Unite!
3-26
The IWW: Objectives and strategies
Major U.S. example of revolutionary unionism
Emphasizes the complete harmony of interests of all wage workers as against the representatives
Seeks to unite the former, skilled and unskilled
Revolutionary unionism tries to create
Working-class solidarity rather than solidarity by occupation or industry
Ultimately seeks to overthrow capitalism
Goal was to form “One Big Union”
Workers of the World Unite!
3-27
IWW did not overlook short-term improvements in working conditions
Short-term improvements were viewed as important victories for bettering workers
For advancing the larger struggle against the capitalists
IWW developed songs, poems, stories, skits, and visual images
Workers of the World Unite!
3-28
The IWW: Conflicts and demise
IWW’s biggest victory was the Lawrence, Massachusetts, textile workers’ strike in 1912
After a wage reduction, the workers spontaneously walked out
Within three days 20,000 employees were on strike
IWW’s emphasis on social justice provided sparks for the industrial unions that would mushroom in the 1930s
Workers of the World Unite!
3-29
Craft unions wanted to control the standards of their crafts by
Restricting entry to skilled workers to maintain high wage levels
Having workers rather than employers determine all aspects of work to maintain worker dignity
Staying Union-Free in the Early 1900s
3-30
1903, employers launched a large-scale effort to achieve open shop
Open shop is a thoroughly nonunion operation of employees selected by the employer
The open shop movement was a drive by employers and their employers’ associations in the early 1900s to create and maintain union-free workplaces
Staying Union-Free in the Early 1900s
3-31
Open shop movement portrayed an ideology of individual freedom
Unions were depicted as violating individual liberties by denying workers the ability to choose where to work
Renamed the American Plan in the 1920s
Open shop with the “liberty and independence” of the employer that protects the employer’s “natural and constitutional rights”
Consisted of well-orchestrated collective activity by business
Staying Union-Free in the Early 1900s
3-32
Late 1800s, some companies implemented a strategy of welfare work
Which tried to create harmony between workers and their employers by creating a family like company spirit
Enhancing the welfare of workers
Welfare work evolved into the creation of the personnel management function
The 1920s were characterized by welfare capitalism
Staying Union-Free in the Early 1900s
3-33
Welfare capitalism: Sought to win worker loyalty
Increase efficiency by improving supervisory practices implementing orderly hiring and firing procedures
Providing wage incentives
Offering protective insurance benefits
Creating a positive culture
Improving the physical work environment and safety
Providing employee voice
Staying Union-Free in the Early 1900s
3-34
The most controversial aspect of welfare capitalism was
The attempt to provide industrial democracy through employee representation plans or company unions
Employee representation plans are often called company unions
Are company unions sham unions?
Did not have the authority to force management to discuss specific issues
Staying Union-Free in the Early 1900s
3-35
They did provide an open channel of communication with:
Management and a forum to present grievances
To prevent unionization
Companies made concessions to the employee representatives at least sometimes
Staying Union-Free in the Early 1900s
3-36
On October 24, 1929, the stock market unexpectedly crashed
Consumer purchasing slowed
Unemployment increased
Weak farm prices put farmers out of business
Panics wiped out savings accounts
Banks closed
A New Deal for Workers
3-37
The New Deal program of the Roosevelt
Create an active government role in guaranteeing the welfare
Security of the population, including federally mandated minimum wages and overtime premium
A New Deal for Workers
3-38
Figure 3.5 – A Time Line of Labor History between 1925 and 1960
3-39
Striking for new labor legislation
New Deal legislation starting with the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) in 1933
Encouraged and emboldened workers to form unions
NIRA was weak
Tremendous strikes in 1934 as workers clashed with employers who refused to recognize their independent unions
A New Deal for Workers
3-40
The rise of industrial unionism
In 1935 Congress passed the Wagner Act, which encouraged unionization, enacted legal protections for workers
Outlawed company unions
Industrial unionism seeks to organize all the workers in a workplace or industry
Industrial unions emerged as a significant force in the mid-1930s
A New Deal for Workers
3-41
Sitting down for union recognition
19th century, companies extensively used labor spies to infiltrate unions and thereby weaken or break them
Watershed General Motors sit-down strike began in December 1936
Workers in Flint, Michigan, took over two Chevrolet plants by sitting down
Refusing to work or leave the plant
A New Deal for Workers
3-42
A new federation to rival the AFL
After the CIO organizing drives resulted in viable unions, it formally became the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1938
There were now roughly 35 industrial unions affiliated with the CIO, and their growth was spectacular
A New Deal for Workers
3-43
By the end of the decade the CIO unions were becoming centralized
Partly out of necessity when dealing with massive corporations
Grassroots initiatives increasingly took a backseat to leadership control
A New Deal for Workers
3-44
A National War Labor Board (NWLB)
Created by President Roosevelt with a tripartite structure
The NWLB’s function
Resolve labor disputes to keep war production moving
The NWLB also created fringe benefits
Holiday pay, shift differentials
Health insurance benefits to work around wage controls
Wartime production demands drew women into factory work in unprecedented numbers
Wartime and Postwar Labor Relations
3-45
Cementing the postwar model of labor relations
The end of World War II brought on the Great Strike Wave of 1945–46
There were large strikes in autos, steel, coal, rail, oil refining, longshoring, meatpacking, and electrical products
Public attention to the labor movement in the 1950s
Focused on allegations of union corruption
Wartime and Postwar Labor Relations
3-46
Fears of union corruption and the presence of mafia-infiltrated local unions led to the passage of a major federal law
In contrast to this rise in public sector unionism, postwar U.S. union density in the private sector peaked at around 35 percent in the mid-1950s
A turbulent end to the 20th century
For private sector unions, the remaining decades of the 20th century would be years of turbulence and decline
One source of labor movement turbulence was the postwar civil rights movement
Wartime and Postwar Labor Relations
3-47
Figure 3.6 – A Time Line of Labor History between 1960 and 2000
3-48
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 outlawed discriminatory practices by both employers and unions
Memphis sanitation strike demanded improved wages and working conditions, civil rights and respect
Another source of postwar turbulence for the U.S. labor movement was the economy
In 1981 President Reagan fired the air traffic controllers during the illegal PATCO strike
Wartime and Postwar Labor Relations
3-49
Challenging times of the late 20th century have continued for labor unions
Globalization continues to undermine labor’s bargaining power
Private sector union density has dropped to less than 10 percent
Companies and unions react differently to such tremendous pressures
Labor relations practices have become more divergent
Labor Relations in the 21st Century
3-50
Figure 3.7 – A Time Line of Labor History in the 21st Century
3-51
The economic and political environment continues to pressure the labor movement to change
Union mergers have washed away many historical distinctions between craft and industrial unions
General unionism has largely replaced craft unionism and industrial unionism
Labor Relations in the 21st Century
3-52
Despite these challenges for the labor movement millions of productive unionized workers go to work each day protected by unionized contracts negotiated without strikes
There are pockets of vibrancy
Labor Relations in the 21st Century
3-53
The largest unions and watershed strikes in various eras involve traditional blue-collar occupations
Doctors, university teaching assistants, and nude models have tried to form unions
The details may differ, but the fundamental reasons are universal
To seek greater equity and increased voice in the workplace through collective action with coworkers
Labor Relations in the 21st Century
NY Times
August 2, 2011
The Strike That Busted Unions
By JOSEPH A. McCARTIN
Washington
THIRTY years ago today, when he threatened to fire nearly 13,000 air traffic controllers unless they called off an illegal strike, Ronald Reagan not only transformed his presidency, but also shaped the world of the modern workplace.
More than any other labor dispute of the past three decades, Reagan’s confrontation with the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization, or PATCO, undermined the bargaining power of American workers and their labor unions. It also polarized our politics in ways that prevent us from addressing the root of our economic troubles: the continuing stagnation of incomes despite rising corporate profits and worker productivity.
By firing those who refused to heed his warning, and breaking their union, Reagan took a considerable risk. Even his closest advisers worried that a major air disaster might result from the wholesale replacement of striking controllers. Air travel was significantly curtailed, and it took several years and billions of dollars (much more than PATCO had demanded) to return the system to its pre-strike levels.
But the risk paid off for Reagan in the short run. He showed federal workers and Soviet leaders alike how tough he could be. Although there were 39 illegal work stoppages against the federal government between 1962 and 1981, no significant federal job actions followed Reagan’s firing of the PATCO strikers. His forceful handling of the walkout, meanwhile, impressed the Soviets, strengthening his hand in the talks he later pursued with Mikhail S. Gorbachev.
Yet three decades later, with the economy shrinking or stagnant for nearly four years now and Reagan’s party moving even further to the right than where he stood, the long-term costs of his destruction of the union loom ever larger. It is clear now that the fallout from the strike has hurt workers and distorted our politics in ways Reagan himself did not advocate.
Although a conservative, Reagan often argued that private sector workers’ rights to organize were fundamental in a democracy. He not only made this point when supporting Lech Walesa’s anti-Communist Solidarity movement in Poland; he also boasted of being the first president of the Screen Actors Guild to lead that union in a strike. Over time, however, his crushing of the controllers’ walkout — which he believed was justified because federal workers were not allowed under the law to strike — has helped undermine the private-sector rights he once defended.
Workers in the private sector had used the strike as a tool of leverage in labor-management conflicts between World War II and 1981, repeatedly withholding their work to win fairer treatment from recalcitrant employers. But after PATCO, that weapon was largely lost. Reagan’s unprecedented dismissal of skilled strikers encouraged private employers to do likewise. Phelps Dodge and International Paper were among the companies that imitated Reagan by replacing strikers rather than negotiating with them. Many other employers followed suit.
By 2010, the number of workers participating in walkouts was less than 2 percent of what it had been when Reagan led the actors’ strike in 1952. Lacking the leverage that strikes once provided, unions have been unable to pressure employers to increase wages as productivity rises. Inequality has ballooned to a level not seen since Reagan’s boyhood in the 1920s.
Although he opposed government strikes, Reagan supported government workers’ efforts to unionize and bargain collectively. As governor, he extended such rights in California. As president he was prepared to do the same. Not only did he court and win PATCO’s endorsement during his 1980 campaign, he directed his negotiators to go beyond his legal authority to offer controllers a pay raise before their strike — the first time a president had ever offered so much to a federal employees’ union.
But the impact of the PATCO strike on Reagan’s fellow Republicans has long since overshadowed his own professed beliefs regarding public sector unions. Over time the rightward-shifting Republican Party has come to view Reagan’s mass firings not as a focused effort to stop one union from breaking the law — as Reagan portrayed it — but rather as a blow against public sector unionism itself.
In the spring, Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin invoked Reagan’s handling of PATCO as he prepared to “change history” by stripping public employees of collective bargaining rights in a party-line vote. “I’m not negotiating,” Mr. Walker said. By then the world had seemingly forgotten that unlike Mr. Walker, Reagan had not challenged public employees’ right to bargain — only their right to strike.
With Mr. Walker’s militant anti-union views now ascendant within the party of a onetime union leader, with workers less able to defend their interests in the workplace than at any time since the Depression, the long-term consequences continue to unfold in ways Reagan himself could not have predicted — producing outcomes for which he never advocated.
Joseph A. McCartin, an associate professor of history at Georgetown University, is the author of the forthcoming “Collision Course: Ronald Reagan, the Air Traffic Controllers, and the Strike That Changed America.”
